AS- OOM033
-.p'
AHMAD
SHAH
DURRANI
for •
SOME OTHER WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR
ENGLISH
Life of Banda Singh Bahadur
History of Gurdwara Shahidganj, Lahore
Maharaja Ranjlt Singh
A Short History of the Sikhs (1469-1764)
The Panjab in 1839-40 (Edited)
A Bibliography of Patiala and EPS Union
The Patiala and EPS Union: Historical Background
The British Occupation of the Panjab
A Brief Account of the Sikh People
A Bibliography of Sikh History
PERSIAN AND URDU
Jang Ndmah of QazI Nur Muhammad (Translated and edited)
Makhiz-i-Tawarikh-i-Sikhan
Mukhtisar Nanak Shahl Jantrl
PANJABI
Maharaja Kaura Mall Bahadur
Sardar Sham Singh Atarlwala
Kukian di Vithya
Sikh Itihas Bare
Sikh. Itihas Wal
Panjab dlan Varan
Darshan’s Amritsar ki Var (Edited)
Sikh Itlhasik Yadgaran
Amar Narria by a Bard (Edited)
Afghanistan Vich Ikk Maliina
Panjab Utte Angrezan da Qabza
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Born 1722
Died October 16-17, 1772
vram i°
Ai- HoBSQr
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
FATHER OF MODERN AFGHANISTAN
fey
GANDA SINGH
M.A. (alig.), Ph.D. (panj.)
Formerly Director of Archives, PEPSU
PATIALA
ASIA PUBLISHING HOUSE
BOMBAY • CALCUTTA • NEW DELHI • MADRAS
mtsTfy
<SL
© Ganda Singh
1959
—SVM. .
(y~CL'%\ *“* A
0,^
«\ V) -fecfcS^V II
Printed by G f Srinivasachari, b.a., at G. S. Press, Madras and
Published by P, S. Jayasinghe, Asia Publishing House, Bombay-1
MIN/Sr/jy
i
FOREWORD
by His Excellency Sardar Faiz Muhammad Khan Faizi, Kabul
( Facsimile )
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•* •
£ 2, • -
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HE IS
I have gone through the history of Ahmad Shah Baba written
in English by the honoured scholar Sardar Ganda Singh. In my opinion
the narration of events is faithful and faultless, and is free from super¬
fluities and objectionable matter. Whatever is written in the original
material and sources of this book has been faithfully recorded here.
The author has taken great pains to express his tine taste and genius
in a charming and beautiful style and, in writing such a history of
the Afghans as this, he has placed us, the people of Afghanistan, under
a debt of gratitude.
Yaka-tut, Kabul,
Mizan 1, 1331 H. (Sh.)
[September 29, 1952]
Faizi Kabuli
PREFACE
It would perhaps look strange for a Sikh to write so
enthusiastically of an Afghan hero. An average student of
history knows the Sikhs and the Afghans only as antagonists,
meeting in the battle-field with swords drawn in relentless
hostility. But to those who have known them more inti¬
mately, they would appear to possess many a similar fea¬
ture of character. They are alike in physical build, mental
attitude and natural tendencies. Both are unsophisticated,
rough and vigorous, beating the ploughshare into a sword
when the occasion demands it. As the narrative of Ahmad
Shah Durrani’s life, apart from his efforts at unifying and
consolidating the Afghan territories, deals mostly with the
Afghan-Sikh struggle for supremacy in the Panjab, a Sikh
alone can best understand and appreciate the traits and
aspirations of the Afghan empire-builder in the eighteenth
century when his own forefathers too had embarked on a
similar career.
It was some twenty-five years ago that, in the course of
my researches in the eighteenth-century history of Northern
India, Ahmad Shah Durrani first struck me as a great his¬
torical figure of Central Asia. I had been born and brought
tip in prejudices against him and had heard of him only as
a robber chief who swooped down upon India for plunder
and carried away to Afghanistan tons of Indian gold and
thousands of Hindu slaves. But the more I read of him, the
more impressed I became with traits of his greatness
irresistibly presenting themselves to my mind. To me he ap¬
peared to be as great as, if not greater than, Nadir Shah of
Iran, of whom I had studied a great deal during my stay in
that country and during my association with the late Sir
Arnold T. Wilson when he was compiling his Bibliography of
Persia in the nineteen-twenties. In vain did I look for a com¬
prehensive biography of Ahmad Shah. I was surprised that he
had not received sufficient attention from scholars and writers
find that he had not been given his merited place as a great
PREFACE
!§L
queror and administrator and, above all, as the resusci
tator and deliverer, if not the founder, of a great Asian
nation.
I am glad I have been able to render some service to
the history of the Afghans by writing this long-overdue bio¬
graphy and making a beginning, however humble, in research
in the history of modern Afghanistan. This Life of Ahmad
Shah is a plain unvarnished account of the strenuous career
of a supreme representative of the simple and brave people
of unsophisticated Afghanistan as it was in the eighteenth
century. I have striven herein to rescue the fair name of
the great man from the weight of the obloquy under which
it had lain so long, entombed by the lava-floods of religious
and racial prejudices of both the Indians and the Iranis.
While trying to produce a portrait of Ahmad Shah such
as shall do justice to his great qualities, I have done nothing
to hide or explain away the weaknesses which he had in
common with his fellowmen. Of course, it would be unfair
to judge him by the standards of to-day. I shall feel richly
repaid for my labours in the preparation of this work if,
through it, Ahmad Shah’s figure regains some of its real cha¬
racter.
The task of writing a biography of Ahmad Shah pre¬
sents special difficulties. In the first place, there is a great
dearth of authentic records of his activities. Secondly, his
military operations and conquests were spread over several
countries, and the accounts of his exploits abroad, written
in different languages, lie scattered far and wide. Most of
the material on Ahmad Shah’s life is in the Persian language
in old manuscripts, in search of which I had to undertake
extensive tours throughout the country for about three
months every year from 1933 to 1946. I have ransacked
almost all important libraries in India, including those at
Lahore, Amritsar, Kapurthala, Patiala, Deoband, Delhi, Ram-
pur (U.P.), Aligarh, Lucknow, Banaras, Bankipore (Patna),
Calcutta, Hyderabad (Deccan), Poona, Bombay and Dhulia.
There is hardly any Persian manuscript on the subject that
I have not consulted. Of those not available in India, I
pbtained rotograph copies from the British Museum and
PEE FACE
d from Sir _ _ _ ___
visited the libraries of Kabul and Qandahar in Afghanistan
in search of original documents and manuscripts; of which,
however, there are not many in the Afghan archives.
For the Marathi material, I examined the Parasnis col¬
lection at Satara, since transferred to the Deccan College
and Post-Graduate Institute, Poona, the library of Rao
Bahadur Dr. G. S. Sardesai at Kamshet and the collections
of the Rajwade Itihas Samshodhak Mandal and the Satkarut-
tejak Mandal, Dhulia, West Khandegh. I have also consulted
the relevant volumes of Sardesai’s Selections from the
Peshwa Daftar, published by the Bombay Government, and
a few other similar series including Parasnis’ DilB yethll
Marathia.nchi Rdjkaranen.
It is a great pity that no contemporary records of the
Sikhs in the form of despatches, diaries, letters or news-
sheets like those of the Marathas are available. The reason
is not far to seek. Sword had been the sole standby of the
Sikh Sardars of the eighteenth century and their followers
who had not had the time and opportunity to learn the use
of pen. Since the reign of Bahadur Shah (1707-12), they had
been under an official ban. They were not only outlawed but,
according to an Imperial order of Emperor Bahadur Shah,
dated Shawwal 29, 1122 AM. (Bahadur Shahl 4), December
10, .1710, they were also to be killed at sight wherever found—
Nancuc-prastan ra. har ja kih ba-yuband baqatl rasdnand
[Akhbdr-i-Darbar-i-Mualla']. The order was repeated by Em¬
peror Farxukh Siyar in 1716 after the execution of Banda
Singh, saying: “Wherever the followers of this sect
are found, they should be unhesitatingly killed.” This
persecution of the Sikhs continued with more or le ss
rigour for over forty years and ended only in Novem¬
ber, 175o, with the death of Mir Mannu during whose
time movable columns were despatched from the pro¬
vincial headquarters at Lahore to hunt them down
like wild beasts, and prices were fixed for their heads. During
this period they had to leave their homes and seek shelter
m hills, jungles and deserts and they had to struggle hard
for their very existence. Their Gurdwaras and stocks of
3
y PREFACE
books were all burnt down. .It was only in the Malwa districts,
south of the Sutlej, that they had some repose. But there too
they had no facilities for education. The Sikhs had also^no
Brahmans and Kayasths to work for them as writers. The
Muslims in those days were opposed to them as a class. No
Muslim scholar or poet, therefore, recorded their history.
The result was that the Sikhs of the eighteenth century
only made history: they had no time to write it. Had there
been no Ratan Singh Bhangu to write the Prachln Panth
Prahcish, based on the information received from his father
Rai Singh and maternal grandfather Sardar Shyam Singh
of Narli and other Sikh Sardars, who were contempo¬
raries of Ahmad Shah, the eighteenth-century history of the
Sikhs would have remained mostly a matter of surmise
and many a detail of the Shah’s expeditions against them
would have been lost to history for ever. Another very
important Panjabi work is the Bansavali Namah Dasan Pat-
shahian ha, by Kesar Singh Chhibbar, completed in Janu-
ary-March, 1780. It is .an eye-witness account of the sack
of Amritsar by Ahmad Shah’s men. It is in manuscript and
is awaiting publication by the Sikh History Society.
A number of important original Persian books, Marathi
diaries and despatches and English summaries of Persian
letters received by the officers of th® East India Company
and replies thereto,' published in a- series of' volumes, have
been noticed in appendix X under “Some Bibliographical
Notes” and mentioned in the Bibliography in appendix XI.
The civil and military- administration of Ahmad Shah,
his mints and coins., his genealogical table and A brief ac¬
count of. his descendants are given at the end in appendices
I, II, III, V-and VI. The attitude of the East India Company
towards Ahmad Shah is given in appendix IV, while appen¬
dix VII is devoted to a brief five-page note on the Sikhs
who were the Shah’s stoutest opponents in northern India.
A complete chronology of the days of Ahmad Shah and
other dates occurring in the text have been given in appen¬
dix VIII. In converting the Hijri, the Bikrami and the
Shaka dates, I have used An Indian Ephemeris by Dewan
Bahadur L. D. Swamikannu Filial, comparing them at the
• imisr/f
PREFACE
:e time with Tarkalankar and Saraswati’s Chronological
Tables , Nawal Kishore’s Taqwim-i-Y ak-Sad~o-Do~Sala,
Modak’s Chronological Tables and G. H. Khare’s Shwaka-
tin Sampuran Shakavali.
In writing the non-English words used in the text, I
have followed the Afghan and Indian pronunciation and
the Hunterian system of spelling. An effort has been made
to maintain uniformity of spelling, but the Anglicized words
and proper names have been allowed to retain their popular
forms, such as Lahore, Delhi, Jhelum, Lucknow, etc. Abso¬
lute consistency is not a matter, of importance in this case
and would have, perhaps, led to a certain amount of con¬
fusion.
The portrait of Ahmad Shah has been drawn from a
unique old picture which, according to His Excellency Dr.
Sardar Najibullah Khan, formerly the Royal Afghan Ambas¬
sador in India, is considered to be the most authentic.
The maps of Afghanistan and the neighbouring coun¬
tries have been specially prepared to illustrate the extent
of the Afghan empire of Ahmad Shah Durrani in 1762, when
it had reached its fullest extent, and on his death in 1772.
It is my pleasant duty to record here my acknowledge¬
ments. It was Professor Muhammad Habib, B.A. (Oxon),
Bar-at-Law, the renowned scholar of Aligarh, and his devot¬
ed colleague Shaikh Abdur Rashid, M.A., LL.B., who first
encouraged me to take up this subject and I am thankful
to them for many an act of kindness during my stay at
the Aligarh Muslim University in 1942-44. I am highly
indebted to the late Dr. Sir Jadunath Sarkar who had not
only been a source of inspiration and encouragement but had
also helped me by lending a number of his valuable manus¬
cripts and rotographs. Khan Sahib Professor Sayyad Hasan
Askari, M.A., of the Patna College, Patna, has always extend¬
ed to me a helping hand in securing copies of Persian manu¬
scripts from the Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library,
Bankipore, and other places.
Like a true scholar with wide sympathies, Principal Sita
Ram Kohli, M. A., P.E.S. (Retired), not only read my original
draft and made some very valuable suggestions, but also
MiWsr/f^X
•PREFACE*
times personally discussed with me in• detail'the' debata¬
ble and controversial points and carefully went through the *
revised typescript. This helped me a great deal in handling
the subject more dispassionately than it. would have other¬
wise been possible, and I am, extremely grateful to him.
I am also thankful to the authorities of the Khuda
Bakhsh Oriental .Public Library, Banjkipore (Patna), the
Asafiya and the Osmania University libraries, Hyderabad
(Deccan), the Khalsa College, Amritsar, the Bharat ttihas
Samshodhak Mandal, Pooha, and to Maulana Imtiaiz Ali Arshl
of the Kitab Khatiad-Shahi, Rampur \U.P.) ;,' v and -the, late
Maulana Tufail Muhammad of the Muslim University, Ali¬
garh, for the courtesy and help extended to me during my
visits to these institutions. •
I can never forget the affection with which Hao Bahadur
Dr. G. S. Sardesai helped and treated me whenever I had
the honour of sitting at his feet at his ancient-Rishi-like re¬
treat at Kamshet in the Poona district. I have always re¬
ceived warm welcome from Mahamahopadhyctya Professor
Datto V. Potdar of Poona who often secured for me some
very rare and out-of-print Marathi publications.
I am particularly grateful to my friend Prof, Harbans
Singh, M.A., Tutor to the Tikka Sahib of Faridkot, for his
labour of love in going through the typescript, reading the
proofs and suggesting many useful improvements. Prof.
Gurcliaran Singh, M.A., of the History Department of the
Mahendra College, Patiala, also helped me in proof-reading
and X am indebted to him for it. Sardar Dhiraj Singh, B.A.,
my Stenographer in the Archives Department, Patiala, de¬
serves my sincere thanks for preparing the final typescript
and my son, Pritam Singh, for drawing the maps and Shri
Trilok Singh for copying some of the portraits.
I am equally beholden to the Ministry of Education,
Government of India, and to the Shromani Gurdwara Praban-
dhak. Committee, Amritsar, for the financial assistance to
cover a part of the cost of printing. Without their generosity
the book could not have been sent to the press. / / > -
T must also express my sincere gratitude^ Jp Excel¬
lency Sardar Faiz Muhammad Khan Faizi, foyfheVjy.Mini^tei:
HMSTfty
PREFACE
•r Foreign Affairs, Afghanistan, Kabul. He very kindly
read the typescript in September, 1952, when I was in Afgha¬
nistan, and discussed with me a number of historical points
1 greatly appreciate his valuable opinion which I have placed
m the beginning of the book as a foreword to it.
1 shall'be failing in my duty if I omit the name of my
old friend Munshi Faiz-ul-Haq Amritsari, who for some fifteen
years followed me from place to place in search of manu¬
scripts and copied them out under my instructions. I valued
his ungrudging co-operation and greatly admired his nobility
of character. I lost touch with him in August, 1947, when he
went over to live in Pakistan, and all my efforts to trace his
whereabouts remained unsuccessful. I have now learnt with
May Goddess ^ 3W3y S ° me time aga
In the end, I consider it my unique privilege to record
gratltude t0 Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, the
great Indian savant and statesman, who showed a kindly
interest in this work and looked over parts of the typescript
His sad demise recently has left a void in the cultural life
of the eastern world. 1 had hoped to have the good fortune
, PerS ° na ly P rese nting a copy of the book to him which
alas was not to be. I shall preserve as a precious souvenfi
.. P . ages ° f the typescript on which the Maulana Sahib made
certain notes in his own hand.
Lower Mall, Patiala,
September 9, 1958.
Ganda Singh
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER
Foreword
It Introductory: The Rise of the Abdalis .. \
11 % Early Life of Ahmad Shah , , 25
III. ©lection and Coronation . „ 24
IY, Occupation of Kabul and Peshawar 3 $
V. First Invasion of India: The Conquest of Lahore .. 40
VI. The Battle of Manupur m . 54
VII/ The Second Invasion of India .. 72
VIII. The Annexation of Herat * ..81
IX The Campaigns and Conquest of Khurasan . . 87
' X The Third Invasion of India: The Conquest
of the Panjab and Kashmir ., 10 I
XI. Some Minor Affairs 128
XII. Upheavals in the Panjab :
Death of Mir Mannu and After i 3 g
XIII. The Fourth Invasion of India:
The Panjab and Delhi Affairs 14 S
XIV. Expedition against the Jats _ 170
XV. Taimur Shah in the Panjab . , 190
XVI. Rebellion of Naseer Khan of Kalat t 207
XVII. Minor Expeditions to the Panjab 4# 216
XVIII. The Fiftli Invasion of India:
Struggle with the Marathas , % 225
XIX. The Battle of Panipat (January 14, 1761) . 4 249
XX. The Affairs at Home (1760-1761) .. 268
XXI. The Sixth Invasion of India:
- The Ghalu-ghara and After (1762) # # 273
miSTQy
CONTENTS
The. Seventh Invasion of India: Struggle for
Domination in the Panjab
XXIXX. The Eighth Invasion of India: The Loss of the Panjab
XXIV. The Last Campaigns to Balkh and Bukhara, the Fanjab
and Khurasan (1768-1770)
XXV. The Last Days and Death of Ahmad Shah
XXVI, Ahmad Shah: The Man and His Achievements
APPENDIX
I. Civil Administration
II. Military Administration
HI. Mints and Coins
IV. Ahmad Shah and the English East India
Company in India
V. Genealogical Table of Ahmad Shah Durrani
VX Descendants and Successors of Ahmad Shah 2
Taimur to Mahmood
VII. The Sikhs
VIII. Chronology
IX. Comparative Table of Afghani, Irani, Indian,
English and Hijri Months and Days
X. Some Bibliographical Notes
XI. Bibliography
Index
289
308
319
324
328
347
357
365
374
385
387
389
395
412
415
425
441
MIN tSTQy
Sl
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
1« Ahmad. Shall Durrani
2 . Mausoleum of Sher-i-Surkh
3. Sardar Jahan Khan
it
4. Prince Taimur Shall DuiTani
■ tt
5. Sardar Charhat Singh Sukkarchakkia
»
6 . Nawab Najib-ud-Daula Ruhila
it
7. Sardar Jassa Singh Ahtuwalia
it
8. Mausoleum of Ahmad Shah Durrani at Qandahar
9. Map of Afghanistan and neighbouring countries showing
Alima d Shah Durrani’s empire in 1762
10 . Map showing Ahmad Shah Durrani’s empire on his death
in 1772
V
Frontispiece
facing page 27
„ 102
190
>, 221
„ 265
„ 274
327
288
346
Chapter I
INTRODUCTORY
THE RISE OF THE ABDALtS
THE SADDOZE1S
The Abdali tribe of the Afghans to which Ahmad Shah
Durrani, the subject of this work, belonged traces its origin
to Abdal, 1 the fifth in descent from Qis of Israelite extrac¬
tion. Qis embraced Islam during the time of Prophet Muharm
mad and, according to Muslim practice, was given the name
of Abdur Rashid. Abdal, son of Tarin, was the grandson of
Sharaf-ud-Din, whose father, Sara-ban, was the eldest son of
Abdur Rashid. It does not come within the design and scope
of this work to enter into genealogical details of the tribe or
to dwell at length upon the history of its numerous off-shqpts.
Suffice it to say, for our purpose here, that the Durranis—the
name acquired by Ahmad Shah on his coming to power and
subsequently retained by his followers and descendants—are
descended from the first wife of Abdal, whose grandson
Suleman, alias Zirak, son of Isa, was the immediate ancestor
of the Popalzeis, the Barakzeis, the Alikozeis and the
Musazeis. To the Popalzeis belonged IJmar, whose second
son Saddo 2 the sixteenth from Abdur Rashid—lent his name
to the branch of his descendants, called the Saddozeis. Saddo
1. According to some writers, Abdal was not his real name. It
was the title conferred upon him by the well-known Muslim saint,
Khawaja Abu Ahmad Abdal of the Chishti order in appreciation of
his service and devotion.
2. His real name was Assad ulla, Saddo being the nickname by
which he was popularly known. He is believed to have been born in
the month of Zil-hijja 965 A.H. (September-October 1558 A.D.), during
the reign of Shah Tahmasp Safavi of Iran. At the age of ninety, his
father, Umar—eight years before his death—appointed Saddo his suc¬
cessor and performed the ‘belt and sword-girding’ ceremony with his
own hands. Saddo was only twenty-five years old then. But this
talented young man was so promising and popular that his elevation to
the chiefship of the tribe was welcomed and acclaimed by all, including
his sixty years old brother Malik Saleh,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
five sons, of whom the second, Khwaja Khizar Khan,
became the head of the Khizar-Khel clan. Khwaja Khizar
was a godly man and is still worshipped by the Afghans as
a favourite saint to whom offers of Nazcir-o-niaz, presents and
prayers, are made on all solemn occasions. The devotion and
awe, inspired by this holy personage, lent a sense of sanctity
to the whole clan of Saddozeis, and its members enjoyed
peculiar privileges. ‘Their persons were sacred; no punish¬
ment could be inflicted on them, except by one of their own
family; nor could even the head of the Abdalees himself
pass sentence of death upon a Saddozye.’ 3
Towards the end of his life, Saddo wished to appoint
Khwaja Khizar Khan the head of the tribe, but his choice
was rejected by the chiefs of the various clans in favour of
Maghdud Khan, Khizar s elder brother, on the ground of his
primogenitary right. On the death of Saddo, however, the
tribesmen unanimously elected Khizar Khan to the high office
considering him better fitted for its duties and responsibili¬
ties,
SHER KHAN 'SADD0ZEI
Khizar was succeeded by his older son, Khuda-dad, who
was believed to have received the title of Sultan from
Emperor Aurangzeb of India and was known among the
Afghans as Sultan Khudakei. 4 Not long afterwards, how¬
ever, he resigned his office in favour of his younger brother,
Sher Khan, by way of repentance for the murder of an inno¬
cent man and three infants. For himself, he agreed to serve
as a deputy to his own nominee. Sher Khan occasionally
<SL
3. Tarikh-i-Makhzan-i-Afghani; Tarikh-i-Ahmad, 4-5; Tarikh -
i-Husain Shahi, 4-6; Saulat-i-Afghani, 336-7; Nash, History of the War
in Afghanistan, 23; Hayat-i-Afghani, 115, 122-3.
This Khwaja Khizar Khan should not, however, be confused
with the mythical Immortal prophet of Ab-i-Hayat fame, although he
had, to some extent, displaced him from among the Afghan tribes. Ac¬
cording to a tradition among the Saddozeis, mentioned in the Haydt-i-
Afghani, this Khizar was bom as a result of the blessings of the prophet
Khizar and was so named after him. This weighed in his favour at
the time of his nomination by his tribesmen. (See p. 123.)
4. Hayat-i-Afghani, 123-4; Saulat-i-Afghani, 337-8.
TH£ RISE OF ABDALIS
<SL
^ame into conflict with the Persian Governor of Qandahar,
Beglar Begi, 5 who set up a rival to him in the person of
Shah Husain, son of Maghdud Khan, with the title of Mirza.
But this Mirza satellite of the Persians could not, for long,
retain their favour, his party dwindled into insignificance
with his disgraceful fall, resulting in his imprisonment at the
hands of his patron. The dejected Mirza then made up with
oher Khan and retired to India for a safer asylum. 6 From
him descended the ancestors of Nawab Muzzaffar Khan, the
last Afghan governor of Multan, who fell fighting in his des¬
perate struggle against Maharaja Ranjit Singh in June 1818. 7
DAVLAT KHAN SADDOZEI
Sher Khan, while out on a hunting excursion at the age
of sixty-five, had a fatal fall from his horse. Before his death
he called Bakhtiar Khan—a descendant of Saleh Khan, son
of Umar—to his side.and entrusted to him the care of his
son, Sarmast Khan. Sarmast, in turn, bequeathed his heritage
to his minor son, Daulat Khan, under the guardianship of his
cousin Hayat Sultan, son of Sultan Khuda-dad. On corning
of age, Daulat Khan got into difficulties with the Persian
governor of Qandahar, resulting from the weakness of his
guardian, Hayat Khan, who left the country and sought
shelter in the neighbourhood of Multan. 8
r But Daulat Khan was a man of a different mould. He
defeated in two battles the Persian expeditionary forces sent
against him, and won name and fame for himself among the
Afghans. 9 Daulat Khan’s victories not only raised him in
the estimation of his people, but also shattered the popular
belief in the invincibility of the Persians. This frightened
the Safavi court of Iran. They were then guided by a bigoted
ascetic, Shah Husain, who was nothing but a puppet in the
hands of corrupt priests and eunuchs. As Malleson tells us
5. According to Tarikh-i-Sultanij p. 61, Beglar Begi was appointed
the governor of Qandahar in 1105 A.H. (1693-94 A.D.)
6. Tarikh-i-Sultani , 61-64; Saulat-i-Afghani , 338; Hayat-i-,Afghani,
123—4.
7. Saulat-i-Afghani, 338; Hayat-i-Afghani, 125.
8. Waqa-i-Multan, 19; Saulat-i-Afghani, 339; Hay at A-Afghani, 126.
9. Tarikh-i-Sultani , 66.
AHMAD SHAH DURRAHl
his History of the Afghans, ‘the measures taken by Shah
Abbas the Great, by his successors of the same name, and
by Sulaiman, to ensure the contentment of the Afghan tribes,
came gradually to be relaxed under the rule of Sultan
Husen,’ with the inevitable result that the subject ‘tribes,
the Ghilzais especially, were not slow to betray their dis¬
content.’ Though there were no actual popular revolts, the
demonstrations they made in the successful defensives, like
those of Daulat Khan Saddozei, mentioned above, were so
strong that, for some time, the effete advisers of Husain
hesitated as to the measures they should take to meet them. 10
GVRGIN KHAN
The governor of Qandahar was recalled and in his place
was deputed the ablest general of the empire, a Georgian
convert to Islam, Gurgin Khan, later on surnamed Shah
Nawaz Khan. He was a man of great talents and had dis¬
tinguished himself by his military skill ana severity. Against
Daulat Khan, he brought into play all his political diplomacy
and stratagem. On arrival at Qandahar in 1702, he sent a
large number of valuable presents to the Abdali chief and
entered into friendly negotiations with him. He knew that
the Afghans were not then a united people. The spirit of
self-sacrifice and concord that goes to make a homogeneous
nation was absent. Gurgin Khan could, therefore, easily play
upon the selfish interests of the Afghan chiefs and make them
dance to the tune of his divide et empera chords. There was
no dearth of such men among the Abdalis, nay, among the
Saddozeis themselves. He took into his hands two of Daulat
Khan’s worst opponents, the Saddozeis Izzat and Atal, and
assured them of undisputed Sardari of the Abdalis when the
obstacle of Daulat Khan was removed from the way. * 11 He
also encouraged the ambitions of a Ghalzei, Haji Amir Khan
Hotak, popularly known as Mir Wais, to supreme leadership
of the Afghans. This, as Gurgin Khan put it to him, could
come to fruition only if the possibility of opposition from the
10. Malleson, History of Afghanistan, 211.
11. Tarikh-i-Sultani, 66-7; 'Saulat-i-Afghani, 49-50; Huyat-i*
Afghani, 65-66; Ferrier, Hi story of the Afghans, 24.
NlINlSr^
fHE rise OF AbdAlis
<SL
only quarter of his solitary rival, Daulat Khan, could be
eliminated. The two Saddozeis and the Hotak readily agreed
to work out the Georgian’s plan. Not long afterwards, an
opportunity offered itself. Daulat Khan happened to take his
quarters in a subterranean residence outside the fort of Shahr
Safa. Quietly the conspirators availed themselves of the
darkness of night and surprised the place. Daulat Khan, his
son Nazar Khan, and a slave named Faqir, were made
prisoners and carried to the governor, who ordered them to
be put to the sword. 12
RUSTAM KHAN AND ZAMAN KHAN SADDOZEI
Daulat Khan had three sons, one of whom, Nazar Khan,
had shared his father’s fate. The other two were Rustam
Khan and Zaman Khan. Even in that distracted state of
affairs, when their own personal safety was in danger, noth¬
ing could induce them to bow to the Georgian. Gurgin,
therefore, offered to acknowledge Rustam Khan as the head
of the Abdalis if he would, in return, hand over to him his
younger brother, Zaman Khan, as a hostage. Rustam Khan
consulted the chiefs of the tribe who preferred this course to
allowing their leadership to pass into the unworthy hands of
the treacherous tyrants. 13
Rustam Khan, then, became the acknowledged head of his
tribe. The hostage, Zaman Khan, was sent by Gurgin Khan
to the distant province of Kirman where he could be easily
watched by the Persians. Rustam soon won the confidence
of the Persian governor and gained superiority over the other
Afghan chiefs. This was very distasteful to his Abdali and
Ghalzei opponents. At this time, as ill luck would have it,
came the revolt of the Baluchis, which Rustam was called
upon by Gurgin to suppress. The expedition was a dismal
failure. Rustam came back defeated with a heavy loss of
life and property. This helped the Ghalzei and his Saddozei
accomplices. They represented Rustam as a traitor to the
cause of the Persian empire and his defeat as of his own
seeking. Ihe infuriated Georgian threw him into prison and
12. Tarikh-i-Sultani, 67.
13. Tarikh-i-Sultani, 67.
MtNisr^
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
his immediate execution. The clever Ghalzei then
withdrew to the background and, with Gurgin’s consent,
pushed forward the Saddozeis to do this nefarious work. At
the last moment something from within Izzat revolted against
it and he shuddered at the thought of touching with a sharp
iron edge the sacred person of a Saddozei and shedding his
innocent blood. But Atal’s vision was blinded by the dazzling
prospect of the coveted leadership of the Abdalis. His con¬
science had been deadened by repeated acts of similar
barbarity. He, therefore, put Rustam to death and became
a willing tool in the hands of a foreign usurper for the
destruction of his own people. 14
<SL
MIR WAIS GHALZEI AND HIS DESCENDANTS
It did not, however, take him long to be disillusioned and
meet a worse fate. Gurgin Khan offered to Atal the leader¬
ship of the Abdalis on the condition that he brought them
to reside in the neighbourhood of Qandahar. There, he
thought, their activities could be easily watched and counter¬
acted and his own secret designs conveniently worked out.
Atal, evidently, was too thick-headed for the wily Georgian
and blindly walked into the trap. Hie leaderless Abdalis,
frightened by the severities of Gurgin Khan, agreed to move
out of their inaccessible recesses into the open suburbs of
Qandahar. Mir Wais was privy to, if not actual instigator
of, Gurgin’s criminal designs against the unsuspecting Abdalis
who, under cover of a dark night, were subjected to an in¬
discriminate massacre. Those who escaped slaughter were
made prisoners and exiled to the province of Kirman. This
happened about the year 1707, after which, for some time,
the Abdalis receded into the background, and the Ghalzeis,
under the leadership of Mir Wais, appeared on the stage with
their successful struggles against the Persians and their
declaration of Afghan independence at Qandahar (1709). 15
It may be briefly stated that Mir Wais soon paid Gurgin
Khan in his own coin. Not long after the massacre of the
Abdalis, Gurgin Khan seized Mir Wais also and sent him as
14. Tarikh~i-Saltani, 67-8.
15. Tarikh-i-Sultani, 68-9.
whists
THE RISE OF ABDALIS
prisoner to the Persian capital. There he soon gained in¬
fluence with the court through his wealth and became a
favourite of the Shah. On his return to Qandahar to be
restored to his former position, Wais developed friendly rela¬
tions with Gurgin Khan. Gurgin was thus lulled into a sense
of false security and was murdered at an entertainment party
to which he was invited by the Ghalzei. Mir Wais then pro¬
claimed the independence of the Afghans at Qandahar
(1709). 16 Three powerful Persian armies, one after the
other, were sent against him, but Wais inflicted crushing
defeats on them and made his independence secure. He died
in November, 1715, and was succeeded by Mir Abdul Aziz,
also known as Abdullah (1715-16). Abdullah soon lost the
confidence of his people and was assassinated in March, 1716,
by Wais’s son Mir Mahmud, who not only consolidated the
Afghan kingdom of Qandahar but also pulled down the
Safavi djmasty from the Persian throne which he occupied
displacing Shah Husain in March, 1722. The Ghalzei rule in
Persia lasted for only eight years and was brought to an end
in 1730 by Nadir Shah who conquered the Afghan dominions
of Qandahar in 1736 and of Kabul, then a Mughal province,
in 1738. 17
THE ABDALIS AS MASTERS OF HERAT
ABDULLAH KHAN
The successes of Mir Wais in driving the Persians out of
Qandahar and the proclamation of the independence of the
Ghalzeis fired the other Afghan tribes with the idea of revolt.
The most prominent among them were the Abdalis of Herat.
They invited Abdullah Khan, son of Hayat Khan, from
Multan to which place the latter had retired during the time
of Daulat Khan. The Heratis had a double purpose in this
16. Ferrier, 28-9; Malleson, 225-6; Tarikh-i-Sultani, 63-9; Lockhart,
Nadir Shah, 3.
17. Cf. Jahan-kusha-i-Nadiri; Lockhart, Nadir Shah; Ferrier, 25-
33; Malleson, 211-66. For a detailed study of Mir Wais, see Sayyad
Muhhammad al-Musawi’s Kitab-i-Tahqiq-o-Tadad-i-Aqwam-i-Afghan
(B.M. Ms. Or. 1861) and Miri-Ways, the Persian Cromwell, by a Swedish
Officer, London, 1724; Husain Shahi, 6-7; Tarikh-i-Ahmed, 5-6; Tarikh~
i-Sultani, 97-8.
MIN/Sr/^
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
e, the ostensible one being to wreak their vengeance upon
Mir Wais against whom a powerful Persian army was then,
in 1711, advancing under the command of Gurgin Khan’s
nephew, Khusrau Khan. Inwardly, they wished to consolidate
their strength under an influential leader and to strike for
their freedom from the Persian yoke as and when an op¬
portunity came to hand. Abdullah Khan with his son,
Asadullah, hastened to the standard of Khusrau Khan and
offered him assistance against the Ghalzei. This won him
influence with the Georgian commander, and, with his help,
he became the acknowledged head of the Abdalis. The ex¬
pedition of Khusrau Khan was, however, a failure and he lost
his life at the time of his retreat from Qandahar. Another
attempt of the Shah also met with a similar fate. But the
successor of Mir Wais, Mir Abdullah (1715-16), showed an
intention of making peace with Persia and sent a mission to
Isfahan for this purpose. Abdullah Khan and his son came
to Herat. Abbas Quli Khan Shamlu, the governor of Herat,
apprehended some danger for the Persian rule in Herat at
their hands, and he threw them both into prison. At this
time the Qizzilbashes of Herat turned against Shamlu and
put him aside. During the interim—before Shamlu’s succes¬
sor, Jafar Quli Khan Astajlu, arrived in Herat—Abdullah
Khan and his son escaped to the western hills of Doshakh. 18
Collecting from there a large number of their tribesmen, and
with reinforcements from the neighbourhood of Bakua and
Farrah, they marched upon Herat. Jafar Quli Khan issued
out to meet them. In the battle that ensued the Afghans got
the better of their adversaries and Jafar fell into their hands.
The Abdalis laid siege to the city. The resistance was stout
but, as no succour arrived from Persia, the friends of the
Abdalis inside the city succeeded in admitting the besiegers
by the Filkhana tower during the dark night of the 26th of
Shaban, 1129 A.H., July 26, 1717. The Abdalis thus became
masters of Herat and declared their independence. 19 It,
1)8. Husain Shahi, 6-7; Tarikh-i-Ahmad, 5-6; Tarikh-i-Sultani,
97-8.
19. For this account, I have drawn upon the Tarikh-i-Sultani by
Sultan Muhammad Khan ibn Musa Khan Durrani (Mohammadi Press,
Bombay, 1298 A.H.). Ferrier in his History of the Afghans, p. 35-36,
[Continued on p. 9
mmrffy
THE RISE OF ABDALIS >
ftwever, received its final touches two years later, in 1719,
when Asadullah Khan defeated a powerful Persian army,
thirty thousand strong, under the command of Safi Quli
Khan, with only fifteen thousand Afghans. 20
Then began a series of struggles between the two rival
tribes of the Ghalzeis and the Abdalis and, in 1132 A.H., 1729
A.D., Asadullah Khan was killed at Dilaram on the bank of
the Kash Rud in a contest for the fort of Farrah that he had
captured from the Ghalzeis. 21
The death of his promising son Asadullah Khan shocked
the aged father Abdullah Khan. No longer being in a healthy
state of mind, he was replaced, with the help of Abdul Ghani
Alikozei, by Zaman Khan Saddozei (brother of Rustam
Khan) who had by then returned from his exile in Kirman,
Further misfortunes overtook Abdullah Khan when, at the
instigation of Jafar Khan Astajlu, who was then set at
[Continued from p. 8
followed by Malleson’s History of Afghanistan, p. 236-237, gives a differ¬
ent account. According to Ferrier, the Persian Governor of Herat then
was ‘Zaman Khan Koortchee Bashi’ to whom Hayat Sultan Saddozei,
anxious to obtain certain favours, had sent his beautiful young ‘son'
Asadullah for unnatural crime. The crime accomplished, the unfortu¬
nate youth, on his escape from the Persian camp, appealed to the
sense of honour of his tribe and seized and imprisoned his parent, and
then surprised the Koortchee Bashi and killed him. After this the
victorious youth marched on Herat, and, having obtained an entrance
into the city, exterminated the few Persians he found there. After
this he again took the field and made himself, almost without oppo¬
sition, the master of the whole province, which on the 26th of Ramzan,
1128 A.H., 1716 A.D., he constituted as an independent principality.
This seems to be incredible on the very face of it. Asadullah, in
the first place, was the grandson, not the son, of Hayat Sultan. And,
then, there is the difference in the name of the Governor. The Saulat-
i-Afghani has further confused Zaman Khan Koortchee Bashi with
Zaman Khan Saddozei, the father of Ahmad Shah Durrani. See p. 340.
Cf. Hayat-i-Afghani, 127.
20. Husain Shahi , 7; Tarihh-i-Sultani, 5-6, 97-98; Saulat-i-Af¬
ghani, 340; Sykes, History of Persia, ii, 311.
21. Tarikh-i-Sultani, 99. Lockhart in Nadir Shah, p. 31, places
this event in 1718. The town of Dilaram lies on the road from Qan-
dahar to Herat, between Girishk and Farrah, being 75 miles from
Girishk and 83 miles from Farrah. Muhammad Ali’s Guide , p, 91.
a z
MIN/Sr^
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
or through the personal joalousy of tho new chief , Ih
waTthrown into prison, and was there, as it is alleged, poison¬
ed or otherwise done to death by Zaman Khan. 2 *
Very little of the exploits of Zaman Khan as the chief of
the Abdalis is known to history. He remained at the head
of the tribe for about two and a half years and on his death
was succeeded in 1135 A.H., 1722-23 A.D., by Muhammad
Khan, a brother of Asadullah Khan, son of the murdered
Abdullah Khan/ 3
ZULFIQAR KHAN
In the winter of 1722-23, Muhammad Khan marched oix
Mashhad and besieged it for four months, but failed to take
it. This brought him into disgrace with his tribe and he was
deposed in favour of Zulfiqar Khan, the elder son of Zaman
Khan, whose younger son, Ahmed Khan afterwards became
famous as Ahmad Shah Durrani. In 1137 A..H., 1724-25 A.D.,
Rahman, a son of the murdered Abdullah Khan, sought to
avenge his father’s murder by attacking Zulfiqar Khan. The
internecine feud continued for some time and came to an
end through the mediation of some of the elders of the Abdali
tribe, who sent Zulfiqar Khan towards Bakharz and Rehman
towards. Qandahar. Allahyar Khan, son of Abdullah Khan,
and a brother of the former governor, Muhammad Khan, was
invited from Multan and was elected the chief of the tribe
in 1138 A.H., 1725-26 A.D. At this stage Abdul Ghani Khan
Alikozei, the maternal uncle of Zulfiqar Khan, reappeared on
the scene.. He was naturally interested in the advancement
and safety of his sister’s family, particularly of her three-
year-old son, Ahmad Khan, whose safety could be ensured
only by keeping Zulfiqar Khan either in power or under his
22. Tarikh-i-Sultani, p. 100. Cf. Savlat-i-Afghani, p. 340, and
H ay at-i-Afghani, p. 127. Lockhart in his Nadir Shah , p. 31, places the
event in 1718 and says that Abdullah Khan was murdered by Muham¬
mad Zaman Khan. . *
23 Jahan-kusha-i-Nadiri, 95; Tarikh-i-Sultant, p. 100; Saulat-i-
Afghani. Cf. Lockhart, Nadir Shah, 31. This event must have taken
place between the first week of October, when 1135 A.H. began, and
the last week of December, when 1722 A.D. ended, as m the same
winter of 1722-23, according to Lockhart’s Nadir Shah, we find his
successor Muhammad Khan leading military operations in Mashhad.
THE RISE OF ABDALIS
obligation. Under his guidance Zulfiqar Khan issued
out of his retreat in Bakharz and challenged the authority
of Allahyar Khan. As he was no less powerful, Allahyar
Khan could not easily drive him away and the civil war con¬
tinued for about six months. 24
At this time Nadir Khan Afshar, who afterwards be¬
came famous as Emperor Nadir Shah of ^Persia, had captured
Mashhad (I6th of Rabi-ul-Akhir, 1139, November 16, 1726),
and it was rumoured that he would soon march upon the
Abdalis. With this common danger hovering over their
borders, the Saddozei elders patched up the differences
between the rival factions and brought about an amicable
settlement. Allahyar Khan was allowed to continue in Herat,
and Zulfiqar Khan was made the governor of Farrah. 25
On account of his many distractions, and his differences
with Tahmasp, the attack of Nadir on the Abdalis was avert¬
ed for two years and four months. In the first week of
Shawwal, 1141 A.hL, towards the end of April, 1729 A.D., the
Persian conqueror marched upon Herat. On receipt of this
news, Allahyar Khan advanced from Herat to meet him. But
he could not successfully oppose him. He was about to sur¬
render when he heard that his erstwhile rival, Zulfiqar Khan,
was marching to his assistance. But Nadir proved too strong
even for their combined forces, and the Abdalis were reduced
to subjection in June. They not only agreed to submit to
him but also offered to assist the Persians against the Ghal-
zeis. Allahyar was appointed governor of Herat on behalf
of Tahmasp, and the Persians started homewards towards the
end of the month. 26
While Nadir was busy with his first Turkish campaign,
Zulfiqar made another bid for independence, heading a revolt
of some of the Abdalis fomented by Husain Sultan Ghalzei of
24. Tarikh~i~Sultani , 100-1; Lockhart, Nadir Shah , 31.
The author of Ahmad Shah Baba thinks that Zulfiqar and Ahmad
were, perhaps, not real brothers but from different mothers. Accord¬
ing to him, there is the probability of a real brother of Ahmad Shah
by the name of Ali Mardan Khan, See pp. 31-34.
25. Jahan-kusha-i-Nadiri, 96.
26. Jahan-kusha,-i-Nadiri } 96-103; Husain Shahi, 7-8; Tarikh-U
Ahmadj 6-7; Tarikh-i-Sultani, 102-6; Lockhart, Nadir Shah , 31-4.
/
MINIS T/fy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
:"v
^„„dahar early in 1730. As Allahyar Khan had refused to
join the rebels in Herat, he was easily driven out with their
help (April 1730). Encouraged by his initial sitccess, Zulfiqar
Khan advanced on Mashhad and defeated its commander,
Ibrahim Khan (brother of Nadir Khan), who had sallied out
to meet the invader (Saturday, the 13th of Muharram, 1143
A.H., July 18, 1730 'A.D.). The siege of the city was con¬
tinued for thirty-one days. Zulfiqar Khan then returned to
Herat. 27
Nadir Khan came back to Mashhad on the last day of
Rabi-us-Sani, 1143, Saturday, October 31, 1730, and on Satur¬
day, the 15th of Ramzan of the same year, March 13, 1731,
left it for the final subjugation of the Abdalis of Herat.
Zulfiqar Khan made a desperate struggle for the indepen¬
dence of his tribe and was joined by the Ghalzei forces of
Sultan Husain of Qandahar under the command of Muham¬
mad Saidal Khan. But Nadir drove them back and invested
the city of Herat early in May. After having been besieged
for two months, Zulfiqar emerged from Herat on the 17 th of
Muharram, 1144 A.H., July 11, 1731 A.D., but was repelled.
This discouraged Saidal Khan, and, on the advice of some of
the Abdali chiefs, he secretly marched away with his Ghal-
zeis. Zulfiqar Khan, at last, sued for peace, and Nadir was
pleased to grant it. In response to the request of Zulfiqar
and the Abdalis, Allahyar was reappointed governor of Herat,
which he occupied on 18th of Safar, August 11. Zulfiqar
Khan returned to Farrah. 28
Encouraged either by the strength of Herat’s defences,
or by the combination at Isfaraz of the forces of Zulfiqar
Khan with 40,000 fresh Ghalzeis under Saidal, then rumour¬
ed to be advancing against the exhausted Persians, Allahyar
Khan renounced his allegiance to Nadir and kept the flag of
Afghan independence flying. But Nadir was too strong for
the weakened and disunited Abdalis and the vigour of his
retaliation broke all resistance. By making proposals of
peace in the middle of December, 1731, Allahyar Khan tried
<SL
27. Jahan-kusha^i-Nadiri, 141-6; Tarikh-i-Sultani, 106-7; Saulat-
i-Afghani, 340; Lockhart, Nadir Shah, 51-2.
28. jahan-kusha-i-Nadirij 156-72; Tarikh-i-Sultani, 109-15.
mtsTfif,
¥ HE RISE OF ABDALlS
„„ gain time, but their withdrawal immediately after they had
been accepted by Nadir exasperated the latter beyond all
clemency. The siege was tightened and by vigorous assaults
the city was forced to surrender on the 1st of Ramzan, 1.144
A.H., February 16, 1732, when Allahyar Khan surrendered
for the last time and retired to Multan. Nadir Khan could
no longer leave Herat in the hands of the Abdalis. He occu¬
pied it and entrusted its administration to a Persian governor,
Pir Muhammad Sultan. 29
At the same time Zulfiqar Khan was also driven from
Farrah. To avoid the possibility of the combined forces of
Zulfiqar Khan and the Ghalzeis under Saidal Khan reinforc¬
ing the besieged in Herat, Nadir had detailed his brother,
Ibrahim Khan, against Farrah, which fell as soon as the
defeated Allahyar Khan was seen there on his way to Multan.
Zulfiqar Khan and his younger brother, Ahmad Khan, fled
away to seek shelter at Qandahar where they were thrown
into prison by their self-sought host, Mir Husain, and were
released only when Nadir Shah conquered that place in
March, 1738. 30
But Nadir Shah was not to be satisfied with the fall of
Herat and Farrah and the flights of Allahyar Khan and Zulfi¬
qar Khan so long as their Abdali tribesmen were there in
the country with a host of clannish chiefs at their head.
They would come back, he thought, as soon as he turned
his back upon their country. He, therefore, decided upon
their wholesale clearance from Afghanistan and exiled as
many as six thousand of them, along with Ghani Khan
Alikozei and Nur Muhammad Khan Ghalzei, to the districts
of Mashhad, Nishapur and Damghan in the province of
Khurasan, to which he had some time previously transferred
a ten times larger number of Afshars and oth. c Persian
tribes. Some of the Abdali chiefs, however, were taken into
service and kept under his personal surveillance. 31
29. Jahan-kmha-i-Nadiri, 172-9; Tarikh-i-'Sultanl, 115-18; Lock-
hart, 54.
30. Jahan-ku$htt~i*-Ntidiri } 179-82, 328; Tcirikh-i-Sultanif 118.
31. Jahan~ku$ha~i-Ncidiri , 179-82; liockh&rt, 52, 54.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Thus was sealed the fate of the Abdalis for some six
years to come. During this period they regained the confi¬
dence of Nadir and, by his grace in 1738, were restored to
their original homes in Herat and Qandahar. Their indepen¬
dence, however, took nine years more to return, when in
1747, after the death of Nadir Shah, Ahmad Khan, brother of
Zulfiqar Khan, was elected the grand-chief of the tribe and
was crowned as the Shah of the Afghans under the royal
title of Ahmad Shah Durr-i-Durran.
MIN IST/fy
Chapter II
EARLY LIFE OF AHMAD SHAH
Ahmad Khan, as Ahmad Shah Durrani was named by
his parents, was the second son of Zaman Khan Abdali of the
Saddozei clan and was born of Zarghuna Alikozei in 1722 at
Multan. 1 His father was then the governor of Herat and
died within a few months of Ahmad Khan’s birth. The times
were not favourable for the family. Zarghuna felt anxious
about the safety of her child and sought the protection of
Haji Ismail Khan of Alizei clan, the new governor of Herat,
by offering him the hand of her daughter. Ismail Khan took
a lively interest in Ahmad and sent him towards Sabzawar
1. The exact date of Ahmad Khan’s birth is not known to history.
The year 1722, given in the text above, is based on mathematical calcu¬
lations guided by a few references to his age that we come across in
historical works. On the authority of Persian writers, Lockhart in his
Nadir Shah gives the age of Ahmad Khan, at the time of Nadir Shah’s
conquest of Qanflahar in 1738, between 14 and 16 years (p. 120), and
at his death, in 1747, between 23 and 25 (p. 261). The former figures
would place his birth in 1724 which cannot be reconciled with the
death of his father, Zaman Khan, which took place between the last
week of October, 1722, when the year 1135 A.H. began and the last
week of December, when (in the winter of 1722-23) his successor
Muhammad Khan was seen leading military operations at Mashhad.
Even if he were a posthumous child, which does not seem to be correct,
he should have been born by August, 1723. We are, therefore, left
with the only alternative of placing his birth in 1722 by taking his
age to be 16 years in 1738 and twenty-five in 1747.
As to his birth-place, we know that his father Zaman Khan came
to power in 1720 and there is nothing on record to show that he
ever visited Multan between 1720 and 1722. As such, the tradition
of Ahmad Khan having been bom at Multan, as mentioned in Imam-
ud-Din al-Hussaini’s Tarikh-i-Husain Shahi, p. 11, can be correct
only on the assumption that, on account of troubled times in Herat,
his mother was sent to Multan for child-birth. Mir Ghulam Muham¬
mad Ghubar, the author of Ahmad Shah Baba-i-Afghan, does not agree
with this. According to him Ahmad Shah was born at Herat in 1135
A.H. (October 1722-September 1723) during the lifetime of his father
(pp. 35-41).
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Si.
arrah. How and where he spent his life up to the age
^ we do not know. We next hear of him in February, 1732,
when after the defeat of his brother, Zulfiqar Khan, at h arrah,
we find him flying for life and shelter towards Qandahar.
There both the brothers were thrown into prison by Mir
Husain, the Ghalzei ruler of the place, either for his old tribal
enmity against, or for any danger that he then apprehended
at the hands of, the Abdalis under Zulfiqar Khan. 2
During the next seven years, 1732-38, the Abdali con¬
tingent of Nadir rendered him yeoman’s service in the exten¬
sion and consolidation of his power, and he looked upon them
as the backbone of his empire. He was particularly pleased
with their services during his campaign in Daghistan in 1147
A.H., 1734-35 A.D., and promised on one occasion to grant
any boon that they asked of him. The Abdali chiefs, the
leading amongst them then being Allahyar Khan Saddozei,
sagaciously availed themselves of the offer and begged of him
to be restored to their original homes in Afghanistan. They
further requested that all the Abdali families exiled to the
province of Khurasan in 1732 be sent back to their mother¬
land, and that Qandahar be released from under the Ghalfceis
and given to them. Nadir agreed to grant them their wishes
as soon as he was able to establish his power in Qandahar,
And he literally fulfilled his promise in 1738. 3
NADIR CONQUERS QANDAHAR
Concluding a truce with Turkey and thoroughly crush¬
ing the Bakhtiaris in 1736, Nadir returned to his capital,
reaching there on the 9th of Jamadi-us-Sani, 1149 A.H.,
October 4, 1736. Immediately he began completing arrange¬
ments for his long-planned campaign against Qandahar. He
set out against the Ghalzeis on 17 th of Raj jab, 1149 A.H.,
November 10, 1736. He marched via Kirman and Sistan, and
crossing the Sistan-Qandahar border on the 2nd of Shawwal,
January 23, 1737, reached Girishk on the 7th of February
after passing through Farrah, Dalhak and Dilaram. On the
fourth day the camp was pitched close to the west bank of
the Arghandab, where they were surprised at night by
2. Savlat-i~Afghani, 340.
3. Saulat-i~Afghani, 340-1.
EARLY LIFE
^nalzei generals, Yunus Khan and Saidal Khan, each com¬
manding 8000 picked horsemen. Abdul Ghani Khan, chief of
the Abdalis in the train of Nadir Shah, had, however, heard
of the impending attack. He suddenly assailed Yunus Khan
before Saidal Khan could come to his assistance. This result¬
ed in a rout of the Ghalzei who could not retrieve the
situation even after the arrival of Saidal Khan’s reinforce¬
ments. This initial success brought by Abdul Ghani Khan to
the arms of Nadir in Qandahar added fresh laurels to the
meritorious services of the Abdalis in his cause. The ^iege of
Qandahar began in the first week of April, 1737, and con¬
tinued up to the 2nd of Zilhijja, 1150 A.H., March 12, 1738.
During the night of the last date the Persians captured one
of the towers and pressed forward. Realizing that all was
lost, Mir Husain, according to the Nannwat custom of the
Afghans, sent on the following day his elder sister, Zainab,
accompanied by a number of Ghalzei chiefs, to seek protec¬
tion. Nadir respected the custom and granted Husain, his
family and his followers, their lives and sent them as prisoners
to Mazandran 4
ABDALIS RETURN TO QANDAHAR AND HERAT
Zulliqar Khan Saddozei and his brother Ahmed Khan,
as we know, were then prisoners in Qandahar. Nadir set
them at liberty and, because of Haji Ismail Khan Alizei,
Ahmed Khan’s brother-in-law, he treated Ahmed Khan with
special kindness/ He granted him from the imperial treasury
a large sum of money for the maintenance of the brothers
and settled on them the government of Mazandran. The pro¬
mise made to the Abdalis in 1147 A.H., during the Daghistan
campaign, was also fulfilled. Abdul Ghani Khan Alikozei,
the maternal uncle of Ahmed Khan, was appointed governor
of the province of Qandahar, and the other Abdali chiefs of
Girishk, Bust and Zamindawar. The Abdali tribesmen, exil¬
ed to the districts of Nishapur, Mashhad and Damghan in
Khurasan, were permitted to move en masse to Qandahar
and occupy the lands of the Ghalzeis who, in turn, were
exiled to Khurasan. Three divisions were made of the other
territories of the Ghalzeis. Arghandab was given to the Ali-
4. Jahan-kusha-i-Nadiri , 324-9; Saulat«i-Afghani, 340-44.
G, 3
MWlSr/jy
0*1^Ss
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
|0£ei tribe of Abdul Ghani Khan, Zamindawar to the Alizeis
of Ntir Muhammad Khan, and the remaining to the Barak-
zeis, Herat was also given to the Abdalis—particularly to
the Saddozeis, the clan of Ahmad Khan-—and they settled
down on the western lands which are up to this day occupied
by the Durranis. 5
AHMAD KHAN ON THE PERSONAL STAFF OF NADIR SHAH
When ZuMqar Khan left for Mazandran and how he con¬
ducted himself there is not within the scope of our narrative.
The commanding personality of his younger brother, Ahmad
Khan, then in his sixteenth year, however, appealed more
to Nadir Shah and he placed him on his personal staff as a
Yasaival, or orderly officer. It was in this capacity—later
on rising to the command of a detachment of his tribe—that
he accompanied the Persian conqueror on his Indian, Tur¬
kish and other campaigns and took part in many a brilliant
exploit. All this seems to have fired him in later life with
exceptional enthusiasm in leading and conducting his own
campaigns. He soon distinguished himself by his meritorious
services and was raised to the office of the Bank-bashi , or
treasury officer. 6 Nadir Shah was so much enamoured of
him that he occasionally remarked in open court, in the pre¬
sence of his nobles and courtiers, that he had not met in
Iran, Turan and Hindustan any man of such laudable talents
as Ahmad Abdali possessed. With three to four thousand
brave and seasoned Abdali horsemen under his command, he
always kept him near the second gate of the royal tents. 7
PROPHECIES OF NIZAM-UL-MULK AND NADIR SHAH
After Nadir’s victory over Emperor Muhammad Shah
and his occupation of the Imperial fort of Delhi (9th of Zil-
5. Jdhan~kusha-i~Nadiri, 328-9; Tarikh-i-Husain Shahi , 9-10;
Tarihh~i~ Ahmad, 7-8; Tarikh-i~Sultani, 121; Saulat-i-Afghani , 341;
Lockhart, Nadir Shah, 120.
6. Khazanah-i-Amira, 97; Ma’asir-ul-Umra, ii. 719. According to
the Gulistan-i-Rahmat, he also became a member of Nadir’s Majlis,
p. 145.
7. Tarikh-i-Husain ShoM, 11; Tankh^-Ahmad, 9; Gulistfin- »-*
Rahmat, 145.
EARLY LIFE
<SL
1151 A.H., March 9, 1739 AD.), Ahmad Khan was
once seen by Nizam-ul-Mulk Chin Qalich Khan Asafjah, a
former prime minister of the empire (then the viceroy of the
Deccan), sit outside the Jali gate near the Diwan~i~Am. * * * * * 8 The
Nizam-ul-Mulk, who was an expert in physiognomy, saw in
him the signs of greatness and predicted that he was des¬
tined to become a king. Nadir, it is said, had full faith in
Nizam-ul-Mulk’s knowledge of face-reading. On this news
being accidentally reported to him, he called Ahmad Khan
to his presence and, taking out a knife from his belt, clipped
his ears saying, “When you become a king, this will remind
you of me.” 9 This may be reconciled with an incident, or
legend, recorded by many writers. It is related that one
day Nadir Shah seated on a golden chair was enjoying a
cool breeze and Ahmad Khan was standing respectfully in
front of him. Nadir all at once called out, “Come forward,
Ahmad Abdali” When he drew near, Nadir Shah said,
“Come up nearer still.” As he approached nearer respect¬
fully and humbly, he said to him, “Remember Ahmad Khan
Abdali, that after me the kingship shall pass on to you. But
you should treat the descendants of Nadir with kindness.
Ahmad Khan submitted, “May I be a sacrifice to you. Should
your Majesty wish to slay me, I am at your Majesty s dis¬
posal. There is no need (or cause) for saying such words.
Thereupon Nadir repeated, “I know it for certain that you
will become a king. Be kind to Nadir’s descendants. And
it may be said on the authority of Mir Imam-ud-Din Husaini,
who completed his Tarikh4-Husain Shahi in November 1798,
that Ahmad Shah, as he was called on coming to the throne,
faithfully respected these words of Nadir in helping his suc¬
cessor and grandson, Mirza Shah Rukh, Ahmad’s son iaimur
assisted the sons of Shah Rukh in their release from prison
and sent them to Mashhad. Out of gratitude, the Mirza offer-
8 According to some writers, followed by Malleson in his History
of Afghanistan, p. 272, Ahmad had also been sent to Mazandaran along
with his brother, Zulfiqar Khan, and “had remained [there] until the
return of Nadir from Hindustan". But this is not substantiated by
facts as we ftnd him in Delhi in the train of Nadir. See Tarikh-i-Ahmad
Shahi; 2b; Khazanah-i-Amira, 97; Ma>asir-ul-Umra, u, 791.
9. Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi, 2b (margin). Cf. Ferrier, 93, and Jarikh-
i-Sultani, 121, according to which only one of his ears was clipped.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Taimur the hand of a daughter of his own. “The same
ihdly treatment,” Imam-ud-Din tells us, “is continued by
the house of Ahmad Shah towards the descendants of Nadir
up to the current year of 1213 A.H.” 10
MURDER OF NADIR SHAH
We next hear of Ahmad Khan at the time of Nadir Shah’s
death in 1747. For some time before the tragedy, Nadir
betrayed a deranged mind. He suspected his own people and
perpetrated cruelties upon them. This brought about rebel¬
lions all around and he flew into a fit of fury, bordering on
insanity.
On the 10th of Muharram, 1160 A.H., January 11, 1747,
Nadir Shah left Isfahan for Yazd and Kirman. “Wherever
he halted, he had many people tortured and put to death
and had towers of their heads erected.” After the Nau-roz fes¬
tival in Kirman, he left for Mashhad, where in April, 1747,
he behaved “in an even more brutal and inhuman manner
than he had done at Isfahan and Kirman.” At this time came
the news of the revolt of his nephew, Ali Quli Khan, in Sistan.
This “gave a great impetus to the growing opposition to
Nadir’s intolerable tyranny.” The Kurds of Khabushan rose
in support of Ali Quli and raided the royal stud-farm at
Radkan. Nadir at once set out to punish the offenders and
arrived at Fatehabad, two farsakhs from Khabushan, on the
night of Sunday, the 11th of Jamadi-us-Sani, June 7~8. n The
Rev. Pere Louis Bazin, S.J., a Jesuit, who was then in attend¬
ance upon the Shah, relates that he “seemed to have some
presentiment of the evil which was awaiting him at this spot.
For some days he had kept in his haram a horse saddled and
bridled. He attempted to escape to Kalat. His guards
surprised him, pointed out the evils which his flight would
entail, proclaimed that they were his faithful servants, that
they would fight for him against all his enemies, and that not
one of them would abandon him. He then allowed himself
10. Tankh-i-Husain Shahi, 11-12; Tarikh-i-Ahmad , 9-10. Cf.
Tarikh-i-Sultani , 121; Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, i. 201.
11. Jahan-ktisha-i-Nadiri , 460; Lockhart, 259-61. The Bayan-i
Waqei gives the date as 13th of Jamadi-ul-Awwal, 1160 A.H., which is
not correct.
MIAHSr^
EARLY LIFE
persuaded and returned. He clearly perceived that for
some time a number of plots against his life had been woven.
Of all the nobles at his court, Muhammad Quli Khan, his
relation, and Salih Khan were the most discontented and the
most active. The,, first was in command pf the guards, and
the second the superintendent of his household. The
latter caused him less fear because his post gave him no
authority over the troops, but he dreaded the former, (who
was) a man of swiff action (expedition) f esteemed for his bra¬
very, and (who was) on good terms with his officers. It was
on him that suspicion fell. He (Nadir) resolved to forestall
him.”
‘He had in his camp a corps of 4000 Afghans; these foreign
troops were entirely devoted to him and hostile to the Per¬
sians. On the night of the 19-20th June [N.S.] he summoned
all their chiefs. ‘I am not satisfied with my guards/ he said
to them. ‘Your loyalty and your courage are known to me.
I order you to arrest all their officers tomorrow morning and
to place them hi irons. Do not spare any one of them if they
dare to resist you. It is a question of my personal security
and I trust the preservation of my life to you alone / >n2
The commander of these Afghans was Ahmad Khan Ab-
dali. He instantly promised to cany out the wishes of his
master and retired to prepare his men for the morning’s dread¬
ful task. Evidently, Nadir meant to massacre his suspected
Persian officers. But the fates willed it otherwise. The talk
had been overheard by a spy who divulged it to Muhammad
Quli Khan, and he, in turn, passed it on to Salih Khan. There
was no time to lose. Immediately they held a secret confer¬
ence and decided upon the only alternative of dealing a death
blow to the tyrant himself. At midnight, seventy of the
leading chiefs led by Muhammad Quli Khan, Salih Khan,
Muhammad Khan Qajar, Musa Beg Afshar and Qoja Beg
Gunduzlu set out for Nadir’s tent. Fifty-seven of them drop¬
ped on the way out of terror. Only Salih Khan and Muham¬
mad Khan had the courage to enter his tent and grapple with
him, Salih Khan struck 'him with his sword and cut off one
<SL
12. Bazin, Memoirs, quoted by Lockhart in his Nadir Shah, p. 261.
Among the Afghan chiefs then present there were Nur Muhammad
Khan Ghaljai and Ahmad Khan Abdali—Ghubar, Ahviad Shah Baba, 83.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
hands, and before Nadir could return the attack, Mu-
hammad Khan dealt him a deadly blow and cut his head off. 13
The conspirators wished to keep the news of Nadir’s
death a secret from the army till the next morning so that
they might take the Afghans and Uzbaks unawares. But
Ahmad Khan had, in the meantime, received a message from
Bibi Sahiba (one of Nadir’s widows who, according to Sher
Muhammad Khan’s Ansab-i-Rausa-i-Dcra Ismail Khan,
belonged to an Afghan tribe) through a maid-servant of the
haram. He got his contingent numbering three to four thou¬
sand Abdalis ready, fully armed, for any emergency, and
detailed a strong guard for the protection of his master’s
seraglio. He would not at first believe that Nadir Shah was
really dead. With the dawn of the day, the Abdalis in a
body rushed to his tent to see his dead body, and, if possible,
to avenge the murder of their fallen master. The Persians
were then busy plundering the camp. They attacked the
Afghans but the latter hewed their way back through them.
Before leaving the royal tent, Ahmad Khan managed to
remove the seal of Nadir Shah from his finger, took posses¬
sion of the Koh-i-noor diamond and other property, and
saluted his dead body for the last time. There was
all chaos and confusion at this time in the imperial
camp. While the Persian Qizzalbashes were engaged in plun¬
dering the royal property, the other tribes robbed one another
and marched away to their homes. Thus, in four hours after
dawn, not a trace of the imperial tents and property was to
be found there. Everything disappeared with the flight of
Nadir’s ghost,. 14 His head had been immediately sent by Quli
<SL
13. Jahan-kusha-i-Nadiri 9 461; Mujmil-ut-Tawarikh , 14-19; Shah -
namd-i-Akmadiya, 14; Bayan-i~Waqei, 125-26; Lockhart, Nadir Shah ,
261-62. The Mujmil-ui~Tawarikh gives the name of Nadir’s assassin
as Muhammad Beg Qachar.
14. Husain Shahi, 13; Tarikh-i-Ahmad, 10-11; Mujmil-ut-Tawarlkh ,
19-21; Amab-i-Rausa-i-Dera Ismail Khan, 8; Tarikh-i~Baluchistan
(Kitab, Akhund Muhammad Siddiq), 190, 753.
Nadir Shah generally kept the Koh-i-Noor in his personal custody.
‘In the matter of attire, his tastes were simple/ says Lockhart, p. 274,
‘but he developed a love for jewels which he was able fully to satisfy
after he had despoiled India/ He usually wore the Koh-i-Noor on his
arm.
[Continued on p. 23
EARLY LIFE
JCnan to his (Nadir’s) nephew, Ali Quli Khan, in compliance
with whose wishes the headless body was, on the nineth day
after the assassination, transferred to Mashhad and there in¬
terred, on the fifteenth day, in the mausoleum previously
erected for that purpose in the Khiaban-i-Bala. 15
[Continued from p. 22
On the authority of the Rev. Fere Bazin and a few others, Lockhart
says that the Afghans unde;; Ahmad Khan on their way to Qandahar
‘intercepted and captured a treasure convoy from Nadir's camp' and
thinks that ‘it must have been on this occasion that Ahmad Khan
obtained possession of the Koh-i-Noor diamond.' (Nadir Shah, p,
263.) This seizure of a treasure convoy by Ahmad Khan on his way
to Qandahar seems to be the same as mentioned in Chapter III. (Also
see footnote No. 10 of Chapter HI.) The convoy was intended for Nadir
Shah’s camp and was not coming from Nadir's camp as stated by
Lockhart. As such, the question of the Koh-i-Noor being in the
treasure convoy does not arise.
Ghulam Muhammad Ghubar tells us in his Ahmad Shah Baha that
in recognition and appreciation of Ahmad Khan’s exemplary service in
protecting the royal seraglio, Nadir Shah’s queen sent to him on the
following morning a number of presents which included the Koh-i-Noor
(p. 84). This also is not substantiated by any reliable authority and
cannot be accepted as historically true.
15. Bayan-i-Waqei, p. 126-27. The last remains of Nadir were not
allowed to rest in peace for long in this mausoleum at Mashhad. They
were exhumed under the orders of Agha Muhammad Shah Qajar and
taken to Tehran, where they were laid under the threshold of his
palace, so that “whenever he went abroad, he might trample upon the
dust of the great persecutor of himself and his family.”—Lockhart’s
Nadir Shah, p. 264.
<SL
Chapter III
election and coronation
The death of Nadir Shah opened a new chapter ill the
history of Afghanistan. The chief actor who
on the stage was Ahmad Khan Abdah who could rightly be
called the father of modern Afghanistan, as it was he
who, for the first time, stood for-in fact created-* separate
Afghan political entity and raised his people from the dus
of subjection to the throne of independence.
At the time of Nadir’s death the Afghans found them¬
selves surrounded on all sides by hostile Persians, who at¬
tacked them to foil their attempts to reach the royal tents.
Once there, and convinced of the tragic truth, they again
fought their way back through the enemy’s ranks, and, under
Ahmad Khan’s leadership, extricated themselves from then-
clutches Their royal master and patron killed, there was
now no clash of loyalties. There was only one way open to
them, and that was to return to their motherland and strive
for her freedom from the foreign yoke.
The Afghans at this time were under the chief command
of Nur Muhammad Khan Alizei who, as Nadir’s nominee,
had held their reins since the conquest of Qandahar in 1738.
“But with the death of Nadir Shah, and the subsequent re¬
treat of all the Afghans upon Qandahar the position, not only
of the contingent but of the nation which it represented, was
entirely changed.” In the words of Malleson, “a vision of
independence opened before them. No longer the hirelings
of a foreign prince, they constituted at the moment a national
army capable of resisting the heterogeneous mass welded
into consistency by the genius of Nadir but which, his grasp
over them loosened, would almost certainly dissolve. As the
contingent of a foreign prince, the Abdalies and Ghalzeis
had not been unwilling to serve under the orders of the
nominee of the master who had conquered them. But that
miSTffy
ELECTION AND CORONATION
<SL
aster’s death had removed the reason for such obedience.
Free men, they were not willing to do homage to an Alizye,” 1
whose origin, they said, was not sufficiently noble. 2
THE HISTORIC MEETING
The necessity of electing a new chief was keenly felt.
It is true that the need for self-defence had welded the Ab-
dalis and the Ghalzeis into a single community and they were
now marching together in a compact body. But they were in
a foreign land of hostile enemies. At the third stage, there¬
fore, they halted to hold a jjargah, a council of the tribal
chiefs, to decide the question of leadership. According to
Ibn Muhammad Amin Abdul-Hasan Gulistani, they argued:
“In this long journey we must have some one under whose
orders we should conduct ourselves. Without a supreme
chief it is very difficult, nay impossible, to reach Qandahar
with the entire body of our troops, followers and dependants
in the face of danger from the Qizzilbashes. Let us, therefore,
make an effort to appoint a chief to face whatever may hap¬
pen before we get to our destination.” The proposition did
not admit of any easy solution. Each tribe was anxious to
advance the claims of its own. candidate. Day after day,
eight prolonged meetings were held to discuss the various
claims. At the ninth sitting Haji Jamal Khan, the chief of
the Muhainmadzeis, united a majority of suffrages, but the
minority was strong and the' decision seemed as remote as
ever. Ahmad Khan Saddozei Abdali, whose origin and family
were the noblest of them all, had been present at all these
tumultuous assemblies and had patiently and attentively
listened to all that had been said, without offering a word on
the important questions which had been discussed. At an
opportune moment, when the disputant chiefs seemed wearied
with heated and interminable discussions, a darvesh , Muham¬
mad Sabir Shah by name, put forward the claim of Ahmad
Khan saying, “Why all this verbose talk? God has created
Ahmad Khan a much greater man than any of you; his is the
1, History of Afghanistan, 273-74.
2. Ferrier, History of the Afghans J
G* 4
"t R £ T * R lAp\.
<*
9 6.59
J
A
miSTfy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
„.Jst noble of all the Afghan families. Maintain, therefore,
God’s work, for His wrath will weigh heavily upon you if
you destroy it.” Haji Jamal Khan Muhammadzei, the most
powerful and the most influential of the Sardars present at
this meeting and who appeared to have the greatest number
of votes, at once realized the superiority of the Saddozei’s
claim. Ahmad Khan was descended in a direct line from
Saddo, who had been an ambassador to Shah Abbas the Great,
whereas Haji Jamal Khan’s ancestor, Muhammad, was only a
companion of his in that embassy. Then his second next an¬
cestor, Khwaja Khizar, son of Saddo, was the national saint
of the Afghan tribes. Last, though not least, was the emin¬
ence to which his forefathers had risen as chiefs of the Abda-
lis. The superior claims of Ahmad Khan thus established,
Haji Jamal Khan immediately withdrew his own pretensions
in his favour and supported his election with all the weight
of his persuasive eloquence—a conduct that obtained for
him the general respect of the Afghans. 3
Darvesh Sabir Shah, it may be mentioned, had, like
Nizam-ul-Mulk, predicted the rise of Ahmad Khan to king-
ship three days before the assassination of Nadir Shah. On
the day when Nadir Shah arrived at the last stage from Kha-
bushan, and pitched his camp there, a darvesh wearing a
woollen cap met Ahmad Khan, and, unmindful of the power
and awe of Nadir Shah, said to him, “I see the signs of king¬
ship in your face. Give me a piece of cotton cloth, so that
having stitched a few tents and a royal pavilion, I may pray
for you and you may soon adorn the throne of the kingdom.
Credulous as Ahmad Khan was, he complied with the wishes
of the saint, who, like children, was thereafter seen pitching
email tents by the side of Ahmad’s tent and repeating the
Quranic verses. On the third day came about the death of
Nadir. Ahmad Khan looked upon the darvesh as a holy
saint who could foresee the secrets of the future and took
care not to leave him behind in his flight. I he darvesh
pressed Ahmad Khan to declare himself king. But he
3. MuiinU+ut-Tawarikh , 74; Ferrier, 68-9; Malleson, 273-74.
Mausoleum of Sher-i-Surkh,
where Ahmad Shah was elected and crowned as Shah
mtSTfiy
ELECTION AND CORONATION
imitated till the momentous meeting of the tribal chiefs de¬
creed in his favour. 4
<SL
AHMAD KHAN BECOMES SHAH
He seems to have hesitated again and pleaded his incom¬
petence, perhaps, for want of requisite materials for royal
grandeur. But Sabir Shah was not the man to be so easily
put off. When he saw that the choice in favour of Ahmad
had appealed to the Afghan chiefs and tribesmen, he availed
himself of the psychological moment and, raising on the spot
a small platform of earth, took him by the hand and seated
him thereon saying, “This is the throne of your kingdom.
He then strewed some barley-shoots from an adjoining field
and tucked them into his turban, adding, “And may this serve
as the aigrette of your crown.” In the end, as if to complete
the ceremony, the darvesh proclaimed, “Now you are Bad-
shah Durr-i-Dauran (King, the Pearl of the Age). But
Ahmad amended the title and was content to style himself
as Durr-i-Durran; the Pearl of pearls, and his tribe of the
Abdalis as the Durrani (Of the Pearls). 5
4. Mujmil-ut-Tawarikh, 74-75.
According to the Husain Shahi, followed by the Tarikh-i-Ahmad,
Sabir Shah’s prediction had taken place three years before the death
of Nadir. But the Muimil-ut-Tawarikh of Ibn Muhammad Amin seems
to be more reliable in this respect. Ferrier, in his History of the Afghans,
p. 68, tells us that the meeting of the Afghan chiefs took place in the
tomb of Sheikh Surkh situated in the village of Nadirabad, now Kichk
Nookhood, thirty-iive miles from Qandahar. -
5. Muimil-ut-Tawarikh, 74-5; Husain ShaM, 13-4; Tankh-i-Ahmad,
11-12; Bayan-i-Waqe i, 131-32; Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, 860-61; Saulat-i-
Afghani, 341-42; Ferrier, History of the Afghans, 68-9; Malleson, 273-75;
Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, ii. 2C3-04.
With slight variations, the story of Sabir Shah has been recorded
by almost all writers on Ahmad Shah Durrani. According to the
Bayan-i-Waqei, and also the Tarikh-i-Sultanl, 123, the Darvesh Sabir
Shah, whom he calls Baba Sabir, was originally a resident of Lahore
in the Panjab and was a na’l-band, horse-shoe-maker, by profession.
His real name, according to Nizam-ud-Din Ishrat’s Shah-NamaJi-i-
Ahmadiya, 73, was Raza Shah, and Sabir Shah was his title as a Dor-
vesh. See also Mirat-i-Aftab Numa, 158b. A brother of Sabir Shah
Baqir Shah by name, was living in Peshawar in 1212 A.H., and received
five thousand rupees annually from the Afghan Government. He was
personally known to Imam-ud-Din Husaini, the author of the Tankh-
mtsTfi.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
As .was natural, Ahmad Khan had the greatest venera¬
tion for Sabir. Shah. Imam-ud-Din Husaini, the author of
the T&rtkh4~Hus&in Shahi, records it on the authority of
Nawab Nasir Khan of Kabul of whom we shall read a good
deal in the coming pages; “One day.I went to the Dcivbar of
Ahmad Shah. I saw that Ahmad Shah was sitting on his
throne and a darvesh, naked from head to foot, with his
body covered with dust, was lying in his lap. Very often he
raised his hand to his ear and nose and, pulling them towards
himself, said, ‘You see, 0 Afghan, I have made you a king. 5 ’
.And Ahmad Shah with his head bent down was talking to
him in a most respectful manner. When I enquired of the
people in the house the name of the darvesh they told me
that he was called Sabir Shah.” 8
INDEPENDENCE DECLARED
Another matter of importance, decided in the meeting
of the Afghan chiefs and to which all had agreed without a
dissentient vote, was to sever their connection with Persia
and to declare the independence of the Afghans under a king
of their own. A full-fledged king, though not yet formally
crowned, Ahmad Khan proceeded to make the necessary
appointments. Shah Wali Khan Bamezei was given the title
i-Husain Shahi, and is said to have been a man of talents .-—Husain
Shahi, 15-16. Sher Mohammad Khan in his Ansab-i-Rausa-i-Dem
Ismail Khan, 31b, says that the Pir who gave the title of Durr~i~Durran
to Ahmad Khan was Hazrat Umar of Chamkanni near Peshawar.
According to Ferrier, 69, the Darvesh was a caretaker of the tomb
of Sheik Surkh in the village of Nadirabad, 35 miles from Qandahar.
It was there, as Ferrier tells us, that the historic meeting for the elec¬
tion of the chief of the Afghans was held after their arrival at Qandahar.
Of. Tarikh -i-Sultani, 122. Nizam-ud-Din Ishrat makes no mention of
Sabir Shah at this stage in his Shah Namah-i-Ahmadiya. The narra¬
tive given above, constructed out of conflicting material, appears to be
more probable.
I am inclined to believe that while the Jargah of the Afghan Sardars,
wherein Ahmad Khan was elected as chief of the Afghans, was held
on their way to Qandahar, the actual formal coronation took place at
the mausoleum of Shir Surkh at Nadirabad two miles to the south-east
of Qandahar.
6. Husain Shahi f 15,
misr^
election and coronation
<SL
Ashrai-ul-Wuzra and was appointed prime minister, with
Sardar Jan Khan, later on popularly called Jahan Khan, as
war minister and Sipah-Salar, or the commander-in-chief.
Shah Pasand Khan was created Amir-i-LasKkar, or chief of
the army. Similarly, many other Sardars, such as Barkhur-
dar Khan, Abdullah Khan and Nur-ud-Din were honoured
and raised to high offices in the newly constituted state. 7 8
At the head of some three to four thousand Afghans,
who were then with him, Ahmad Khan marched homeward.
Herat was then governed by a Persian nominee of Nadir
Shah. Ahmad Khan did not find himself strong enough to re¬
duce this place. IVIoreover, he was not yet perfectly sure of the
loyalty of his companions. As his main object at this time
was to get to Qandahar as early as possible, he dropped the
idea of taking Herat and marched on straight to his destina¬
tion. In the neighbourhood of Farrah, an army of a few
thousand Persians came to block his way, but they were
easily pushed aside by the Afghans, who arrived at Qandahar
in due course without any further obstruction.®
AHMAD SHAH AT QANDAHAR
As good luck would have it, a day before Ahmad Khan’s
arrival at Qandahar, there had arrived in the city Muham¬
mad Taqi Khan Shirazi, 9 Beglarbegi to Nadir Shah in Sindh
and the Panjab, Muhammad Saeed, a representative of Nawab
Zakriya Khan of Lahore, and Nawab Nasir Khan of Kabul,
with a treasure of two karors of rupees in. money, diamonds
and shawls, carried by three hundred camels under escort of
an Afghan guard. It was intended for Nadir, and the cus¬
todians had encamped in the city to rest for a few days and
to collect five hundred animals for their onward journey. No
intelligence Could have been more welcome to Ahmad Khan
at this time. He immediately sent out jarchis, or public
criers, to announce the news of Nadir’s death and to proclaim
his own election to independent kingship of the Afghans. 10
7. Husain Shahi, 14; Tarikh-i-Ahmad, 11-2; Shah Namah, 38-9.
8. Husain-Shahi, 14-15; Tarikh-i-Ahmad, 12-3; Shah Namah, 34-5.
9. The Shirazi had only one eye and was nicknamed kur, or the
blind. Tazkirah-i-Anandram, 235.
10. According to the Bayan-i-Waqei, 130, the treasure amounted
to thirty lakhs, and was looted and divided among themselves by Nur
MIN ISTffy
z
E
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
; : S^;^Aen seized the convoy and also the elephants and other
'property and distributed the contents amongst the officers
and men of his army and other employees of his Govern¬
ment, “This great liberality on his part/’ says Ferrier, “did
more for his future career than all his private virtues and
noble origin. Several tribes, who had not as yet positively
recognised his election, but the chiefs of which were on this
occasion the recipients of his generosity, now attached them-
selves to his person and he profited by this feeling of unani¬
mity to consolidate his power, and during the first year of
his reign to raise a large army with which he subsequently
marched on Kabul to capture it.” 11 Ahmad Khan treated
Muhammad Taqi Khan with kindness and he entered his ser¬
vice with a number of his Qizzilbash followers. As desired
by his new master, Taqi recalled a large number of Nadir’s
other Qizzilbash servants, stationed in Kabul and the Parijab,
and induced them to enter the Afghan service. But Nasir
Khan was not the 'man to surrender so easily and was, there¬
fore, kept in confinement 12 •
The Afghans thus won over and united and some fresh
Persian levies brought into his service, Ahmad Khan advanced
upon the city of Qandahar. The elders came out to receive
him. Some of them who saw all power slip out of their hands
had secretly plotted against him. But it was anticipated.
At the time of the interview, Ahmad Khan took one of the
leading Sardars,. entrusted with the task of negotiations, to
the place of enquiry and, there, threw him to be crushed
under the feet of an elephant. Two of the chiefs of that
Muhammad Khan, Kadhu Khan and other chieftains in the neighbour¬
hood of Qandahar; Ahmad Shah had "to throw them into prison to force
them to disgorge it. I have accepted the total figure of Ferrier, which
also included diamonds, shawls, etc. The Imad-us~Saadat gives the
amount of the treasure as ten lakhs of ashrafis which, with diamonds
and shawls added to it, would easily raise the total to two karors. Sykes,
in his History of Persia , 370, says that among the jewels seized on this
occasion was the famous diamond known as the Koh-i-Noor. But this
seems not to be the fact. For other details, the Mujmil-ut~Tawdnkh
appears to be more reliable. Also see footnote No. 14 of Chapter II.
11. History of the Afghans, 70.
12. Bayan~i~Waqei, 130-31; Husain Shahi ,, 15; Miiftriil-ut-Tawiirlkh.
75; Tarikh-i-Ahmad, 12-13; Ferrier, 69-70; Malleson, 275-76,
MiNisr^
Election and coronation
were put to the sword, 13 The way was now clear ahS
entered the city with a strong force.
CORONATION
One© the master of Qandahar, Ahmad Khan found him¬
self securely established as the king of the Afghans. He
was formally crowned in the mosque at Qandahar early in
the month of July, 1747. 14 ‘The ceremony of his coronation
was of the most simple kind, the Mullah of the highest rank
poured a measure of wheat on the head of the new monarch,
announcing to the assembled Afghans that he was the chosen
of God and the nation.’ “This emblematical investiture of
the regal power,” writes Ferrier in the middle of the nine¬
teenth century, “is followed to the present day amongst the
Afghan tribes each time they elect a chief; the signification
which is attached to this ceremonial is that abundance and
prosperity will result from the acts of him whom they make
the depository of power.” 15 Ahmad Khan then assumed the
title of Shah in addition to that of Durr-i~Durran, as men¬
tioned above, and he was thenceforward to be known as
Ahmad Shah Durrani He also ordered it to be proclaimed
by the beat of drum that the name of his tribe was also
changed from Abdali to Durrani and that no one should call
it by the old name. 16
13, Among those killed by the order of Ahmad Shah at Qandahar
during these days is also included the name of Abdul Ghani Khan, his
own maternal uncle, to whom Nadir Shah had entrusted the govern¬
ment of Qandahar in 1738. See Tazkirah-i-Anandram, 233.
14. Ferrier places the coronation of Ahmad Shah towards the close
of the year 1747, and Nash in October 1747 (History of the War in
Afghanistan , 25). There is a letter of Ahmad Shah to Muhammad
Husain Afridi, dated the 18th of Raj jab, 1160 A.H., July 15, 1747, in the
Tazkirah-i~Anandram, which refers to his having been crowned. This
would place the event in July, 1747, at the latest.
Putting all accounts together, I am inclined to believe that the
formal coronation of Ahmad Shah took place at the Mausoleum of bhir
Surkh at Nadirabad two miles to the south-east of Qandahar Cf. Ghu-
bar, Ahmad Shah Baba, 85-90.
15, History of the Afghans, 70.
16. Tahmas Hamah, 61; Shah Namah-i-Ahmadiya, 3; Ferrier, 93.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
usual on such occasions, coins were struck in the
name of Ahmad Shah Durrani with the inscription:
§L
^ j£.
Command came from God, the Inscrutable, to Ahmad the
King,
Strike coin on silver and gold from the bottom of the
sea to the moon.
The official seal for his farmcms was inscribed with the
words:
Ql>s>
/
By the command of God, the Bestower of Victory: Alnnad
Shah, the Pearl of Pearls.
At the end, the picture of a peacock was carved on it. The
shape of his seal-ring was that of a goblet. 17
Immediately after his accession, Ahmad Shah thought it
best to set Nawab Nasir Khan at liberty and to confirm him
in the government of Kabul. He did not, however, appear
to become a willing agent of the Durrani. He was, there¬
fore, required to leave his son in Qandahar as a hostage for
good behaviour. It is also said that, willingly or otherwise,
the Nawab had agreed to give in marriage the hand of his
daughter to Ahmad, in addition to a tribute of five lakhs
of rupees. 18
BEGINNING OF CONSOLIDATION
Ahmad Shah had then two great problems to solve: the
organization of the Afghan tribes and the consolidation of
his kingdom. It is true that he had the Persian model of
17. Husain Shahi 16; Latif, Punjab, 215.
.18. Mulakhas-uUTawarikh, 356; Umda-tu-Tawarikh, i, 122; Risalah-
i~Nanak Shah, 121; Saulat-i-Afghani, 244
ELECTION And CORONATION
Nadir Shah before him to follow. But as the situation in
Persia at Nadir's accession was not identical with that in
Afghanistan when Ahmad Shah came to the throne, it was
not easy to mould the Afghans on the Persian pattern. The
Persians had for centuries been accustomed to absolute sub¬
mission to a despotic system of Government. Nadir, there¬
fore, succeeded without any serious opposition to an esta¬
blished monarchy, though foreign, and this proved a most
favourable circumstance for him. Ahmad Shah, on the other
hand, had to found a monarchy for the first time among a
warlike and independent people whose short experience of
Nadir’s monarchy, under which they had been compelled to
pay tribute to a foreigner to tighten his hold over them, was
more hateful than lovable. From love of equality, inherent
in their blood, they were likely to view the exaltation of one
of their own nation with even more jealousy than the tyranny
of a foreign master. He had, therefore, to chalk out his own
course. Born as an Afghan, bred among the Afghans, pos¬
sessing a clear head, and having singularly sagacious views,
he was well fitted to deal with the first question. He knew
that the Afghan chiefs were jealous guardians of their here¬
ditary tribal rights. He, therefore, decided not to touch them
and, without centralizing all the springs of power in his
own hands, he resolved to rule the tribes through their own
chiefs on the feudal system. He preserved the independence
of the tribes under their own chiefs, without any interference
in their internal administration. The ruling power that he
concentrated in his own hands was to be exercised in con¬
sultation with the great chiefs. The chiefs were to furnish
him with the allotted contingents for service in case of war
and the central government was to pay them a certain fixed
sum in acknowledgement of their services.
To gain, in the first instance, the active support and close
co-operation of his own tribe, on which he could depend most
for the establishment of his rule, he confirmed the Durranis
in the possession of their old lands, requiring of them nothing
more than the attendance of their contingents of troops as
fixed by Nadir. He reserved to the Durrani chiefs most of
the great offices in his new state and made them almost here¬
ditary in their families. He exalted the Saddozeis—the mem*
G. 5
WNisr/fy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
s of his own clan—and added to the lustre of the halo
that already surrounded the descendants of Saddo and Khwaja
Hhizar.
To the other tribes he was equally considerate, and, with,
a broad mind and sympathetic attitude, he endeavoured to
bring them closer and to knit them into a homogeneous
whole. To create in them a spirit of attachment to their
native king, he impressed upon every act of his the stamp
of * patriotism. He was a king to extend the Afghan autho¬
rity^ to found an Afghan nationality, to spread Afghan ideas.
It'was in this spirit that he, not unoften, refused to attack
refractory tribes and . said that he was not willing to bring
any calamity upon his countrymen. The undesirable activi¬
ties of Muhabbat Khan, the former Qiladar, Nur Muhammad
Khan, a municipal officer, and Gadai Khan, the commandant
of troops in Qandahar on behalf of Nadir, were overlooked
by him under these noble sentiments, and it was not till they
exceeded all limits and appeared positively dangerous to the
consolidation of the state that he was driven to the neces¬
sity of punishing them . 19
But to carry the tribes with him in all these nationalistic
ideas, he had, in the first instance, to win their chiefs. He,
therefore, instituted a council of nine Afghan chiefs with¬
out whose consultation and advice he would adopt no measure
of importance.
“For the consolidation of liis power at home,” says Elphin-
stone, “he relied in a great measure, on the effects of his
foreign wars. If these were successful, his victories would
raise his reputation, and his conquests would supply him with
the means of maintaining an army, and of attaching the
Afghan chiefs by favour and rewards: the hopes of plunder
would induce many tribes to join him, whom he could not
easily have compelled to submit: by carrying the great men
with his army he would be able to prevent their increasing, or
even preserving their influence in their tribes; and the habits
of military obedience would prepare them for a cheerful sub¬
mission to his government at home: the troops also, having
the King constantly before their eyes, and witnessing the sub-
19. Gulistan-i-Rahmat, 14G.
ELECTION AND CORONATION
<SL
ission of their hereditary chiefs, would learn to regard him
as the head of the nation; and he might hope, as the event
proved, that his popular manners, and the courage, activity,
vigilance, and other military virtues which he possessed,
would impress all ranks with respect, and strongly attach
his soldiers to his person .” 20
The situation in the neighbouring countries was equally
favourable. The great Indian and Uzbak empires had been
humbled by Nadir and laid prostrate. The warlike Baluchis
had been subjugated and there was no fear of opposition
from them. In fact it appeared that they would, prefer en¬
tering into alliance with their Afghan neighbours to their
union with any one else. The sun of Iran had set with'the
death of Na'dir and, with the daidc clouds all around, there
was no prospect of its early rise on the political horizon.
Such was the state of affairs when Ahmad Shah Durrani
ascended the throne of Afghanistan and embarked on a career
of conquest.
20. Caubul, ii, 283-4; ' Ferrier, 69-70; Malleson, 276-77.
misrfff.
Chapter IV
<SL
OCCUPATION OF KABUL AND PESHAWAR,
The measures adopted by Ahmad Shah at his accession
eminently succeeded in winning over the Afghan tribes to
his cause. Recruits poured in from all directions, and, before
long, his army exceeded forty thousand, drawn from almost
all the clans of the Abdalis and Ghalzeis, with a sprinkling
of the Qizzilbashes.
OCCUPATION OF KABUL
There was then no such thing as Afghanistan. The first
thing for him to do, therefore, was to bring together various
Afghan districts into one political unit. Herat he left over
for a later occasion and decided to begin with Ghazni and
Kabul. And there were reasons for it. Nawab Nasir Khan 1
of Kabul, as we know, had been set at. liberty and confirmed
as the governor of that province. He was an ambitious and
intriguing man and, as is borne out by his subsequent career,
he could not appreciate an act of grace towards him. Al¬
though he had left with Ahmad Shah his elder son as a host¬
age for good behaviour, he had no intention to fulfil his
promises. Soon after his return to Kabul, he left for Pesha¬
war—according to one tradition, under the orders of Emperor
Muhammad Shah of Delhi—and began collecting troops to
oppose the plans of His Afghan Majesty. He originally ruled
Kabul on behalf of Muhammad Shah, but when that pro¬
vince was transferred to Nadir, he was allowed to continue
in its government. Now he refused to recognize Ahmad Shah
as the successor of Nadir Shah in Kabul and to fulfil the pro¬
mises made at the time of his release; and, on the top of it,
1. His real name was Nasiri Khan. He was the son of Nasir Khan
Muhammad Aman, Governor of Kabul during the reign of Emperor
Aurangzeb of India. After the death of his father in 1129 A.H., 1717
AJX, he became the Subedar of Kabul and received his father’s title
of Nasir Khan in the second year of Muhammad Shah’s reign. For
further details, see Ma’asir-ul-Umra , iii, 433-5; Ahmad Yadgar, Salatin-
i-Afacjhina, 250; also Tahmas Nama and Tarikh-i-AH
CCUPATION OF KABUL AND PESHAWAR
declared himself in favour of the Mughal. It was said that
he had offered the hand of his daughter in a state of helpless¬
ness as a prisoner in Qandahar. As to the payment of five
lakhs of rupees agreed upon, the Afghans of Kabul, who
later on deserted his cause, had expressed their inability to
raise the money, .and had urged upon him to fight the Dur¬
rani. Nash Khan, thereupon, sent back the five Durrani
guards who had come along with him for the money, and
went away to Peshawar for military preparations . 2
Ahmad Shah could not afford to brook such an affront
in the very beginning of his rule. He, therefore, marched
against him with a large force. The governor of Ghazni,
appointed by Nadir, came out to block his passage but he
was defeated and brushed aside, and the place was occupied
without much opposition. Nasir Khan had, however, been
making preparations at Peshawar to oppose the Durrani.
While submitting to the Mughal Emperor, he had appealed
to him for troops and money. He had also raised recruits
from among the Hararah and Uzbak tribes. On the other
hand, Ahmad Shah had been writing to the Afghan chiefs
throughout the country ever since his accession and they had
been fired with a national spirit. He had also entered into
communication with the Afghans in Kabul who had, evi¬
dently, assured him of co-operation. They would not fight
for the Mughal against the Afghan. Even the leading Per¬
sian families in the Bala Hisar citadel of the capital had enter¬
ed into a secret understanding with Ahmad Shah. And ‘they
made a common cause with the Afghans’, on his arrival at
Kabul, ‘under a promise that their chiefs should participate
in the official appointments and advantages in the gifts of
the sovereign, and be treated in all things on a footing of
equality.’ The capital was defended for some * time by a
deputy of Nasir Khan, but, with the defection of'the Afghans
to the side of Ahmad Shah, he lost all hope and fled away to
Peshawar to join his master. The fall of Kabul added another
province to Ahmad Shah’s kingdom. The capital was occu¬
pied and an Afghan chief, devoted to his person and interests,
2. Siyar-ul-Mutakherin , iii, 253; IJmda-tu-Taxoarikh , i, 122; Risa-
lah-i-Namk Shah , 120-1; Mulakhas-ut-Tawankh, 356,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI <SL
is ! appointed its governor. Nasir Khan, s wife, who was
the daughter of Zabardast Khan AIL Mardan Khan, fell into
the hands of the Durranis, but she was treated With all the re¬
spect, due to her position. While the Shah himself was busy
with the establishment of administrative machinery in this
new province, he deputed Sardar Jahan Khan, his Sipah
Salar, popularly called Bakhshi, to march in advance against
Nasir Khan . 3
OCCUPATION OF PESHAWAR
The Afghan ldng established at Kabul, Nasir Khan
feared an attack from the Afghan tribes, who were sure, he
thought, to join the Durrani on his way to Peshawar. To
keep them in check and fear, he decided to surprise them, by
a night-attack upon one of their leading chiefs, Abdus Samad
Khan Muhammadzei (also called Mamanzei) of the Doaba
of Hasht Nagar. This danger removed, he thought he could
successfully block the Khaibar Pass against the Afghans.
Abdus Samad Khan escaped from his fortress towards Jalala¬
bad and joined the advance army of the Shah at Lalpur.
Nasir Khan, in his fury, sacked the fortress of Hasht Nagar,
put most of Abdus Samad Khan’s relations and dependents
to the sword and returned to Peshawar .' 4
Sardar Jahan Khan, guided by Abdus Samad Khan,
rushed into the Khaibar Pass before Nasir Khan could take
any effective measures to block it. Ahmad Shah also follow¬
ed them soon afterwards. Nasir Khan, it seems, could not
collect a force sufficiently strong to oppose them with any
hope of success. The whole of the Kabul province, including
Peshawar, was populated with Afghans who had openly de¬
clared for the Afghan king. He, therefore, quietly evacuated
Peshawar and crossed over to the east of the river Indus
and sought shelter in Chhachh Hazara. 'Ahmad Shah enter¬
ed Peshawar as a national hero and was acclaimed as such
by the Afghan tribes living in that area. The chiefs of the
3. Tazkirah-i-Anandram, 237; Husain Shahi, 17; Tarlkh-i-Ahmad,
13-14; Siyar-ul-Mutdkherin, 861; Saulat-i-Afgha-ni, 244; Mulakhas-ut-
Tawarikh, 356; Malleson, 70.
4. Husain Shahi, 17; Tarikh-i-Ahmad, 13-14; Tarikh-i-Sultani,
124-125; Saulat-i-Afghani, 52,
WNIST/fy
CCUPATION OF KABUL AND PESHAWAR 39
usafzeis and Khataks, without any exception, came to do
homage to him, Abdus Samad Khan Muhammadzei, also
called Samand Khan Mamanzei, had already joined Jahan
Khan. He was followed, in his submission to the Durrani,
by the chief of Mandar, Fateh Khan, son of Nazoh Khan
of Hoti, accompanied by the Khans of Toru and Babozei.
Ahmad Shah received them with distinction, and, directing
the Mandar chiefs to join his camp with a contingent of five
hundred horse for service in Hindustan, dismissed them with
presents. The territories attached to Peshawar extended up
to the right bank of the Indus, and, with the capture of this
place and the submission of the tribal chiefs, the boundary
of the new kingdom was carried wherever an Afghan tribe
was to be found to the west of the river.
On arriving at Peshawar, Ahmad Shall had ordered Jahan
Khan not to slacken the pursuit of Nasir Khan till he had
driven him out of Hazara. The news soon arrived that the
fugitive had fled to the Panjab. According to the Tazkirah-i-
Anandram, he reached Lahore on the 23rd of Zi-qada,
1160 A.H., November 15, 1747. At this time Nawab Hayat-
ullah Khan Shah Nawaz Khan, the governor of Lahore, was
in secret correspondence with Ahmad Shah Durrani. Nasir
Khan could not, therefore, be given a warm public reception.
In fact, the governor hesitated even to meet him. Nasir Khan
stayed for a few days in one of the chambers of the Idgah —
where Shah Nawaz Khan paid him a private visit—and then
marched away to Delhi where, on the 27th of Zilhijja, Decem¬
ber 19, 1747, he was received in audience by Emperor Muham¬
mad Shah and was given a dress of honour of six pieces, a
sword, an elephant and a lakh of rupees in recognition of
his loyalty to the Mughal Empire. 5
Sardar Jahan Khan returned to Peshawar after the flight
of Nasir Khan and began preparing himself for military ope¬
rations in India for which his master, Ahmad Shah, had
made up his mind in response to the invitations of Shah Nawaz
Khhn of Lahore.
Sl
5. Husain Shahi, 18; Tarikh-i-Ahmad, 14; Tdzkirah-i-Anandram
237-8; Tarikh-i-Sultani, 124-5; Shah Namah, 50-8; H, W. Bellew, Yusuf~>
zeis, 77.
I ; s
WNISTfff,
9 ,
2
Chapter V
FIRST INVASION OF INDIA
THE CONQUEST OF LAHORE
THE POLITICAL, CONDITION IN THE PANJAB
Nadir Shah’s invasion of India in 1738-39 not only ex¬
posed the hollowness of the central Mughal government, but
also shook the loyalty of the provincial governments to Delhi,
The governorships had, for some time past, come to be per¬
manently settled in particular families, whose members, in
almost all their transactions, were guided by their own per¬
sonal interests and, not unoften, entered into political nego¬
tiations with foreign powers—even with the enemies of the
empire—without any reference to the imperial headquarters.
The political transactions of the viceroys of the Deccan and
Bengal with the French and the English were important
examples which pointed the way to a usurper in the Panjab,
Shah Nawaz Khan, for foreign help to maintain his power
against his own elder brother and against the central govern¬
ment in the case of their interference on behalf of the rightful
and recognized governor.
Shah Nawaz Khan was the second son of Khan Bahadur
Zakariya Khan, the governor of the Panjab from 1726 to 1745
A.D. His real name was Hayatullah Khan and he was some¬
times called by the nickname of Philauri Khan. During the
invasion of Nadir Shah, he had accompanied him from Lahore
to Delhi, from where, just after the invader’s departure, he
was sent to his father with orders to keep ready a karor of
rupees for him. On Nadir’s way back, he accompanied him
as far as Larkana in Sindh, received from him the title of
Shah Navmz Khan and was appointed the governor of Multan. 1
L. Multan had been governed by Shah Nawaz Khan’s grand¬
father (Zakariya Khan’s father) Saif-ud-Daulah Nawab Abdus Sam ad
Khan from 1726 to 1737 (1150 A.H., the year of his death), and was
then held by his father Zakariya Khan in addition to the province of
Lahore. Ma’asir-uLUmra, ii, 514-17; Beal, Dictionary of Oriental Bio¬
graphy, 14; Beale, Miftah-ut-Tawarikh, 316; Tazkimh~i~Anandram,
105-31.
WHtST/ty
FIRST INVASION OF INDIA
L
Zakariya Khan died at Lahore on the 12th of Jamadi~us~
Sani, 1158 A.H., July 1, 1745. Shah Nawaz Khan and his
elder brother, Yahiya Khan, who was married to a daughter
of Wazir-wl-Mumalik Qamar~ud.-Din Khan, both then hap¬
pened to be at Delhi. Within a week they left for the Pan jab.
Emperor Muhammad Shah was not willing to confirm the
sons of Zakariya Khan in the government of Lahore and
Multan. He, however, later on, agreed to give these provin¬
ces to the Wazir, who, on his own behalf, could appoint
Yahiya Khan to the governorship of Lahore and Shah Nawaz
Khan to that of Multan. The robes of honour for the purpose
were granted by the Emperor on the 9th of Shaban, 1158
A.H., August 26, 1745. Thus the two brothers—the third
Mir Baqi remains practically unknown to history—became
governors respectively of the two provinces in the Panjab.
Soon afterwards Yahiya Khan seems to have gone back
to Delhi to negotiate for the release of his father’s property
which, according to the Mughal practice, had been confiscated
to His Majesty. This took several months, and on his return
to Lahore on July 1, 1746, Yahiya Khan appropriated the
whole of it. He was, evidently, not willing to share it with
his younger brothers. Shah Nawaz Khan, on the other hand,
was a hot-headed young man. He arrived at Lahore from
Multan on the 18th of Zi-qada, 1159 A.H., November 21, 1746,
and demanded a formal division of the property. The dis¬
cussions that followed resulted in the exchange of hot words,
with hands flying to the hilts of the swords. The soldiers
of the two brothers often fought in the streets of Lahore,
while each of them stood behind his entrenchments in his
own quarter of the city. The civil war continued for four
months till on the 17th of March, 1747, the partisans of Yahiya
Khan were worsted and Shah Nawaz Khan entered the city
on the fifth day, the 21st of March, 1747. The ex-governor
fell into the hands of the usurper and was interned in the
haveli of his aunt, Dardana Begam, sister of Zakariya Khan.
The confinement of Yahiya Khan, with the prime mini¬
ster of the empire as his father-in-law, added to the anxieties
of Shah Nawaz Khan and made him apprehensive of his own
. future. As a usurper, he knew, he had been disloyal to the
G. 6
<SL
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
thrown and had forfeited the sympathies of Wazir Qamar-ud-
Din, the real official governor of the provinces of Lahore and
Multan. Although for five months no action had been taken
against him, the fear of their wrath falling upon him sooner
or later was constantly there. He, therefore, sent his steward,
Muhammad Naeem Khan, to the Emperor at Delhi, to apolo¬
gize for his past misconduct and to request that he might be
confirmed as the deputy governor of Lahore. The envoy ar¬
rived at Delhi on the 9th of Ramzan, 1160 A.H., September 3,
1747 A.D., and opened negotiations with Diwan Abdul Majid
Khan, and, then, through Bakhshi-ul-Mumalik Saadat Khan,
he had an interview with the prime minister. Delay in such
talks was natural, particularly when Qamar-ud-Din was not
well disposed towards him. 2
SHAH NAWAZ KHAN INVITES AHMAD SHAH
Shah Nawaz Khan, therefore, looked for help from some
foreign quarter. At that time Ahmad Shah Durrani was in
the province of Kabul. Shah Nawaz Khan, by then, must
have heard of his exploits. His eyes turned towards him,
and, with the advice of Adina Beg Khan, the faujdar of his
jagir in the Jullundur Doab and a staunch supporter of his
in the usurpation of Lahore, sent to him an envoy, with a
letter inviting him to take possession of the country. For
himself, he only asked for the office of the prime minister
under him. 3 He also embraced the Shia religion and erased
the names of the Timurid emperors from his official seal, re-
2. Tazkirah-i-Anandram, 105-31, 227-31.
According to the Bciyan-i-Waqei, 129-30, Wazir Qamar-ud-Din
had written to Shah Nawaz Khan to set Yahiya Khan at liberty. But
Shah Nawaz Khan had refused to comply with his wishes till he had
•sent to him the sanad, appointing him the governor of the Panjab. On
receipt of this reply, the Wazir began vigorous preparations for his
march to Lahore for the release of his son-in-law. This upset Shah
Nawaz Khan and he became restless.
3. 'Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, 861; Tahmas Namah, 63-4; Kushwaqt Kai,
Tarikh-i-Sikhan, 61; Umda-tn-Tawarikh, i, 114-15; Ali-ud-Din, Ibmt
Namah, 233.
According to the Umda-tu~Tawarikh, it was Darvesh Sabir Shah
who was sent as an envoy to Ahmad Shah. But this is not supported
by other authorities.
FIRST INVASION OF INDIA
^facing them by those of the twelve Imams. This was, per¬
haps, ‘to find allies among the Shia soldiery of Persia’ and
to impress upon Ahmad Shah the bona fides of his break with
the Mughals. 4
The vakil and the letter of Shah Nawaz Khan were most
welcome to Ahmad Shall. He bowed to the Almighty for
them, for he had never expected that things would shape
themselves so favourably for him. He at once had the re¬
quired deed drawn up (with the terms: the Crown to Ahmad,
the wazirship to Shah Nawaz) and, having got it sealed by
the chiefs of his army as witnesses, despatched it to Lahore
with a confidential representative, Bughra Khan Popalzei.
SITUATION REVERSED
Adina Beg Khan, who was playing a double game, in¬
formed the Wazir of the secret correspondence between Shah
Nawaz Khan and Ahmad Shah saying, ‘that his nephew had
become very headstrong, had entered into correspondence
with Ahmad Abdali, and paid no attention to the words of
his best servants; 5 that if the Wazir were to soothe his mind
and gain his heart, they would also be able to beseech him. 5
The envoy, Muhammad Naeem Khan, was still at Delhi when
this intelligence reached there. The Wazir, who had been
inattentive to the petition of Shah Nawaz Khan and the sup¬
plication of his envoy, was suddenly awakened to the realities
of the situation. There was no alternative. A royal farman ,
granting the request of Shah Nawaz Khan, was immediately
drawn up and handed over to his representative. The Wazir
also wrote, in his own hand, a personal conciliatory letter to
his nephew. Its purport was “that their family had at all
times been loyal to the Mughal emperors and had never
been guilty of an act of ingratitude or treason; it was a sor¬
rowful thing that he should have had such intentions, and a.
matter of shame for him to have stooped to obey an Afghan
Yasawal (personal attendant) of Nadir Shah. He should
4. Bayan-i-Waqei , 129; Ashub, ii. 453 (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal
Empire , i. 196).
5. The best servants , referred to, evidently, included Adina Beg
Khan himself and Diwan Lakhpat Rai of Lahore, Cf, Kushwaqt Hal,
Tarikh-i-Sikhanj 61.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
rather drive out this insignificant fellow from all the frontiers
of Hindustan; the five provinces of Kabul, Kashmir, Thatta,
Lahore and Multan would then come under his own jurisdic¬
tion; and, in this, the whole Empire with all its resources will
be at his back,” This reversed the whole situation. Shah
Nawaz Khan felt elated at the receipt of the royal farman
and the prime minister’s letter which touched his family
pride and promised him help in the extension of his domi¬
nions. He at once changed his mind, and, unmindful of the
negotiations with Ahmad Shah, decided to throw in his lot
with his traditional masters in opposition to the Durrani. 7
AHMAD SHAH MARCHES TO INDIA
Ahmad Shah, on the other side, had by now completed
his preparations. A. large number of Afghan adventurers
from the neighbouring tribes also joined him in the hope of
plundering the rich towns of India. About the middle of
December, 1747, he left Peshawar with an army of about
eighteen thousand Afghans, 8 one-third of whom belonged to
his own tribe. He crossed the Indus on a bridge of boats.
The Yusafzei contingent joined him at Attock.
It was here that his envoy Bughra Khan met him on his
return from Lahore and informed him of the changed situa¬
tion there. Bughra Khan himself was not a man of refined
manners and lacked the gift of persuasive eloquence. Ali-
ud-Din tells us that he could not conduct himself properly
during his interview with Shah Nawaz Khan and irritated
him by improper discussions. He could, however, see the pre¬
parations that Shah Nawaz Khan was making to oppose the
Durrani and hastened back with the information that he had
gathered.
7. Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, 861-62; Tazkirah-i-Anandram, 235; Ali-
ud-Din, Ibrat Namah, 233.
8. Anandram Mukhlis, writing on the authority of the news then
received at Delhi, gives the number of the Shah’s army as 25,000
Sawars, while Abdul Karim, in his Bayan-i-Waqei, 131, followed by
Abdul Rahman, entitled Shah Nawaz Khan, in his Mirat-i-Aftab Numa,
158 a, puts the figure at ‘more than 12,000 horse and foot’. About
18,000, as given by Sir Jadu Nath Sarkar, in the Fall of the Mughal
Empire, i. 207, is, therefore, more reliable,
FIRST INVASION OF INDIA
HnR SABIR SHAH MURDERED AT LAHORE
But Ahmad Shah was not dejected by this intelligence.
His army moved on towards Jhelum and occupied the fort of
Rohtas without any opposition. From here he sent, in
advance, his Pir, Sabir Shah, who proceeded to Lahore, in
company with Muhammad Yar Khan Zarab-bashi, the mint-
master, ostensibly with the object of seeing his mother who
lived there and of visiting the tombs of local saints. On his
arrival at Lahore, the Pir stayed at the house of Mufti Abdul¬
lah. His fame as a necromancer had preceded him and it
was talked about in the city that he had arrived there to
render the Mughal artillery ineffective against the Durranis.
Having heard of this extraordinary Darvesh, Shah Nawaz
Khan sent Adina Beg Khan and Diwan Kaura Mall to find
out his real purpose. Sabir replied, “I have no business with
any one of you. Out of my regard for the city, which is my
birth-place, and my obligation to its citizens and rulers with
whom I have lived, I cannot help saying that faithlessness is
never an object of approbation with either man or God, and
that your sword is not equal to that of Ahmad Abdali.” At
this stage he was interrupted by some one saying, “What do
you mean, Sir? Is our sword made of wood and his of iron?”
“No,” said he, “both, the swords are made of iron. But his
star (Iqbal) is in the ascendant and your Iqbal is not equal
to his.” Adina Beg reported this to Shah Nawaz Khan who
was much upset to hear all this. He ordered the Darvesh
and his companion Muhammad Yar Khan to be imprisoned
and kept under strict surveillance and not to be allowed to
escape to the Durrani’s camp. Ali-ud-Din in his Ibrat Namah
has recorded an interview between Shah Nawaz Khan and
Pir Sabir Shah. “How is brother Ahmad Shah?” asked Shah
Nawaz. The Pir replied, “He is the king of Vilayat (Afgha¬
nistan) and Khurasan and aims at the conquest of Hindus¬
tan, while you are only a Subeclar, a governor, of one place
(province), and a servant and dependent of someone else.
How dare you utter these words?” According to the Taz~
kirah-i~Anandram, Sabir Shah told Shah Nawaz that as the
Emperor of India was not well, disposed towards him and was
only looking for an opportunity to wreak his vengeance upon
him, it was in his interest to accompany him to Ahmad Shah
Ml NIST/fy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
at he might add to his honour and dignity and settle up
the wazirship of the country. These and other similar
words having no effect upon Shah Nawaz, the Pir rebuked
him for his faithlessness and used some harsh words which
the young viceroy could not bear. In a fit of anger, Shah
Nawaz Khan ordered the Darvesh to be handed over to his
Bakhshi, Khwaja Asmatullah Khan, who put him to death, as
ordered, by pouring moulten lead into his throat. As there
was nothing objectionable against Muhammad Yar Khan, he
was soon set free and allowed to go. 9
FROM ROHTAS TO SHAHDARA .
While encamped at Rohtas, Ahmad Shah is said to have
sacked the temple of Batanath Jogi, now called Tilla Gorakh
Nath ) situated at a distance of about twenty miles from
Jhelum. 10
On hearing of the fate of his Pir, Ahmad Shah rushed
towards Lahore. On his way to Gujrat he confirmed Sultan
Muqarrab Khan, a Gakkhar of Rawalpindi, in his possessions
in the district, where he had established himself about the
year 1741. 1! The Chanab was crossed at Sohdara. Then by
hurried marches Ahmad Shah arrived at Shahdara on the
„„ 9 ‘, S‘y ar ~ ul-Mutakherin, 862, (iii, 256-57); Tazkxrah-i-Awmdram,
256; Mirat-x-Ajtab Numa, 158 b., 160 a; Bayan-i-Waqei, 132; Bellew,
Yusufzeis, 11; Ali-ud-Din, lbrat Namah, 233-34; Shah Namah-i-Ahma-
diaya, 73-75; Gulistan-i-Rahmat, 147; Latif, Panjab, 216-7.
According to some writers, Sabir Shah went to Lahore all alone,
of his own accord, and not even with the consent of the Shah, and
from Shahdara and not from Rohtas. The Tarikh-i-Sultani says that
Sabir repeated his old game of small tents in the bazars of Lahore
a cfuu * he WaS bringing the rule of Ahmad Shah to the country.
As Shah Nawaz could not bear to hear this, he ordered the Darvesh
to be put to death.
Some writers are of opinion that he was beheaded with a sword.
According to the Umda-tu-Tawarikh , his stomach was ripped open,
and, mounted on a camel, he was paraded in the streets of Lahore.
The tomb of Sabir Shah is situated on a raised platform at the
back of the Imperial Mosque (Badshahi Masjid) towards the Taksali
Gate. Umda-tu-Tawarikh, i, 122; Goulding, Old Lahore , 73* Latif
Lahore, 75, 117. ’ ’
10. Jhelum District Gazetteer (1904), 34-5.
11. Gujrat District Gazetteer (1883-84) 15, 115,
misTfy
FIRST INVASION OF INDIA
JSL
bank of the Ravi on the 18th of M'uharram, 1161 A.H.,
January 8, 1748, and took up his residence in the mausoleum
of Emperor Jahangir,
SHAH NAWAZ KHAN AT LAHORE:
It may be mentioned here that Shah Nawaz Khan had
begun his preparations immediately after the receipt of the
Royal farman and the letter from his maternal uncle Wazir
Qamar-ud-Din from Delhi. But they were all for the defence
of the city and nothing was done to stop the enemy’s pro¬
gress towards it. In the second week of December he had
pitched his tents outside the city to supervise the arrange¬
ments. He was, perhaps, under the impression that as Ahmad
Shah had no guns with him, it would be easy to defeat him
with the Lahore artillery. But no success could be achieved
with a divided house. All the old and devoted servants of
the government were either in prison or alienated. Those
who professed to be his friends were half-hearted. The
Afghan chiefs of Kasur were busy intriguing for the release
of Yahiya Khan and availed themselves of the engagements of
Shah Nawaz for securing his release (23 Zil-hijja, 1160 A.H.,
December 15, 1747). 12 And Adina Beg Khan could not be
relied upon on account of the duplicity of his character. This
was the hopeless state of affairs in Lahore when Ahmad Shah
arrived at its gates to attack it.
Credulous as Shah Nawaz Khan was, he is said to have,
on this occasion, gone to his Pir, Ghulam Muhammad, for
blessings in his military undertaking. Finding the Pir reluc¬
tant, he one day sat down at his door and refused to move
from there till the Pir had shown him a miracle. Ghulam
Muhammad asked him to bring three bricks. Wrapped in
a handkerchief, the bricks were placed before him and he
sat in contemplation (muraqbah ). After an hour when Ghu¬
lam Muhammad returned to his normal condition, the bricks
had turned into silver. “Your boat shall sink/’ exclaimed
12. The escape of Yahiya Khan was secured with the assistance of
his aunt, a sister of Zakariya Khan. He arrived at Delhi on the 23rd
of Muharram, 1161, 13th January, 1748, when his father-in-law was
encamped at Shalamar Garden, making arrangements for the army to
be sent against Ahmad Shah. Tazkirah-i-Anandram ) 239-40.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
Pir. “You must withdraw your hand from Zulm (high¬
handedness) and set the Amirs (high officials) of your father
free.” Shah Nawaz Khan paid no attention to the advice of
Pir Ghulam Muhammad saying, “The Pir has, perhaps, heard
the clamour of the prisoners!” 13
THE BATTLE OF LAHORE
All of a sudden, on the 20th of Muharram, 1161 AM,
January 10, 1748, the third day of his arrival, the Afghan
army forded the river and moved towards the Shalamar Gar¬
den, pitching their tents to its north-east in the fields of the
village of Mahmud Buti.
Shah Nawaz Khan, at this time, was entrenched outside
the city, and, with a large force and an enormous quantity
of war materials, was waiting to receive the invaders. In
addition to the troops under his personal command, he had
established two base depots, one in the fortress of Hazrat
Ishari with ten thousand horse and five thousand musketeers
under Khawaja Asmatullah Khan, 14 and the other near the
Dargah Shah Balawal and Parvezabad with five thousand
horse and as many barqandaz (matchlockmen) under Lachin
Beg, with proper entrenchments. On hearing of the Durra*^
nis crossing over to his side, he detailed Jalhe Khan 15 of
Kasur to oppose them. But the Afghan joined the Afghans
with all his troops and equipment.
Fixing their advance base at the village of Malikpur, 16
the Purr apis moved out on the following morning, the 21st of
13. Khushwaqt Rai, Tarikh-i-Sikhan, 61-2.
14. Some writers like Muhammad Ali Khan Ansari ( Tarikh-i -
Muzaffari, 423) give him the name of Hashmatullah Khan.
15. This name has been wrongly transcribed as Zilla Khan in the
translation of the Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi in Elliot and Dowson’s History
of India as Told by Its Own Historians, vol. viii, 106. In the original
Persian manuscript in the British Museum, London, under No. Or. 2005,
die word is clearly written on folio 3b, line 7, as UVfJ* The
Shosha, or mark of h, below l is so clear that it leaves no ground for
its being read by anyone as Zilla Khan or Jumla Khan. The name,
printed as in the Umda-tu-Tawarikh (Lahore, 1885), vol. i,
123, is Jalhe Khan in the original manuscript. Even as
printed, it is nearer Jalhe Khan than Jumla Khan or Zilla Khan.
is- MUH — Shah Namah-i-Ahmadiya, 77.
WHlST/fy.
FI'RS’T INVASION Of INDIA
<8L
arram, towards the city of Lahore- They were in the
plain of Shah Balawal and the Dargah of Shah Husain when
Khwaja Asmatullah Khan Bakhshi with his ten thousand
horse and five thousand musketeers, and Lachin Beg, with
five thousand horse and as many barqandaz, rode out of
their respective entrenchments to oppose them and opened
fire from their guns and rahkalas. .Ahmad Shah began the
battle with a much smaller number. He had no guns to
silence those of Shah Nawaz Khan, He could see, therefore,
that the larger the number of men he sent forward the
greater the loss of life he would suffer. He, therefore,
detached about one thousand mounted musketeers from the
main force. They rushed into the middle of the Mughals,
fired their muskets and galloped back beyond the enemy’s
range. For the whole day, the fighting went on in this
manner and neither side made bold to advance from the posi¬
tion taken by it. 17
On the morning of the battle, Shah Nawaz Khan, accord¬
ing to the Siyar-ul~Mutakherin , sent someone to consult
Darvesh Shah Kalab Ali, an astrologer, as to the result of
the battle. He sent back a message saying, “Today is a bad
day for you. It is better if there be no fighting today. From
tomorrow victory is yours; you may fight in any way and
anywhere.” On receipt of this answer, Shah Nawaz Khan
sent messages to the officers of his anny, through Adina Beg
Khan and Diwan Kaura Mall, not to move out against the
Durranis, and in case of pressure from them, to repel them
fighting from within the entrenchments. He then retired to
his tent for rest. At the usual time he sat for his meals with
Adina Beg and some other Sardars, when, all of a sudden,
they heard the report of a gun, and then another. On en¬
quiry it was found that Abdali’s horsemen had appeared and
two hundred Qizzilbashes 18 of the Lahore army had fallen
upon them. The Durranis then quietly retreated, and later
on reappeared to renew the attack with greater force. The
Qizzilbashes were pushed back and the Durranis followed
17. Tazkirah-i-Anandram, 257; Shah Namah-i-Ahmadiya, 76-7.
18. The Shah Namah”i~Ahmadiya calls them Uzbaks and gives at
some length the account of their fight with the Durranis in which the
former were completely routed. Vide 79-82.
G. 7
AHMAD SHAH DtfRfeAtfl
(m into their trenches. This created confusion in the r;
of Bakbshi Asmatullah Khan and he called for immediate
reinforcements. Shah Nawaz Khan ordered Adina Beg to
proceed immediately, but he went away to another side and
stood there like a spectator. The orders were repeated, but
Adina Beg made no appreciable movement till towards the
evening, and, when there was still daylight, he retreated into
the city. 19
This, it seems, was taken by the Indian troops for “cease
fire’’ for the day and they were retiring to their trenches for
the night when, as Anandram tells us, the Afghan forces all
at once wheeled back and fell upon them. The Afghan horse¬
men who were in the van heeled their horses and, charging
at full speed, poured such deadly fire upon the Lahoris that
they were completely taken by surprise and hopelessly
routed. The Bakhshi, 20 who was always so loud in his pro¬
fessions of loyalty and devotion, also chose to fly away from
the field along with other inexperienced Sardars. The fort¬
ress of Hazrat Ishan had been strengthened with a park of
artillery and could afford protection to them. But they all
ran to seek shelter within the walls of the city, leaving their
enormous collections of guns, ammunition and other war
materials to fall into the hands of the Durranis. Adina Beg
Khan, who was at this time in the city and had come up to
the haveli of Zabardast Khan with the Bakhshi, made several
efforts, according to Anandram, to go out with reinforce¬
ments, but it was all in vain. For the first quarter of the
night he stood in the suburbs of the city and kept on firing
the swivels and rockets (rahkala-o-ban ), not allowing the
Afghans to advance farther than the fortress of Hazrat Ishan
which they had occupied.
But all this was to serve no useful purpose. With the
flight of the Bakhshi and other Sardars to the city, there was
all panic in the army. Shah Nawaz Khan had wished to get
down from his elephant and stay for the night in the camp
to encourage his men and to resume fighting with greater
19. Shjar-id-Mutakherin, 862-63.
20. The Tarikh-i-Muzajfari, 423, tells us that Bakhshi Hashmatul-
lah Khan—Asmatullah Khan of the Tazkirah-i-Anandram, the Shah
Namah-i-Ahmadiya, etc.,—was killed in the battle.
miSTQy
■* FIRST INVASION OF INDIA
^ the morning when, he thought, he would he ahl*
^retrieve the situation. But a relation of his, the husband
of his paternal aunt, prevailed upon him, much against his
will, to retire to safer quarters in the city. As soon as his
elephant was seen moving away from his tent, such of the men
as had still remained in the camp also followed his example
and fled in all directions, hurrying towards the city gates.
At this time a body of the Turanis found a favourable oppor¬
tunity to fall upon the camp and plunder it. Even the tents
of the governor himself were not spared and all his luggage
and equipage were looted and carried away. Deserted by
his officers and men, Shah Nawaz Khan returned to his
apartments in the city. All hope was now lost. Having put
to death Darvesh Sabir Shah, the revered Pir of Ahmad, he
expected no mercy at his hands. Submission thus becoming
out of the question, he saw his safety only in flight. About
midnight, he distributed bags of ashrafis among some of his
friends and a basket of jewels to some of the eunuchs and
then quitted the city and fled towards Delhi.
AHMAD SHAH OCCUPIES LAHORE
The city of Lahore was thus left undefended. Next
morning (22nd of Muharram, 1161, January 12, 1748), with
the spread of the news of Shah Nawaz Khan’s flight, Ahmad
Shah moved out of his camp and, without any opposition,
occupied the tents and military headquarters of the fugitive
governor.
A number of faithful officers of Yahiya Khan, such as
Mir Moman Khan, Mir Nimat Khan, Sayyad Jamal-ud-Din
Khan and Mir Amin Khah, who had all these months been
kept in close confinement by Shah Nawaz Khan, held a con¬
ference after their release in the morning and decided to wait
in a deputation upon the conqueror to offer to him their sub¬
mission on behalf of the province and the city of Lahore.
Accordingly, Mir Moman Khan, Diwan Lakhpat Rai and
Diwan Surat Singh went to him and begged of him to spare
the city from sack and plunder. They also promised to pay
a ransom of thirty lakhs of rupees. Ahmad Shah was pleased
to accept the offer and immediately sent out his nasaqchis
(orderly officers) to guard the city and to see that no Afghan
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
fered it. In spite of it, however, many of the places and
houses, particularly in the Mughal Mahalla, were plundered
and devastated. On the v recommendation of Haji Muham¬
mad Saeed Lahauri, a local saint, Muhalla Lakhi and Abdul-
la-wan were left untouched. Through the laudable and ener¬
getic efforts of Mir Moman Khan, peace was soon restored
to Lahore and the privations of the' citizens were reduced to
a minimum.
v The booty acquired by Ahmad Shah from Lahore was
enormous. In addition to . the ransom and the property of
the' governor and his family, rich treasures and large quanti¬
ties of war materials, including guns, rahkalas and rockets,
accumulated during the past thirty-five years, from the time
of Nawab Abdus Samad Khan Diler-i~Jang and Zakariya
Khan, fell into his hands and Shafqat Khan, Mir-i-Saman,
was placed in charge of them. All the horses and camels that
he could find in the city and its neighbourhood were taken
possession of for the use of his men and. equipage. With the
acquisition of these new mounts, five or six thousand Afghan
footmen were mobilized into cavalry units, and a good number
of rapidly portable light artillery was added to his military
equipment 21
The Shah stayed in Lahore for five weeks. During this
period the Rajahs of Jammu, Bahu and other northern drills.,
sent their vakils with petitions of submission and tlie leading
chiefs and zamindars of the Panjab came to do him homage.
A coin was also struck bearing the following inscription:
t&jt N \.
Durr-i~Durran Ahmad Shali Badshah
Zarb4-Dar-ul-Sdltanat-i~Lahaw
Jalus Maimnat Manus: Ahdd
21. Anandram, 44-5, 256-61; Shah Hamah, 75-88; Husain Shahi, 19;
Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah, 234-35; Shjar , 862-63 (iii, 257-59); Khushwaqt
pai, 61-62; Chahar Gulshan-i-Panjab, 12?.
FIRST INVASION OF INDIA
—King, Alimad Shah Durr-i-Durran,
Mint, at the capital of Lahore,
Auspicious Year of the Reign, One. 22
The author of the Hadiqat-uUAuliya tells us that on his
arrival at Shahdara, on the right bank of the Ravi, Ahmad
Shah had enquired if there were any saints in Lahore, and
the name of Shaikh Haji Muhammad Saeed Naqshbandi 23
was mentioned to him. While at Lahore, the Shah paid him
a visit. It was for this regard for the saint that Muhalla Lakhi
and Abdullah-wari were not touched by any Afghan soldier
when some of the other important quarters of the city had
been sacked and looted.
As the Shah was busy making preparations for a much
bigger contest with the might of the great Mughal empire,
he set up a native government in Lahore with Jalhe Khan, an
Afghan chief of Kasur, as Governor, Mir Moman Khan,
as his deputy, and Lakhpat Rai as Diwan, or the chief
secretary. 24
22. Husain Shahi, 19; Latif, Panjab , 215,
23. Shaikh Haji Muhammad Saeed is said to have been a well
known. Muslim saint of Lahore during the eighteenth century. He
belonged to the Naqshbandi order and was a disciple of Sayyed Mah¬
mud Bin Sayyed Ali Husaini Kurdi. Ghulam Sarwar Mufti, Hadiqat~
uUAuliya, 121-22.
24. TJmda-tu-Taivarikh , i. 123; Anandram, 261. Kanhaiya Lai in his
Tarihh-i-Panjdb, 72, followed by Latif ( Panjab, 217), says that the gover¬
norship was conferred upon Lakhpat Rai and diwanship on Moman.
Khan. But Anandram, a contemporary, is certainly more reliable.
misr/fy.
CHAPTER VI
<SL
THE BATTLE OF MANUPUR
STATE OF AFFAIRS IN DELHI
While Ahmad Shah was at Lahore, news poured in daily
from Delhi that the Great Mughal,. Emperor Muhammad
Shah, was fitting out a huge expeditionary force to be sent
against him. The court of Delhi had received the warning
of the impending invasion of'India by' the Shah by the mid¬
dle of November, 1747, immediately after the defeat and
flight of Nasir Khan of K^ul. Indications of his intention
to extend his territories towards India qould be seen in his
proclamations to the Afghan tribe^' AsCopy of the procla¬
mation issued by him on the 18th of Raj jab, 1160, A.H., July
15, 1747, to Malik Muhammad Hashim; Afridi, appointing
him Malik and Elder (Safed Risk, Grey-Beard) of the Africa
tribe in the Peshawar dominions, had been sent to Delhi by
Amir Beg Khan, deputy to Nasir^Khan, much earlier, and
presented to the Emperor on the 7th of Ramzan, September
1. Kabul was occupied in October and Nasir Khan driven
away in early November. It may be said that the usurpation
of Lahore by Shah Nawaz Khan and his negotiations with
Ahmad Shah had complicated the situation. But nothing
was done to help Nasir Khan oppose the Durrani, or to re¬
inforce Shah Nawaz Khan after he had broken with him.
In fact, as Sir Jadu Nath Sarkar puts it, “Infatuation had
seized his [Muhammad Shah’s] Court, and even the fresh’
memory of the loss and humiliation suffered in consequence
of Nadir’s invasion could not awaken any one of his officers
to a sense of their duty and the needs of the situation.
Irresolution, conflict of counsel, procrastination and inertia
now marked the measures of the Delhi Government to an
even more shameful extent than when the Persian invader
was threatening it.” 1 The emperor himself was an opium¬
eating indolent imbecile; and, “inaction is the course dearest
1. Andndram, 234-5; Sarkar, i, 2.11-12,
the! battle of Man upuft 5
zfeciles.” Even when the defeated Nasir Khan had ar~
jnvecl in Delhi (November 15, 1747), it took a week to send
advance tents out of the capital (November 23); but the
actual date for the march was at first fixed for the 11th of
Zilhijja, 1160 A.H. (December 3), and was then changed
to 22nd (December 14). But no movement of troops could
be made on that day because the moon was then in the un¬
lucky House of the Scorpion. And nothing effective was
done for three weeks more. It was in the meantime sug¬
gested to the Emperor that unless he led the army in per¬
son, the ease-loving soldiers of Hindustan would not face
the ferocious veterans of Afghanistan. But the Emperor fell
ill and his physicians would not permit him to move. Nor
was he willing to allow his only son to move out in his place
at the head of the army. The aged prime minister, Qamar*
ud-Din, had been appointed the commander-in-chief, with
Nawab Mansur Ali Khan Safdav Jang of Oudh and Raja
Ishri Singh of Jaipur as his deputies, with a host of other
officers to assist him. Huge sums of money totalling sixty
lakhs of rupees, were lavishly distributed among these
nobles and dignitaries to enable them to equip themselves
for the campaign. But they were all, with a few honourable
exceptions among the juniors, either lazy, timid or lukewarm,
and ‘the delay made by them in moving was disgraceful.’ 2
WAZ1R QAMAR-UD-D1N MOVES NORTHWARDS
The Wazir-Commander received his formal leave to
move out with the army on the 18th of Muharram, 1161,
January 8, 1748, the day on which Ahmad Shah arrived at
Shahdara near Lahore, but he had to wait .for four or five
days more for the artillery to be able to move up. Raja
Ishri Singh left Delhi on the 23rd of Muharram, January 13,
and the huge camp, numbering over two hundred thousand,
began to move. Urgent letters were despatched to the
Zamindars of Jammu and Lakhi Jungle, to Khuda Yar Khan
Abbasi, Ghazi Khan Baluch, Ismail Khan Hot, Walidad.
Khan and other Zamindars of Multan and Sindh, and to
Zahid Khan, the Deputy Governor of Multan, to hurry up
with their troops to join the imperial army. They also decid-
2, Anatidram, 237, 243, 246-8*
AHMAD SHAH DURHANI
eci in a conference of the chiefs that after the third or
fourth stage, when all artillery and troops would have come
together, they should by long and hurried marches try to
get to Lahore before the Durrani could cross the Chanab*
But they had arrived only at Narela, sixteen miles from the
capital, when the surprising news arrived that he had already
occupied Lahore and was raising fresh troops to march
against them. They approached the Emperor with the re¬
quest to depute the heir apparent, Prince Ahmad, to accom¬
pany the army. To this the Emperor at last agreed. The
prince left Delhi on Sunday, the 11th of Safar, 1161,
January 31, 1748, and joined the army near Sonepat on the
following day. On arriving at Panipat on the 21st of Safar,
February 10, the army was rearranged and the pace was
quickened. At Karnal on the 1st of Rabi-ul-Awwal,
February 19, news was received that Ali Muhammad Khan
Ruhela, the Faujdar of Sirhind, had deserted his place and
fled to Aonla, his native town, near Moradabad. 3 The army
arrived in the neighbourhood of Sirhind on the 7th of Rabi-
ul-Awwal and stayed there on the following day (8th Rabi I,
February 26) when the extra luggage, carts and camels,
belonging mostly to the Wazir, were dropped in the fort of
Sirhind without making any appreciable arrangements for
its defence beyond leaving a garrison of only one thousand
horse and foot under a eunuch. Abdullah Khan and Faizul-
lah Khan, sons of Ali Muhammad, who had been in Delhi
as hostages and had accompanied the prince, were also left
there. On the 9th of Rabi-ul-Awwal, the march was re¬
sumed in the direction of Macchiwara where the Sutlej was
considered to be more easily fordable than at Ludhiana.
But in leaving the main road to Delhi, via Ludhiana and
Sirhind, open for the Shah to march direct upon the im¬
perial capital, if he so chose, they committed an inexcusable
3. Anandram , 254-55.
According to the Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, Ali Muhammad Khan had left
Sirhind at the desire of Wazir Qamar-ud-Din, who feared lest he should
join the Durrani —vide page 423. The Gidistan-i-Rahmat tells us that
the wazir had suggested to the Emperor the transfer of Ali Muhammad
Khan from Sirhind to his own ilaqa of Katehr for which a regular royal
jarman was issued in his name, and it was on receipt of this that he
had left Sirhind for his home.—Cf. Hayat-i~Hafiz , 21.
fHINIS T/f.
TftE BATTLE OF MANUPUK
k
er and betrayed utter ignorance of strategy. All of a
sudden, on arriving at the camp near the village of Bharoli,
at the next stage from Machhiwara, Prince Ahmad received
the intelligence that Ahmad Shah Durrani had already
crossed the Sutlej on the 12th of Rabi-ul-Awwal, March 1,
and taken possession of the fort and city of Sirhind 4
Leaving the Mughals here making arrangements to move
out to meet the Durranis, we now return to Lahore to trace
the progress of the Shah from that place to Sirhind.
AHMAD SHAH MOVES TOWARDS SIRHIND AND OCCUPIES IT
Having set up a native government under Jalhe Khan
and completing his preparations, Ahmad Shah left Lahore
with an army of thirty thousand horse on the Is? of Rabi-ul-
Awwal, 1161, February 19, 1748, to meet the advancing
Mughal army. At the first stage of Sarai Khan-i-Khanan,
Mir Moman Khan and Diwan Lakhpat Rai brought in the
amount of twenty-two lakhs of rupees that they had collect¬
ed towards the promised ransom. 5
To maintain strict secrecy about the movements of his
army, the Shah ordered that any Indian seen prowling about
in the army, or outside, should at once be put to death. In
this way a number of harkaras belonging to the Wazir and
other Indian chiefs were killed and no one was allowed to
return with the news.
Except for slight skirmishes at Sarai Nur Din and the
Vairowal ford with irregular parties of the Sikhs, under
Sardar Jassa Singh Ahluwalia, who had then issued out of
their hiding-places in search of opportunities for conquest
and plunder, no obstruction was experienced by the Shah
on the way. 6 At Philaur, he learnt that the Mughals had
deposited treasure and heavy luggage in the fort of Sirhind.
4. Anandram, 234-35, 237, 243, 246-48, 254-55, 262-63, 265; Sarkar,
i, 212-19; Bayan-i-Waqei, 134-6; Husain Shahi } 19-21; Mujmil~ut-Ta -
warikh , 98-100; Tarikh-i-Ahmad, 15-16; Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi, 3a-4b;
Gulistan-i-Rahmat 37-39, 148; Jam-i~Jahan Numa } 13; Farah Bakhsh , 40.
5. Anandram , 261.
6. Tarikh-i-Kapurthala by Ramjas, 13. Cf. Ram Sukh Rao, Jassa
Singh Binod.
A brief account of the Sikhs is given in an appendix at the end.
G. 8
Jjjfap AHMAO SHAH DURRANI
; Shah had already written from Lahore to the Fa
"“of Sirhind, Ali Muhammad Khan, a Ruhila Afghan, to keep
ready for submission. He had also promised him the wazarat
(ministership) of Hindustan after his victory. In the mean¬
time, Emperor Muhammad Shah, as Muhammad Must a jab
Khan tells us, had granted to him by a royal jarman the
administration of his own ilaqa in Katehr. Ali Muhammad
held a conference of his Sardars to seek their advice. The
Afghan Sardars counselled in favour of submission to the
Shah. But Ali Muhammad Khan was a shrewd man. He
said, “Your opinion is excellent, but I know Ahmad Shah
will not stay in India. He will soon return to his own coun¬
try. It is not advisable, therefore, to make ourselves
reproachable in the eyes of the people and. become hostile
to the Emperor and chiefs of Hindustan.” He followed the
safer course and retired immediately with all his army,
numbering about twenty thousand horse and foot, to his
own country at the foot of the Kamaun hills, thus indirectly
helping the Shah by leaving Sirhind undefended. 7 The Shah
crossed the Sutlej at Ludhiana on the 12th of Rabi-ul-Awwal,
March 1, and made straight for Sirhind. The Mughals had
made no arrangements to block the road with the result that
the Durranis met with no opposition on the way. The dis¬
tance of about forty miles was covered in a day and, on
March 2, the Afghans arrived before the walls of Sirhind.
The garrison offered but feeble resistance, and, when their
ammunition ran out, they opened the gates to the Shah.
The entire treasure and luggage and the ladies of the haram
of the Wazir fell into his hands. A large number of men
were put to the sword and women captured as slaves. Many
houses in and outside the fort were set on fire and
plundered. 8
The Shah pitched his tent in the Badshahi Bagh, the
royal garden, and the army occupied the neighbouring gar¬
dens. In order to keep his army light, he despatched the
booty and heavy luggage to Lahore where, he thought, it
could be more safely deposited for his return journey.
7. Gulistan, 37-8; Anandram, 266.
8. Anandram, 266; Mujmil-ut-Tawarikh, 101-2; Char Chaman In*
effia-i-Arsliadi, 88-90*
THE BATTLE OF MANUPUR
mis news was carried to Abul Mansur Khan the same
day by his harkaras at the village of Bharoli, where Prince
Ahmad was at that time encamped. The Wazir was not pre¬
pared to believe this, as none of his own harkaras who had,
perhaps, all been killed, had sent him news even of the
arrival of the Durrani. He, therefore, sent a few men to
Sirhind, which was only at a distance of about twelve koh
(about 24 miles) from the camp, to verify the news and was
soon disillusioned to find that all was up with the place.
The loss of Sirhind and the intelligence that Shah Durrani
was preparing himself to march upon Delhi staggered the
Indians and it was feared lest they should scatter away with¬
out offering a battle. Abul Mansur Khan had to exert a
good deal to keep the officers together and he suggested to
the Wazir to march towards Delhi in pursuit of the Afghans. 9
With the news of the Durrani occupation of Sirhind and
the dreaded march of the Afghans upon Delhi, great conster¬
nation and dismay prevailed in the capital. It reminded the
inhabitants of the horrors of the days of Nadir Shah and
they began flying with their families and property in large
numbers. The Emperor had at last to take strict measures
to stop this efflux. He also deputed Mohammad Ishaq Khan,
Muhammad Ghazi-ud-Din, Raja Bakht Singh, Raja Hirnmat
Singh, Saad-ud-Din Khan Khan-i-Saman and some other
officers to move out of the city and occupy the outposts near
Sarai Badli and Wazirabad. The defences of the imperial
fort were also strengthened. But the result of the battle of
Manupur saved the city from all inconveniences. 10
THE BATTLE OF MANUPUR
On the 14th of Rabi-ul-Awwal, March 3, the prince
moved out towards Sirhind and fixed his camp at the village
of Manupur at a distance of about five koh (10 miles).
Ahmad Shah, on the other hand, established his base depot
in the gardens of Sirhind and dug his entrenchments two
and a half koh (about five miles) ahead. The entrench¬
ments were about the same distance from Manupur. The
fighting began with the firing of guns from both sides.
9. Mujmil-ut-Tawarikh, 102-4.
10. Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi , 4b-5a.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
JJfyf 'JL’He position taken up by the Mughal army was no
Safe one. The neighbourhood was all dry and the number of
wells for the supply of water insufficient. But it could
not be helped as the Afghan entrenchments lay in front,
about five miles from Manupur. The Shah, on the other
side, was in a more advantageous position, with the city of
Sirhind having plenty of food and water behind him. But
he was greatly handicapped for want of artillery. He had
only one heavy gun and seven pieces of light top-i~jilan, as
against several hundred Mughal guns of various descrip¬
tions, including many heavy pieces. He could not, there¬
fore, launch an offensive against the enemy on any large
scale. He had to content himself with sending out roving
parties and skirmishers to harass the Mughals on all sides,
confine them to the limited area of their camp and thus
throw them on the defensive. Their commissariat not pro¬
perly organized and supplies from the neighbourhood cut
off and appropriated by the Afghans, the want of food and
fodder, coupled with the scarcity of water, greatly perplexed
the Mughal commander-in-chief. Raja Ishri Singh and some
other Sardars counselled the Wazir to take the offensive
and rush upon the Durranis and drive them away.
But he purposely avoided a general action and was pro¬
longing the war in the hope of starving the Afghans into
surrender by setting the local chiefs such as Sardar Ala
Singh of Patiala and Rai Kalha of Rai Kot upon their
foraging parties and food convoys and ultimately annihilat¬
ing them with the fire of his artillery. In this way a week
passed without any serious fighting. But Ahmad Shah, on
the other side, was not sitting inactive. His skirmishing
parties had been more successful and he had practically
turned the tables upon the Wazir himself. It is true that
Sardar Ala Singh and Rai Kalha occasionally succeeded in
carrying off a number of Afghan camels and mules to the
Wazir’s camp, but the huge number of troops in the Mughal
camp could not maintain themselves for long without a regu¬
lar train of convoys. The situation had become difficult with
the Durrani rovers hovering round the Mughal camp for
miles together. Finding the Wazir thus hedged in, Ahmad
Shah thought of taking the offensive. On the 20th of Rabi-
ul-Awwal, March 9, he mounted the only heavy gun he
<SL
Ml NtSTQy
o
z
£
THE BATTLE OF MANUPUR
61
possessed on an eminence near the Mughal camp and started
pouring fire into their ranks. It was so well directed that
its shots passed over the enemy’s entrenchments and reach¬
ed the tents of the prince and his nobles. A large number
of men and animals were killed. The number of casualties
appears to have been so large and dismay in the Mughal
camp so great that the Wazir, pressed by Abul Mansur Khan
and others, felt compelled to hazard an open action. 11
The day fixed for the general action was Friday, the
22nd of Rabi-ul-Awwal, 1160 A.H., March 11, 1748. The
whole army of about sixty thousand combatants was divided
into five divisions with the chief command in the hands of
the Wazir.
1. The van consisting of the Wazir’s contingent of
Turks and the troops of his sons, Mirs Najam-ud-<
Din Khan, Fakhar-ud-Din Khan and Sadar-ud-Din,
and those of Ahmad Zaman Khan Talib-i-Jang and
Adina Beg Khan of the Jullunder Doab, was to be
led by his elder son, Mir Muin-ud-Din Khan
(popularly known as Mir Mannu, and later on
entitled Muin-ul-Mulk).
2. Abul Mansur Khan Safdar Jang, with a selected
detachment of Persian soldiers taken into service
from among Nadir’s veterans and the Purbias of
Hindustan, was to command the right wing,
3. In the centre, the command was held by Prince
Ahmad at the head of his personal guards, with
Sayyad Salabat Khan and Dilawar Khan to assist
him.
4. The left wing was held by Raja Ishri Singh of Jaipur
and other Indian chiefs with the Rajput troops.
5. The rear was commanded by Nasir Khan, the ex¬
governor of Kabul.
The Shah, on the other side, placed three thousand
Qizzilbash Iranis under the command of Muhammad Taqi
Khan Shirazi and ordered him to move against Mir Mannu,
11. Anandram, 267, 271-2; Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi, 5b; Mujmil-ut *
Tawarikh, 104-5.
misty,.
while he himself, at the head of his Afghan veterans, ad¬
vanced against Abul Mansur Khan. 12 The camel-swivels
were also ordered to remain in readiness for action.
The battle began with fire from the Durrani light guns
at about eight o’clock in the morning. The Mughal com¬
mander-in-chief had just finished his Namaz-i-Chasht,
between nine and ten in the morning, and was still on his
prayer-carpet reciting the Wazifa, when, all of a sudden, a
ball from, an Afghan gun fell upon his tent and, tearing
it, it first struck the ground and then rebounded and wound¬
ed him in the back near waist. At that time Farash Khan,
Sangin Beg Khan and three or four other companions of
his were present there, but nobody else was hurt. 13
It appeared incredible that the Durrani guns could be
so well directed as to hit the Wazir’s tent with the very first
shot fired at it. Anandraxn in his Tazkirah ascribes it to the
information gathered by the spies of the Shah. He tells us
that on the 20th of Rabi-ul-Awwal, March 9, two men from
the Afghan army came and had* an interview with the Wazir.
They pretended to have been the old faithful servants of
the late Nawab Zakariya Khan of Lahore and said that they
had been forcibly recruited for the Durrani service and were
willing to desert to the Mughal side with all their followers.
The Wazir believed their story, treated them kindly and
asked the darogha to enlist them for service and to pay them
one hundred rupees as inam. Equipped with all the infor¬
mation they wished to collect, they went back to the Durrani
camp, saying that they would soon return with their men. 14
There is another story that has been recorded by the
author of the Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi. According to it, one
day Ahmad Afghan sent a camel laden with melons, apples,
etc., with his men along with a letter addressed to Prince
Ahmad desiring peace and stipulating that if Kabul and
12. According to Ghubar’s account, the right flank of the Afghan
army was commanded by the Sipcth-salar Sardar Jahan Khan, the left
by Shah Pasand Khan Amir-i-Lashkar, while the centre was under
the Shah’s own command .—Ahmad Shah Baba, 200.
13. Anandram, 273, 279-80; Mujmil-ut-Tawarikh, 107-108; Tarikh-
i-Ahmad, Shahi , 5b-6a; Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, 425; Husain Shahi, 21-22;
Sarkar, i, 224-25.
14. Anandram, 274-76.
MINlSr^
The battle of manupur
<§L
were left to him, in the same way as to Nadir Shah,
and that if the money which Nadir Shah had carried away
from Delhi was allowed to be retained by him, he would
retire and go back. The Prince sent the letter and the
camel to Zulfiqar Jang (Saadat Khan), who forwarded
them to Itmad-ud-Daula (Wazir Qamar-ud-Din). The
Warn* sent an answer to Ahmad Afghan that he must come
with folded hands and present himself before the Prince if
he wanted his crimes to be pardoned by the Emperor. The
envoy on this occasion, according to the story recorded in
the Irnad-us-Saadat, was Mahdi Quli Khan Topchi-bashi, the
artillery officer of Ahmad Shah Durrani. He had, on his
way back from the Wazir’s tent, measured the distance by
counting his steps. It was due to this that the Afghan gun¬
ner could aim his shot at the exact place of the Wazir’s tent.
Sayyad Ghulam Ali, the author of the Imad-us-Saadat , says
that there is no truth in. the story and that it is nothing
more than a yarn spun by some clever Mughals—on whose
authority he has recorded it—to praise their own people. 15
MIR MANNU TAKES THE COMMAND
Seeing the Wazir fatally wounded, all those present
there began to cry and lament. His son, Muin-ud-Din Khan,
was then with the batteries. On receipt of a message he
hurried to his father’s presence. The Wazir could see that
he was dying. “It is all up with me, my child,” he said to
Mir Mannu, as Muin-ud-Din was lovingly called. “But as
the Emperor’s work is still unfinished, you must mount im¬
mediately and deliver the assault before this news spreads.
The claim of (the Master’s) salt is above everything else.
My business may be looked to later on.” With these last
words to his son and the Kalimah-i-Shahadat on his lips,
W azir-ul~Mumalik Itmadud-Daula Nawab Qamar-ud-Din
Khan Nusrat Jang, the Commander-in-Chief of the Mughal
army, breathed his last. 16
The death of his father was very shocking for Mir
Mannu but he showed great strength of mind and courage.
15. Tarikh~i~A1mad Shahi, 5b; Elliott & Dowson, viii, 108; Imad»us«
Saadat, 38.
16, Anandram, 273; Sarkar, i, 223-24.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
wing hurriedly buried him in his blood-stained clothesm
the same tent and levelling the ground to leave no marks,
Mannu rode his father’s elephant and ordered the drums to
be beaten. The tragic news was only known to the Prince,
Abul Mansur Khan Safdar Jang , Saadat Khan Zulfiqar Jang
and Nasir Khan. It was given out that the Wazir had caught
a cold and had ordered his son, Mir Mannu, to lead the
army in his place. He then called the Sardars to his pre¬
sence and made a stirring appeal to them, saying, “Whosoever
wishes to come with me to the field of battle may do so, and
he, who does not, may go to his tent, for to turn back during
the fight is ruinous. As for me, as long as there is life in
my body, I shall, with God’s grace, fight on.” With these
words he rushed into the field of action to oppose the advanc¬
ing Durranis. 17
Somehow the intelligence of the Wazir having been kill¬
ed had reached the Durrani chiefs. Thereupon, Muhammad
Taqi Khan Shirazi from the right turned to the side of Mir
Mannu and delivered assault after assault upon his troops.
It was at this time that Mir Mannu reappeared on the scene
to cheer up his men and stopped the progress of the Afghans.
The Shah sent in fresh draughts to reinforce the Shirazi, but
in spite of desperate fighting Mannu could not be dislodged
from his position.
The Afghans, however, were more successful on their
right where they were faced by the left wing of the Mughals
commanded by Raja Ishri Singh. The Rajputs had entered
the field in kesri-bana saffron-dyed robes, determined to
fight to the last—to conquer or to die. The Shah sent against
them a body of three thousand Afghans with two hundred
camel swivels. They formed themselves into two divisions.
‘Each half galloped up to within easy range of the Rajputs,
delivered their fire, and galloped back like the wind. Imme¬
diately afterwards the second group attacked in the same
way. Thus, while the Rajputs were waiting for the enemy
and twirling their moustaches in full confidence of victory
by their clever swordsmanship and reckless courage when
the contest would come to the decision of the cold steel, they
found hundreds of their saddles emptied at each volley, with-
17. Anandram, 276; Byan*i+Waqei, 137; Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi , 6a.
miSTfiy
2
g
THE BATTLE OF MANUPUE
leir being able to touch the enemy. This strange method
of warfare shook the nerves of the Rajputs trained in obso¬
lete tactics of two centuries ago. 18
FLIGHT OF THE RAJPUTS
Finding the Rajputs unsteady and wavering, the Afghans
from the right rushed upon them all at once and poured
deadly fire into their ranks. With thousands of the dead and
dying before him, Raja Ishri Singh, the chief of the Rajputs,
found his courage failing him and sought his safety in run*
ning away from the field of action. Those who had come
to the field in yellow robes of Victory or martyrdom*, boast¬
ing of their unparallelled valour, went flying before the
Afghans like chaff before a gust of wind. So precipitate was
the flight that they threw their elephant-drum and rahkalas
into wells and set fire to their extra luggage. Much of it was
left on the field itself, and, on the way, many fugitives and
loaded camels were dropped uncared for.
Having cleared the Rajputs off the field, Ahmad Shah
wheeled to his left and fell upon the rear of Mir Mannu’s
trenches, threatening the centre held by the Prince. Mannu
turned round to check the advancing Afghans and there was
a great loss of life on both sides; many officers were killed.
There was panic among the Indians and many of them from
among the Hindus and Musalmans deserted their posts and
fled towards Delhi. It seemed as if the defeat of the Mughals
was near.
THE BATTLE AT ITS HEIGHT
Mannu now rose to the full length of his latent faculties
and furiously rushed upon the advancing Durranis. He was
supported by Zulfiqar Jang Saadat Khan and by Nasir Khan
from the rear. The Mughals and Afghans came closer and
grappled with one another. In addition to the fire of artil¬
lery and muskets, there were now flashes of the cold steel
which claimed additional toll of human lives. In this hard-
fought contest Mannu himself had, not unoften, to discharge
18. Sarkar, i, 227.
Of. 9
AHMAD SHAH DURE AN I
volleys of arrows to check the Afghan advance, and he is
said to have emptied two quivers on his enemies. The battle
raged so furiously that there was hardly an officer who
remained unscathed. Mannu himself had his skin scratched
by a bullet, his brother Fakhr-ud-Din had been wounded in
the foot, Adina Beg Khan of the Jullunder Doab received
two bullet-wounds, Jani Khan, Darogha, Shahab-ud-Din and
his son, Bahroz Khan, and many other officers were killed.
It was at this moment of crisis when the fate of the Mughal
empire was hanging in the balance that the fresh reinforce¬
ments of Abul Mansur Khan Safdar Jang turned the tables
upon the Durranis. 19
The Afghans on their left had, in the meantime, been
pushed back by Safdar Jang, who commanded the Mughal
right wing. By the Shah’s orders a division of the Afghans
and seven hundred camel-swivels had moved up against Abul
Mansur Khan Safdar Jang. The swivels occupied an emi¬
nence and from there directed their fire into the Indian
ranks. On this, Safdar Jang mounted his elephant to guide
his troops. He detached one thousand and seven hundred
Persian sawars from his division, made them dismount and
sent them up on foot to charge the Afghan swivels. With
their long muskets ( Jazair ), the Persians fired a volley at
the Afghans and, killing a number of them, rushed upon their
camels and captured them. The remaining Afghans, finding
themselves outnumbered, saved, themselves by running back
to their main division. Ahmad Shah sent a lashkar of the
Afghans to recapture the lost swivels, but they could not
face the deadly fire pouring from above the eminence man¬
ned by the Persians and had to retire pell-mell with a heavy
loss. This created a confusion in the ranks of the Afghan
wing and it gave way before the advancing sawars of Safdar
Jang. Thus their left wing opposed to Abul Mansur Khan
was successfully pushed back. 20
Abul Mansur Khan had hardly had any breathing time
when the intelligence of the Afghan pressure upon Mannu’s
van and the Prince’s centre was conveyed to him. He im-
19. Mujmil-ut-Tawarikh, 109-11; Anandram, 277-8, 280-82; Tarikh -
i -Muzaffari, 427-8; Tarikk-i~Ahmad Shahi , Ob; Sarkar, i, 227-8.
20. Mujmil-ut-Tawarikh, 107-8, 111,
tltfi BATTLE OF MANUPUR
41
mediately rode out to their assistance, and, with his fresh
reinforcements, including seven hundred camel-swivels and
a number of heavy guns, dashed straight against the Afghans
with incessant fire of shot and shell from his artillery. The
troops of Mannu and the Prince, and those of Nasir Khan,
also took courage and fought with added vigour. All this
came as a surprise to the Afghans who found themselves
swarmed on all sides with vastly superior numbers, to stand
against which appeared impossible.
CALAMITY IN THE AFGHAN RANKS
At this critical moment came another calamity to add to
the misfortune of the Durranis. They had in their train a
few carts full of rockets which they had captured at Lahore,
One of them caught fire with a spark that fell into it and
several thousand rockets flew into the air all at once and
dropped back into the Durrani ranks. These sparks, in turn,
fell into the other carts and set them ablaze. In the same
way the fire passed on to the gunpowder, and, with its explo¬
sion, more than a thousand Persian and Afghan soldiers were
burnt to death. They took the sound of the rockets ‘Sh-Shafi-
Kn y Sh-Shdh-Ku* as the cries of some evil spirit that had
come from India and was hovering about in search of the
Shah, This created utter disorder and confusion in the
Afghan ranks and they ran in all directions. 21 In this con-
21, Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, 427; Anandram, 283-4; MujmiZ, 110; Tarifch-
i-Sultani; 127. Cf. Husain Shahi , 22-3; Tarikh-i-Ali, 159-60. Accord¬
ing to Imam-ud~Din Husaini, the Afghans themselves had unmindfully
set fire to them, perhaps, to fly them into the enemy’s ranks, with their
faces towards their own army. In the confusion created by them in
their own ranks, the Afghans in fright ran in all directions saying:
sUj&* y /'sU' Pj*i
'‘“.tiff*
It :1s an evil spirit that has come from India, cries out Shah-ku- f
Shah-ku (where is the Shah? where is the Shah?) and is in search
of the Shah. p. 23.
[Continued on p. 68
Ml NtSty
AHMAD SHAH DUHRAHl
<SL
ay
fusion it became impossible for the exhausted Afghans to
withstand the attacks of Safdar Jang. So they gave way.
Though defeated, Ahmad Shah saved the Afghans from utter
rout and wholesale massacre. He knew he could not, at that
stage, bring all his men together for a counter-attack to
retrieve the lost position. He, therefore, decided to retire
towards Sir hind. But he kept his head cool and clear and
withdrew his men step by step. Under the pressure of the
Mughals, he would withdraw to some distance and then
arrange his men in a battle array and begin firing. He would
fall back again and repeat the same tactics. Towards the
evening he came to a garhi, a small mud-fortress, between
Manupur and Sirhind, and occupied it. From under its shel¬
ter, he started firing into the advancing Mughals and checked
their advance. By the time the guns arrived, it was all dark
and the Mughals returned to their camp. Under cover of
darkness, Ahmad Shah retired to Sirhind and began his pre¬
parations for his return to Afghanistan. The Mughals had
expected him back in the field on the morning of the 23rd of
Rabi-ul-Awwal, March 12. But as he had made no appear¬
ance, they sent out harkaras to find out his whereabouts.
But they returned only with rumours that he had been slain
in the battle or at least seriously wounded. On the 24th of
Rabi-ul-Awwal, Ahmad Shah sent out some pieces of light
artillery to engage the enemy, while he himself was making
arrangements for the despatch of his treasure and luggage to
Lahore,
RETREAT OF THE AFGHANS
The Mughals held their ground on the 25th also, On the
26th of Rabi-ul-Awwal, March 15, Ahmad Shah sent Muham¬
mad Taqi Khan to the Prince with a pretended message for
peace, saying that he would return to his country if the terri¬
tories given over to Nadir Shah be lef t to him. The Prince
[Continued from p. 67
The Tarikh-i-Ali of Muhammad Saleh Quclrat tells us that these
rockets, ban, had been captured by the Durranis from the artillery of
Mir Mannu during the battle. When Mahram Khan, the artillery offi¬
cer of Mir Mannu, later on, directed his fire towards the Durranis, the
carts of these rockets caught fire and worked havoc in the Durrani
ranks, p. 159.
\ %
*0aW ) z
THE BATTLE OF MANUPUR
L
uin were not in a mood to hear anything of the so;
arlcf sent back a curt reply. Ostensibly dejected at the
refusal of peace terms, the Afghans appeared again for a fight
on the 27th of Rabi-ul-Awwal. But, in fact, this was all to
beguile the Prince and Safdar Jang and gain time to get their
treasure and luggage safely out of Sirhind and save them
from falling into the hands of the Mughals. The main army
had left uriperceived with all the property and some im¬
portant prisoners of war, including Abdullah Khan and Fai-
zullah Khan, sons of Ali Muhammad Khan, by an unfre¬
quented jungle-path and it was only the rear-guard that was
playing hide and seek with the Mughals and keeping them
side-tracked. On the 28th of Rabi-ul-Awwal, March 17, it
also disappeared, and before the Afghans could be traced and
chased, they reached Ludhiana, crossed the Sutlej and march¬
ed towards Lahore. 22
The Mughals could not pursue the Afghans during their
retreat for two reasons. Firstly, Emperor Muhammad Shah,
the father of Prince Ahmad, who commanded the army, was
in poor health and the Prince was naturally anxious to return
to Delhi. But more anxious than the Prince was Nawab
Safdar Jang who aspired to be the next prime minister. He
evaded carrying out the Prince’s order to cross the Sutlej
and advance upon Lahore. All operations, however, had to
be suspended on April 9 when the Prince received a letter
of recall from the Emperor who died on April 15 when the
Prince was yet on his way to Delhi. Secondly, the death of
Wazir Qamar-ud-Din, the father of Mir Mannu, had robbed
the hero of the battle of Manupur not only of patronage but
also of all hopes of support and encouragement. Safdar Jang
was an old enemy of Qamar-ud-Din and he would do nothing
that in any way advanced the interests of Mannu.
At the second stage from Sirhind, 23 the Shah received
the news of his nephew Luqman Khan’s rebellion at Qanda-
22. Anandram , 284-85, 291-92, 295-96; Tarikh-i-Ahmtid Shahi,
7a-8a; Mujtnil 112; Husain Shahi , 23; Farah Bakhsh , 42; Jam-l-
Jahan Ntima; 14, Majma-ul-Akhbar, 471.
23. The author of the Ahmad Shah Baba tells us that the news of
Luqman Khan’s rebellion had been received by the Shah on the battle¬
field and that it had prompted his hurried retreat to his country,
(p. 204.)
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
The Shah had, therefore, to hurry back to his country,
e could not for long stay at Lahore to punish Lakhpat Rai,
who had, a couple of days earlier, turned out Jalhe Khan
Afghan of Kasur from Lahore and taken the administration
into his own hands.
Hearing of the defeat of the Durranis in the battle of
Manupur, Lakhpat Rai sent a message to Jalhe Khan saying,
“Your patron has been defeated and has fled away. It is
better for you also to fly away safely or else you will be
made a prisoner.” The Afghan quietly left Lahore and went
away. Ahmad Shah did not stay in Lahore longer than was
absolutely necessary for the collection and despatch of his
luggage, after which he left for Qandahar. 24
It seems that the Shah was not able to carry away all
his baggage to Afghanistan as, according to an entry in the
Delhi Chronicle, some of his property brought by Malidi Quli
Khan from. Lahore was received at Delhi on the 28th of
December, 1748. 25
On his way from Lahore the Shah was harassed by
some of the Sikh Sardars. With the slackening of repres¬
sion against them from the provincial headquarters, they
rushed into the plains and availed themselves of the oppor¬
tunity presented to them by the flying Afghans. Sardar
Charhat Singh Sukkarchakkia who, later on, established him¬
self at Gujranwala, made several surprise attacks upon the
Shah’s rear as far as the Indus and relieved hirn of a num¬
ber of horses and other property. 26
<SL
24. Mujmil, 1.12-13; Khushwaqt Rai, 63. Khushwaqt Rai says that
on his arrival at Lahore, Ahmad Shah asked Lakhpat Rai to allow him
to occupy the city in order to enable him to fight. Lakhpat Rai
replied that, as the imperial troops had arrived at Lahore two days
earlier, he was helpless. The Shah might take it from them by force.
This, Ahmad Shah, could not do and he went back to his country. This
is not borne out by facts. The imperial army did not cross the Sutlej
on this occasion, and the troops of Mir Mannu, who was appointed the
governor of Lahore, crossed it on the 23rd of Rabi-us-Sani and arrived
at Lahore a month later. Cf. Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi, 9b.
25. Sir Jadu Nath Sarkar’s translation, entry of December 28, 1748.
26. Bakht Mai, Khalsa Namah, 32; Umdat-ut-Tawarikh, i. 127;
Cunningham, History of the Sikhs (1849), 100-01.
THE BATTLE OF MANUPUR
71
REBELLION OF LUQMAN KHAN
The first thing that the Shah on his arrival at Qandahar
had to do was to suppress the rebellion of his nephew, Luq-
rrian Khan,
Luqman was the son of Ahmad Shah’s elder brother,
Zulfiqar Khan. The Shah had always looked upon him as
his own son. On his departure for Ghazni and Kabul, he had
appointed him a naib, or deputy governor, at Qandahar.
Finding the Shah busy with his Indian campaign away from
his own country, some of the disaffected and vagabond tribes¬
men of little importance, who were waiting for an opportu¬
nity, collected round Luqman Khan and persuaded him
to declare his independence. The Khan himself had for a
long time been entertaining similar intentions. He removed
many of the old and experienced servants and officers of the
Shah and set up in their places men of his own choice, thus
upsetting the old arrangements of the Shah for the adminis¬
tration of the country.
But no sooner did Luqman’s favourites hear the news of
the Shah’s return to Qandahar than they quietly dispersed
to their homes on the very first night. Thus deserted by all
his accomplices, he came face to face with the realities of the
situation. He could see the punishment that awaited him. Pro¬
mising to behave himself in future, he sent mediators to beg
the Shah’s pardon. The Shah sent for him to his presence*
removed him from his office and sent him to prison. After
two or three days he quietly handed him over to a Persian
soldier who put him to death. 27
27. The Hon’ble Mountstuart Elphinstone in his An Account of
the Kingdom of Caubul (London, 1842), 288, places this event after
the return of Ahmad Shah from his third Indian invasion in 1752. I
have followed the Mujmil-ut-Tawarikh, 113, according to which the
information of Luqman’s rebellion reached Ahmad Shah at the second
stage from Sirhind on his way back to Afghanistan. Mir Ghulam
Muhammad Ghubar in his Ahmad Shah Baba agrees with the Mujmil-
- ut-Tawarikh with the only difference that according to the latter the
Shah had received the news on the battle-field during the so-called
peace negotiations which, says Ghubar, had at first been started by
the Mughal Prince Ahmad. To me the account of negotiations given
by Tarikh-i~ Ahmad Shahi appears to be more reliable.
Chapter VII
THE SECOND INVASION OF INDIA
AGREEMENT WITH MIR MANNU
Having suppressed the revolt of Luqman Khan, Ahmad
Shah found his country secure. He spent the summer in
Qandahar making preparations for his future campaigns. He
had two things to attend to immediately: first, the regaining
of his prestige in India and, second, the conquest of Herat.
It is true that Herat was the home of the Abdali tribe and
was an important Afghan province—still under the Persians—
without which there could be no consolidated Afghanistan.
But Ahmad Shah decided in favour of an invasion of India,
evidently, for three reasons. First, Amir Muin-ul-Mulk (Mir
Mannu), the hero of the battle of Manupur, was now the
governor of the Panjab. He was appointed to this office by
Prince (later on Emperor) Ahmad (Shah) on the evening of
the 23rd of Rabi-us-Sani, 1161 A.H., April 11, 1748 A.D., be¬
fore his departure for Delhi. He had by this time established
himself in his government on the eastern frontier of
Afghanistan, and his strength in men and material was daily
increasing. He could easily threaten and disturb Peshawar
and the border territories during the absence of Ahmad Shah
from Qandahar.
Secondly, Nasir Khan, the ex-governor of Kabul, had
been reappointed governor of that province on the morning
of the 24th of Rabi-us-Sani, 1161, April 12, 1748, and he
had come to Lahore where Muin-ul-Mulk had promised to
help him in regaining Kabul. 1 The combined forces of Muin
and Nasir could be a source of danger to Kabul if the Shah
were to be entangled in the campaign of Herat. Thirdly,
with the discredit of the defeat in India, he could not march
with pride for the conquest of Herat from the Persians, who
had won glory as conquerors of India.
The political situation in the imperial capital at Delhi
was also then favourable for an invasion of India. The old
Emperor, Muhammad Shah, had followed his Wazir Qamar-
1. Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi, 9b; Tahmas Namah, B, 5,
MINIS;*
THE SECOND INVASION OF INDIA
<§L
)in to the grave on the 27th of Rabi-us«Sani, April 15.
Prince Ahmad was crowned Emperor of India with the
title of Ahmad Shah. The new Emperor had spent his youth
in the haram and had received no training in the art of war
or governance. Dull by nature, indolent by habit and given
to sensual pleasures, he was a puppet in the hands of the
eunuchs of the haram and danced to the tune of selfish and
vulgar courtiers. The prime minister, Safdar Jang, looked
more to the satisfaction of his personal animosities than to
the strengthening of the state. An old rival and enemy of
the late Wazir Qamar-ud-Din, he hatched secret plans to re¬
duce the power of Mir Mannu by setting up rivals against
him. He instigated the ungrateful Nasir Khan against his
patron, Mir Mannu, and, later on, sent Shah Nawaz Khan to
take forcible possession of his province of Multan. With
such a man at the helm of affairs, Mannu could expect no
help from Delhi in the case of an invasion from the west. 2
The peace of the province of the Panjab itself was being
occasionally disturbed by the rising power of the Sikhs.
Though roughly curbed by the iron hand of Mir Mannu, they
hit back furiously whenever and wherever the pressure
decreased. Within a fortnight of the Durrani retreat, when
the old government had become ineffective and no new
government had been established, the Sikhs rushed out of
their mountain and jungle recesses to which they had been
driven for shelter by the movable columns of Zakariya Khan
and his successors, occupied some territories in the Jullundur
Doab, turned out the Mughal deputy from Amritsar and
declared their independence at their religious centre. They
also raised a mud enclosure like a small fortress, called the
Ram Raoni, the siege of which had in those days engaged
some of Mannu’s best officers. 3 All these factors combined
to influence the decision of Ahmad Shah Durrani in favour
of invading India, and, before the close of the year 1748, 4 he
2. Tarikh-i-Ahmad S'hahi, 10a; Tarihh-i-Ali , 212-13; Sarkar, i.
328-30; Ahwal-i-Salatin , 176.
3. Khushwaqt Rai, 67-8; Ratan Singh, Prachin Panth Prakash,
398-404.
4. Some writers have placed the second invasion of Ahmad Shah
Durrani in the autumn-winter of 1749-50. (Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal
G . 10
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
Marched upon the Panjab. He sent orders, in advance, to
the tribes of Peshawar and its neighbourhood to keep ready
to join him during his march. These orders were carried
out and the tribes met him at their respective stages.
On his arrival at Peshawar, he paid a visit to Shaikh
Umar, the well-known saint of Chamkanni, and received his
blessings. He then sent Sardar Jahan Khan Popalzei in
advance at the head of a well-equipped force. A large num¬
ber of Khatak tribesmen joined him at the ferry of Attock
and his army continued to swell with the influx of local
zamindars and their followers at the fords of the Jhelum
and the Chanab. 5 The Shah followed him soon after, and,
finding the other side of the Chanab occupied by Muin-ul-
Mulk and the passage blocked, he ordered the army to be
encamped.
Hearing of the Shah’s advance towards Lahore, Mir
Muin-ul-Mulk had commenced his preparations for defence
and issued out of Lahore to check the invader’s progress on
the Chanab. He appointed Sayyad Ivaz Khan to officiate for
him as deputy in Lahore during his absence. His army had
at that time been in arrears of pay for several months. He
desired Lakhpat Rai to pay them. But no money, as the
Diwan reported, could be raised in those disturbed days.
Mannu was, therefore, compelled to open the doors of his
Empire, i. 417-19; Gupta, History of the Sikhs, 63-5.) The Kteana-i-
Amira, the Tarikh-i-Salatin-i-Afgharum and the Halat-i-Midtan place
this event in 1162 A.H., which commences on December 11, 1746 A.U.,
and ends on November 29, 1749. According to this, it should ^placed
before November, 1749. The Tarikh~i~Salatin-i-Afcjha«an 157, tells
us that after his return from his first Indian invasion (Apnl 1748),
Ahmad Shah spent his summer in Qandahar and mvaded India far
die second time in winter. This can on y be (be winter of 1748-49
corresponding to 1162 A.H., during which the Shah is said to ha/e
returned to his country. The Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi says (17a), after
a few months (bad chand mah) Ahmad Afghan crossed the Indus and
came towards Lahore.’ This is supported by the Umda-tu-Taxoartkh,
Vol I 128-9, wherein it is clearly stated that after eight or nine months
Ahmad Shah invaded the Panjab for the second time in Maghar 1805,
(November, 1748). Also see Khushwaqt Rai, TaHkh-x-Sxkhan K,
Kalvan Singh, Khulasa-tu-Tawarikh, 56b; Maasir-ul-Vmra, i. -60,
Elphinstone, An Account of the Kingdom of Canbul, 286-87.
5. Shah Namah-i-Ahmadiya, 114.
Hit UlST/fy,
THE SECOND INVASION OF INDIA 7
treasure and pay his men before he could lead them to
the campaign. Despatching fast messengers to Delhi for
reinforcements, he inarched from Lahore to meet the advanc¬
ing Durranis and set up his camp at Sohdara. Adina Beg
Khan of the Jullundur Doab and Mehdi Ali Khan were the
two important officers in his train. Not finding himself strong
enough to face the Durranis, he could not run the risk of a
general action and kept waiting for reinforcements from
Delhi. But he was waiting in vain. No help was to come
from there. 6
For some time skirmishes continued between the two
armies and no decisive battle was fought. Ahmad Shah then
hit upon another plan. He divided his army in two sections.
One section he kept under his own command to keep Mir
Marmu engaged at Sohdara. The other he placed under his
general, Sardar Jahan Khan, and ordered him to harass his
rear and ravage the country in the neighbourhood of Lahore.
Jahan Khan devastated the whole land and carried fire and
sword wherever he went. He reached as far as Shahdara
on the Ravi, opposite Lahore, at a distance of two kos from
the city. But he found his passage blocked and could not
cross over to the city to capture it. Ivaz Khan defended the
fords of the Ravi with guns and maintained a continuous
fire in the face of the Durranis. Finding his attempt to take
the city thus foiled, Jahan Khan returned to the main army
after some two months of destruction and devastation. 7
On the day when Jahan Khan was encamping at Shah¬
dara and threatening the capital of the Panjab, Nawab Kapur
Singh, the leader of the theocratic army of the Sikhs—the
Dal Khalsajio —availed himself of the chaos and confusion in
the city, and, with the consent of the citizens, entered it
with a small band of twenty horsemen and established him-
6. Umda-tu-Tawarikh, i. 129; Khushwaqt Rai, 66; Tarikh-i-AU,
211-12. According to Khushwaqt. Rai, the name of the deputy was
Izzat Khan.
7. Khushwaqt Rai, 66; Tarikh-i-Ali, 212; Shah Namah~i-Ahmadiya,
118. Cf. Umda-iu Tawarihh, 129.
MiN/sr^
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
lerSy,
;ji i i a t the chabutra 8 of the Kotwali. 9 His object, evidently,
was to get as much money in this confusion as possible from
the octroi headquarters of the city and then quietly retire
to the camp of his main Dal. This explains the reason of
his being accompanied by so small a number of Sikhs and
his leaving the city as soon as Muin’s deputy beat his drum
to march his troops against him.
The news of the arrival of the Durranis at the Chanab
and of the ravage of the country at the hands of Jahan Khan
was constantly reaching Delhi and pouring into the ears of
the Emperor and the Wazir. But no one thought of sending
troops and money to assist the governor of Lahore. ‘On the
contrary the Wazir,’ says the author of the T arikh-i-Ahmad
Shahi, ‘was not a little pleased to hear of his embarrassment.’ 10
Muin-ul-Mulk was thus left by the central government to
his own resources.
At this stage came an envoy from the Shah. As Jahan
Khan had not been successful in breaking through the defen¬
ces of Lahore and surprising the city, he had returned to the
Shah’s camp. The Shah, therefore, sent Mahrab Khan * 11 with
a letter to Muin asking him to surrender. Muin readily ac¬
cepted the proposal and sent Pir Shaikh Abdul Qadir and
Allama Maulawi Abdullah to settle the terms of peace. Nizam-
ud-Din Ishrat, the author of the Shah Namah-i-Ahmadiyu,
also accompanied them.
From the Indian trenches to the Shah’s pavilion ‘the
passage was covered with the shadow of swords’ and the Dur¬
ranis appeared so dreadful that ‘blood in the veins/ as Nizam-
ud-Din puts it, ‘went dry, and words of the Quran came to
the lips/ Arriving near the tent of Khan Jan Khan, as Sar-
dar Jahan Khan was originally called, Shaikh Abdul Qadir
came down from his palanquin and turned towards a mosque
8. The word chabutra literally means a raised platform, hut was
then colloquially used for an octroi post.
9. Khushwaqt Rai, Tarikh-i-Sikhan, 66-67.
10. Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi, 17a-b; Elliot, VIII, 115.
11. According to the Tarikh-i-Ali, 212, the envoy’s name was
Khush Mir Khan and he was a ham-zulf (wife’s sister’s husband) of
Jahan Khan. Under Mannu’s instructions, Mahdj Ali Khan became
the host of the Shah’s el chi.
Ml MST/ty,
THE SECOND INVASION OF INDIA
►ayers. The proud Khan respectfully led the Shaikh
and scattered from over his head a few dinars among the
poor. The companions of the Shaikh were then separated
from him and he was sent by Jahan Khan to the Shah escort¬
ed by his own horsemen. 12
THE TREATY OF PEACE
The Shah went out of the camp to receive Shaikh Abdul
Qadir and Maulawi Abdullah 13 and welcomed them with all
the honour due to an envoy and a Pir. The Shah was pleased
to accept the vessels of gold and other presents sent by Mir
Mannu, and the terms of peace were concluded to the satis¬
faction of both the parties. It was agreed that all the terri¬
tories west of the Indus would be considered as forming
part of the Afghan dominions and that the revenue of the
Chahar Mahal, or the four districts of Sialkot, Aurangabad,
Gujrat and Pasrur, assessed at fourteen lakhs a year, would
be assigned to him. 14 This was only the reiteration of the
treaty signed in 1739 between Emperor Muhammad Shah of
Delhi and Nadir Shah. The author of the Tarikh-i-Ahmad
Shahi tells us that Muin had concluded this treaty according
to the advice, approval and written instructions of his master
Emperor Ahmad Shah of Delhi and that Nasir Khan was
appointed to manage these four Mahal and send the yearly
12. Shah Namah-i-Ahmadiya, 120-3.
13. Nizam-ud-Din tells us that die companions of the Shaikh
including Mirza Ubaid, Khel Sufi and Nizam-ud-Din himself were
kept in detention. It is evident that this Mirza Ubaid was a different
person from Maulawi Abdullah, also called Ubaidullah by some writers.
The Tahmas Narnah , p. B. 4, mentions the name of Maulawi Abdullah
alone as entrusted with the negotiations for peace. But I have follow¬
ed the Shah Namah-i-Ahmadiya, the author of which, Nizam-ud-Din,
must naturally be more reliable as being one of those who accompanied
the envoy.
14. Shah Namah-i-Ahmadiya , 125-7; Bayan-i-Waqei, 146; Tarikh-
i-Ahmad Shahi, 17b (Elliot and Dowson, VIII. 115); Tahmas Narnah,
B. 4; Tarikh-i-Ali , 212-3; Tarikh-i-Muzzafri, 458; Siyar-ul-Mutakherin,
874-5; Mulakhas-ut-Tawarikh, 367; Umda-tu-Tawarikh, 129; Ali-ud-
Din, Ibrat Namah , 241; Ahwal-i-Salatin, 176; Talkhis-i-Tarikh-i-
Ahmad Shahi, 6b-7a.
WNiSTffr
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
revenue to Kabul 15 This attitude of the Emperor may be
explained in two ways : first, that he wished to extricate his
old friend from this difficult situation and sent him secret
instructions to appease the Durrani by accepting his demands;
secondly, that he did it at the suggestion of the prime minister,
Safdar Jang, to reduce the power of Muin on the one hand
and to ward off the Durrani invasion of India on the other.
But the treaty was more advantageous to the Shah. He
had brought the victor of Manupur to his knees and removed
the Mughal danger from the east. The annual revenue of
fourteen lakhs of rupees would add to his resources. Above
all, he had established his prestige both in India and at home.
Regarding the four Mahal “they were, no doubt, to be still
governed by the Delhi Emperor’s agents and in his name;”
“but the Afghan,” as Sir Jadunath Sarkar puts it, “all the
same, got the first slice of India proper,” 16 forming, in time of
need, a strong flank against the hill-chiefs of Jammu and
Kashmir.
SHAH RETURNS TO AFGHANISTAN
The Shah now began his homeward march by a south¬
western route through Multan and the Deras. On his arrival
at Dera Ghazi Khan, Zahid Khan Saddozei of Multan came
to pay his respects and to present to him his petition against
his removal from the governorship of Multan.
ZAIIID KHAN SADDOZEI
Zahid Khan, son of Abid Khan, was the grandson of
Shah Husain Khan Saddozei who had retired to India during
the time of Sher Khan. When Shah Nawaz Khan left Mul¬
tan for Lahore after the death of his father, Zakariya Khan,
he appointed Khwaja Is’haq Khan deputy governor of the
province. Zahid Khan went to Delhi to press his own claim
and was successful, through Ali Muhammad Khan Ruhila, in
presenting his case to Wazir Qamar-ud-Din. Equipped with
the royal sanad, he returned to Multan. Is’haq Khan came
15. Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi, 17a (Elliot and Dowson, VIII, 115).
According to this work, one of the four districts ceded to the Shah
was Eminabad and not Gujrat, as given by others.
16. Sarkar, The Fall of the Mughal Empire, i. 419,
miSTffy
THE SEC.6ND INVASION OF INDIA
§L
out to give him battle, but was defeated. Zahid Khan became
the governor of Multan. During the first Durrani invasion
of India (1747-8), he was confirmed by Ahmad Shah in that
position. But when Mir Mannu became the governor of the
provinces of Lahore and Multan, he did not find it expedient
to retain a Saddozei Abdali of the tribe of Ahmad Shah in
that province. Diwan Kaura Mall was, therefore, appointed
to succeed him. Zahid Khan refused to acknowledge the
authority of Mir Mannu and marched out to oppose him.
But he was worsted in a battle near the village of Mati-Tal
and made to flee towards Sitpur. On his return to Lahore,
Kaura Mall left the administration of the province in the
hands of his deputy, Abdul Aziz Khan Saddozei. It was
during the time of this deputy that the Shah came to Dera
Ghazi Khan on his return from the Chanab.
The Shah had either no time to hear the complaints of
Zahid Khan or the latter could not present his case clearly
to him. He desired his Saddozei amirs to hear in detail the
grievances of Zahid Khan and then place them before him in
a summarized form. The amirs held mutual consultations
and came to the conclusion that Zahid Khan’s enemy was
Abdul Aziz Khan. But as the latter was also a Saddozei, they
felt reluctant to say anything against him. Finding the amirs
in a suspense, Zahid Khan said that his real enemy was Kaura
Mall, a Hindu. But as the Shah had entered into a treaty
with Muin-ul-Mulk, the real governor of Multan, nothing
could be done for Zahid Khan, who returned to Sitpur to
wait for the arrival of Shah Nawaz Khan with whom he was
already in friendly correspondence. 17
17. Ahmad Yadgar, Tarikh-i-Salatin-i-Afghanan, 242-248.
For more details regarding Zahid Khan see Muhammad Yusuf
Gardezi, Halat-i-Multan, 56; Sher Muhammad Khan, Zubda-tul -
Akhbar W aqaya-i-Multan, 22-9; Amar Nath, Zafar Ncima~i~Ranjit
Singh, 105-13. Mir Ghulam Muhammad Ghubar in his Ahmad Shah
Baba places the case of Zahid Khan before Ahmad Shah during the
Shah’s return to Afghanistan after the first invasion. But that appeal's
to be improbable as the Shall then returned to Afghanistan via Pesha¬
war and Kabul and not via Multan, pp. 204-5. After Shah Nawaz Khan
had arrived from Delhi with the help of Safdar Jang and taken pos¬
session of Multan, Kaura Mall marched upon him from Lahore. Shall
Nawaz Khan was killed in battle and Zahid Khan died as soon as he
heard of his friend’s death.
<SL
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
THE DERAS SURRENDER TO THE SHAH
It was probably at this time that the southern Afghan
tribes of the Deras—Dera Ghazi Khan and Dera Ismail Khan
—also acknowledged Ahmad Shah as their king. He confirmed
the old tribal chiefs in their respective possessions, and, hav¬
ing thus settled the affairs of these parts, he went back to
Qandahar. 18 Mir Naseer Khan, the chief of Kalat in Balu¬
chistan, also allied himself with Ahmad Shah Durrani at this
time and became one of his chief supporters.
18. Elphinstone, Caubul , 286.
Chapter VIII
THE ANNEXATION OF HERAT
A PLOT AGAINST THE SHAH SUPPRESSED
On the Shah’s return to Qandahar, a serious plot to as¬
sassinate him leaked out a few moments before the time fixed
for its execution. The leader in this plot was Nur Muhammad
Khan Alizei who had held command of the Afghan troops
under Nadir Shah. Ever since the withdrawal of the com¬
mand from him on the rise of Ahmad Shah, he had been
hatching secret plans against him. Nur Muhammad Khan
had been duly honoured by the Shah, who had given him the
title of Mir-i-Afghan, the leader of the Afghans.
But ambition tortured Nur Muhammad Khan who had
once ruled and enjoyed power. He took into his confidence
a number of other Afghan chiefs such as Muhabbat Khan
Popalzei, Kadu Khan and Osman Khan Topchibashi who
were becoming jealous of the daily increasing power of Ahmad
Shah and of the glory that he had recently acquired in the
Panjab and the Deras. They conspired to assassinate him
on an eminence called Maqsud Shah in the village of Shamali
Shahr, a northern suburb of Qandahar. One of the conspi¬
rators, however, informed the Shah of the plot against his
life. For such a crime there was at that time but one punish¬
ment. Nur Muhammad Khan and all his accomplices, with
ten men for each of the tribes most deeply compromised, were
put to death on the same eminence. ‘The selection of ten
men from the guilty tribe to suffer for the lapses of that tribe,
gives a curious insight into the system of punishment for
conspiracy prevalent at that period.’
There was at this a stir among the Afghan chiefs. As
these were the first executions ordered by Ahmad Shah, they
were afraid lest he should adopt the same severe measures
against them at any future time. They questioned his right
to award capital punishment, and, ‘after the executions were
over, they agitated the question whether or not the lex talionis
(the law of retaliation) should be applied to the Shah and
G. 11
wwsrgp
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
llls iamily; they also wished to limit his power, or rather sub¬
ject it to their approbation; but the Shah suppressed with
energy this feeling on the part of the chiefs, and ‘his determi¬
nation and justice,’ says Ferrier, ‘soon produced tranquillity
in the countries subject to his dominion. *
§L
THE STATE OF AFFAIRS IN PERSIA
Herat, as we know, was still in the hands of the Persians.
Its conquest was absolutely necessary for consolidating the
countries inhabited by the Afghans into one homogeneous
political unit—Afghanistan, It was held by an Arab chief,
Amir Khan, on behalf of Mirza Shah Rukh, the grandson of
Nadir Shah.
Before we follow Ahmad Shah Durrani on his march
against Herat, and then Mashhad and Nishapur, it seems
necessary to trace the course of events in Persia during the
two preceding years. Nadir Shah was assassinated, as we
know, at the instigation of his own nephew, Ali Quli Khan,
who ascended the throne under the title of Adil Shah. To
win the sympathies of the people, his first act was to con¬
demn by a proclamation the barbarities of Nadir and to
accept the responsibility of the murder of a tyrant, ‘who/ as
Hanway puts it, ‘delighted in blood, and, with unheard of
barbarity, made pyramids of heads of his own subjects/ But
he himself proved to be no better. He massacred the whole
family of Nadir, with the solitary exception of Shah Rukh,
son of the unfortunate Raza Quli Khan, who had been blind¬
ed by Nadir himself. Adil was dethroned and blinded by his
own brother Ibrahim, who, in turn, was defeated and mur¬
dered by his own troops.
Shah Rukh then came to the throne, but he was opposed
and defeated by a rival in the person of Mirza Sayyad Muham¬
mad (a superintendent of the tomb of Imam Raza), who
blinded the monarch and succeeded him with the title of Sule~
man Shah. But Suleman was not to reign in peace. Shah
Rukhs general Yusuf Ali was absent on duty against Ahmad
Shah Durrani in Herat when his master had been worsted.
1. Tarikh-i~Sultani } 127--8; Ahmad Shah Baba, 207- 85 Ferrier,
History of the Afghans, 73-4; Malleson, History of Afghanistan , 280-81,
MINISr^
THE ANNEXATION OF HERAT
hurried back to wreak his vengeance upon Suleman and
put him to death along with two of his sons. Shah Rukh was
restored to the throne, and Yusuf AH became his regent. But
the tragic drama had not yet come to an end. Soon after
Shah Rukh’s restoration, Yusuf Ali was overpowered and
blinded by Mir Alam Khan, the commander of the Arabs of
Sistan, and Jafar Khan, the commander of the Kurds. The
two chiefs who had joined hands against Yusuf Ali soon fell
out and the vanquished Jafar Khan was added to the long
list of the blinded persons. Mir Alam Khan was, in turn,
defeated and killed by Ahmad Shah Durrani in the battle
of Mashhad, after which it was, as we shall presently see,
decided by the Afghan monarch to constitute under Shah
Rukh a separate state of Khurasan, acknowledging Afghan
suzerainty. 2 3
THE SIEGE OF HERAT
To return to the Durrani campaign of Herat. While the
struggle for the throne of Persia was raging between Sule¬
man Shah and Shah Rukh, petitions from Amir Khan and
Bahbud Khan of Herat were received at Qandahar, inform¬
ing the Shah of the confused and unsettled state of affairs in
that country. This was a welcome news. Having com¬
pleted his preparations, Ahmad Shah moved out of Qandahar
in the spring of 1749 with an army of twenty-five thousand
men and horse 2 and marched against Herat. As he reached
the place, he wrote to Amir Khan and Bahbud Khan invit¬
ing them to his presence. The Khans seemed inclined to
accept the invitation, but the leading citizens of Herat ob¬
jected to this attitude of the chiefs and decided to arrest
them.
This alarmed Amir Khan and his friend and they repent¬
ed of their conduct. Amir Khan strengthened the defences
<SL
2. Sykes, History of Persia , ii. 370-72; Hanway, Travels .
3. According to the Mujmil-ut-Tawarikh, 76, the Afghan army at
this time numbered about forty thousand, consisting of the Yusufzeis,
the Umarzeis and the Saddozeis and other tribes of the Abdalis and
the Ghalzeis. Ferrier, in his History of the Afghans, 74, gives the
number as seventy thousand, which seems to be very much inflated.
He places the event in 1750,
o
2
5
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
the fort, placed his guns on the towers of the city and
replied to the Shah’s letter with fire from his artillery.
Deciding to take the city by assault, the Shah moved
forward. But the lire from the city’s defences was so heavy
and casualties so many that he had to fall back. He then
consulted his military chiefs, who all agreed with him in
the opinion that the siege of Herat should be continued with
vigour. The blockade of the city was tightened and the
siege continued for several months . 4
Amir Khan had written several letters to his master,
Shah Rukh Mirza, at Mashhad. But he was not without
troubles of his own and could ill afford to move out of
Mashhad. Sir Percy Sykes tells us in his History of Persia
that “Shah Rukh had despatched Yusuf Ali to meet him
[Ahmad Shah Durrani], and it was during his absence on
this duty that the Shah had been defeated and captured .” 5
But there is no mention of his coming into contact with
Ahmad Shah and measuring swords with him. Probably he
never reached Herat and hurried back to Mashhad on hearing
of the activities of Suleman against his Master.
THE LAST STAGE
Ahmad Shah, on the other hand, continued the siege
with increasing vigour and at last succeeded in reducing the
city by a successful assault. Finding that the siege was
becoming long and tedious, he, one day, appealed to the
Afghans to make an all-out effort to capture the city. They
decided among themselves to rush out with the words of the
Quran— Kalima-i-Shahadat —on their lips and not to think
4. The Mujmil-ut-Tawa.rikh, 77-79, gives the period of the siege
of Herat as nine months, while Ferrier’s History of the Afghans, 74,
extends it to fourteen months. According to the Tarikh-i-Sultani, 128,
it continued for four months. Malleson, following Elphinstone, how¬
ever, says, “Herat succumbed after a siege of fourteen days.” See
An Account &f the Kingdom of Cauhul, 281.
In the absence of any clear chronological account of these events,
it is extremely difficult to determine the correct period, but nine
months may be conveniently presumed to be correct. This will place
the fall of Herat in the year 1750, mentioned by some of the writers,
including Ferrier (p. 74), and Sykes ( History of Afghanistan, i. 356),
5. p. 371-72.
THE ANNEXATION OF HERAT
retracing their steps till the fort was taken. The Shall
all his chiefs and men recited the fateha, the Quranic prayer
for blessing and for the dead, and prepared themselves for
the decisive battle of the morning. Coming to know of this
determination of the Afghans, the besieged also made the
necessary preparations for the coming struggle.
Early in the following morning, the Afghans rushed upon
the fort. Unmindful of the deadly fire that was being poured
into their ranks and of the heavy loss of life that they were
suffering, they pushed on. Thousands of them fell dead and
wounded, but nothing could dismay them. Wading through
pools of blood and running over the heaps of their own dead
and dying soldiers, the Afghans, at last, reached the fort with
the close of the day. The besieged threw burning gun¬
powder on them, but, true to their word, the Afghans waver¬
ed not and stuck to their ground. At this time the Shah
desired one of his men to deliver his message to the besieged.
Shouting at the top of his voice, the crier said, “Our Shah
says that we have come here at your call and request. What
is all this resistance and struggle for? Things have now
reached a stage when you cannot get out and we cannot go
back. Stop fighting and convey this message to your Sardars
and bring their reply. Our Shah is waiting for it. To the
last breath of the last Afghan soldier, we shall continue this
struggle for the fort.” On receipt of this message, Amir
Khan and Bahbud Khan were set athinking. “It is nine
months,” they thought, “since we have been daily fighting.
We have made repeated requests to Shah Rukh for re¬
inforcement, but nothing has come. The provisions in the
fort are all exhausted. The Afghans are being daily re¬
inforced. We had petitioned the Shah to come. By this mes¬
sage he seeks peace. Now that our men can no longer hold
the fort without provisions, it is politic to make peace.”
Eventually, they sent a message for peace.
THE FINAL ASSAULT
Finding the defenders of Herat off their guard in view
of the messages exchanged between the Shah and Amir Khan,
the Afghans availed themselves of the darkness of night,
climbed the walls of the fort from the side of the steps and
<SL
misr/fy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
^ re d its towers and bastions. Hearing the noise, the Herat
Sardars hurried to the spot with their men to drive out the
Afghans. While they were thus engaged, more and more
Afghans came in with the help of ladders, and the fighting
began. In the confusion thus caused inside the fort, a few
Afghans rushed towards the gate under cover of darkness
and opened it. The defenders of the gate were soon over¬
powered and cut to pieces. The whole army then entered
the city and sacked it indiscriminately with the dawn of the
day.
Amir Khan, says Ferrier, witnessed the fall of Herat from
the citadel. Determined to make one last effort, he assembled
his men and descended into the suburbs. But it was all in
vain. Assailed in front by the Durranis and in the rear by
some Heratis who were of their party, his soldiers were
exterminated in large numbers, and he was forced to retire.
Ahmad Shah was still encamped outside the fort. Amir
Khan and Bahbud Khan presented themselves as suppliants
before him and begged his pardon for their past behaviour.
The Shah annexed Herat to his own dominions and placed
its government in the hands of Darwesh Ali Khan Hazarah . 6
Thus was the original home of the Abdalis united with
the other Afghan provinces, completing the consolidation of
the Afghan territories into an Ajghan-Stan, Afghanistan.
<SL
6. Mujrnil-iit-Tawarikht 76-81; Tarikh-i-Sultani, 128; Ferrier,
Afghans, 74-5; Elphinstone, Cauhul, 287-8; Malleson, History of Afgha¬
nistan, 281; Sykes, History of Persia; 370-72. According to Ferrier,
Amir Khan was ‘hacked to pieces on the spot’ in his final efforts for
the defence of Herat. But I have followed the Mujmil-irt-Tawarikh,
mist#,.
Chapter IX
THE CAMPAIGNS AND CONQUEST
OF
KHURASAN
MASHHAD—
MIR ALAM KHAN DEFEATED AND KILLED
Having secured Herat, Ahmad Shall thought of taking
Mashhad and Nishapur. About twelve thousand fresh troops,
which had been called in for the siege of Herat, had arrived
and added to his strength. Mashhad at this time was in a
state of anarchy. The blind Shah Rukh was a nonentity.
His faithful and energetic general, Yusuf Ali, who had
marched for the relief of Herat and hurried back to the
assistance of his master, had also been overpowered and
blinded by Mir Alam Khan. Mir Alam was at this time the
master of Mashhad, and he was preparing to besiege Nisha¬
pur when he heard of the fall of Herat into the hands of
Ahmad Shah and of his march against Mashhad. He suspend¬
ed his activities at Nishapur and hurried down to Mashhad to
meet the advancing Afghans. He repaired the fortifications,
provisioned the place, and, after having confided the defence
to the inhabitants, whom he believed he could trust, he
marched out of Mashhad, determined to pounce upon Herat, if
possible.
Ahmad Shah detailed an advance army of five thousand
selected Afghans under the command of Jahan Khan Popalzei,
assisted by Mir Naseer Khan, chief of Kalat, in Baluchistan,
to march against Mashhad. On arriving at Turbat-i-Shaikh
Jam, Jahan Khan sprang a surprise upon Mir Adam Khan by
attacking him. Recovering from the first shock, Mir Alam
hit back with great intrepidity and pushed back the Durranis.
But the position was soon retrieved by a bold attack of Mir
Naseer Khan of Kalat, who charged the Persians with his
Ahmad shah durraM* V 8L
thousand horse and drove them away. Mir Alam wad
kilted in the battle and his army was cut to pieces . 1
CAPTURE OF NUN BY SHAH
Ahmad Shah soon arrived at this place with the remain¬
ing army and moved towards Mashhad at the head of a large
force. The next place of importance was the fort of Nun
which was then held by Mir Masum Khan, brother of Mir
Alam. He had only a small garrison, but, trusting that his
brother would be able to send him reinforcements in time,
he had strengthened his fortifications. Ahmad Shah besieged
the fort, but it could not hold out for long. Masum Khan
lost all hope of resistance on the receipt of the news of his
brother’s death and sued for peace. The Shah invited him to
his presence. The Mir presented to him the keys of the fort
and surrendered.
SHAH RUKH SURRENDERED TO AHMAD SHAH
The Shah then moved to Mashhad and laid siege to it.
It was desperately defended by the Persians and several
Afghan attacks were repulsed. But the Afghans tightened
the blockade and reduced the city to despair. Shah Rukh
at last came out to meet the besieger. The Durrani Shah
received him kindly and agreed to retain him on the throne
of Mashhad under his own suzerainty on the condition that
he paid a large sum of money and released and made over
to him all the members of his (Durrani’s) family who had,
1. Tarikh-i-Sultani, 128; Ferrier, 75; Sykes, History of Persia,
371-72; History of Afghanistan, 356. According to Ferrier, ‘Mir Alam
immediately gave rip the idea of keeping Meshed and retired in the
direction of Ghain to his tribe.’ But as we do not hear of Mir Alam
Khan again and as it cannot be easily believed that such a man as
Mir Alam could have retired to an unknown ascetic life, I have fol¬
lowed Sykes, who says that Mir Alam ‘was defeated and killed*. Of,
Mujmil-ut-Tawarikh, 85. Ferrier (p. 75) and Sykes (History of Afgha¬
nistan, 356) have placed Prince Taimur (son of Ahmad Shah), a boy
under five, in command of the advance army. I have followed the
Tarikh-i-Sultani. According to the last mentioned authority it was
the army commanded by Shah Rukh Mirza himself that was sur¬
prised and defeated by Jahan Khan and Naseer Khan; and Jahan Khan
had gone back to Herat to convey to him the news of the victory.
|C\X THE ‘CAMPAIGNS AND CONQUEST
/Nadir’s death, been in his (Shah Rukh’s) hands
stives. Nothing could be more welcome to Shah Rukh and
he readily agreed to the terms dictated by the Shah . 2
SHAH PASAND KHAN SENT TO MAZANDARAN
While the Shah was settling the affairs of Khurasan,
Muhammad Husain Kajar, son of Fateh Ali Khan, had
established himself at Astrabad, a town situated on the
eastern shores of the Caspian Sea, which had, for long, been
the residence of his family, and the whole of Mazandaran had
submitted to his authority. Fearing lest the future enterprise
of Muhammad Husain should disturb his arrangements in
Khurasan, the Shah detailed a division of Afghans under the
command of Shah Pasand Khan to attack Mazandaran, while
he himself marched to Nishapur with the main army,
SIEGE OF NISHAPUR'
The district of Nishapur was then governed by one Jafar
Khan, while the fort at the headquarters was under the com¬
mand of Abbas Quli Khan, son of Hasan Khan Bayat, on
behalf of Shah Rukh. Abbas Quli Khan refused to surrender
the fort. He had a garrison of only two thousand horse. He
consulted his paternal uncle, Haji Saif-ud-Din Khan, who
advised him to hold on at least up to winter when the fall
of snow and excessive cold would drive the Afghans away*
Determined to offer stout resistance, the nephew and the
uncle, ostensibly disagreeing with each other, began a double
game with the Shah, who was easily duped into inaction.
While Abbas Quli was strengthening the defences of the city,
Saif-ud-Din, with a view to gaining time, entered into negotia¬
tions with the Shah and wrote a letter to him saying that,
as for himself, he had “laid down his arms on the very day
2* Tarikh-i-Sultani, 128-9; Sykes, Afghanistan , 356; Elphinstone,
Caubul, 287. Ferrier, in his History of the Afghans , 76, gives lengthy
details of the resistance of Mashhad, and of the harassing activities of
Nasrullah Mirza and Nasir Mirza, the two sons of Shah Rukh, and the
support given by Mamish Khan against Ahmad Shah. But they all
belong to a later period. At this time Shah Rukh was only a boy of
Sixteen, having been bom in March, 1734.
G. 12
AHMAD SHAH DURRANt
ihat Ahmad Shall arrived, but that it would require some
time before he could overcome the obstinacy of Abbas Quit
Khan, who had decided upon fighting”. Believing in the
sincerity of the old Haji, the Shah was satisfied by simply
investing the place. He could not see through the game. The
Haji negotiated and temporized for such a long time that
the deadly winter of Nishapur with all its rigours set in be¬
fore the Afghans had opened their trenches. The heavy fall
of snow and the dwindling supply of provisions reduced them
to extremities and it became impossible for them to continue
the siege without any shelter.
Intelligence at this time arrived that the Shah’s division
under Shah Pasand Khan had suffered a defeat at Mazinan
and had been practically annihilated by the Persians. Hear¬
ing of the advance of Shah Pasand Khan against Mazandaran,
Muhammad Hussain Kajar had detailed Isa Khan Kurd and
Hasan Khan Kajar to meet him on the way to check his
advance. A battle took place on the plain of Mazinan and
Shah Pasand Khan was worsted with a heavy loss. It was
also feared that the Khans of Khurasan might attack him
from without. Ahmad Shah, at last, decided to deliver an
assault. He pushed forward his guns and opened fire upon
the fortifications. An opening was made on the northern side
of the city. But before the Afghans could enter it, it was
all dark. During the night the defenders assembled at the
breach, dug deep wells in the opening, covered them with
sticks, straws and rubbish and manned it with sufficient num¬
bers to hold back the Afghans. As expected, the Afghans
rushed at the breach early in the morning and hundreds of
them fell into the wells. The defenders then opened fire upon
them. The fighting continued throughout the day. Late in
the afternoon, a few Afghans captured the towers near the
breach. Ahmad Shah then sent forward two hundred camel-
men with swivels to reinforce them. The Persians received
them with artillery fire. At this time Jafar Khan, the
governor, was killed by a shot and drops of his blood fell
on the head and face of Abbas Quli Khan. Although a boy
of eighteen, Abbas Quli behaved like a seasoned soldier. He
calmly finished his prayers and then rushed to the spot where
Jafar Khan lay dead. He encouraged the Persian fighters
<SL
MINIS
THE CAMPAIGNS AND CONQUEST
<; and detailed some selected men for the relief of the towers.
The Afghans were dislodged. Most of them were cut to
pieces, while the remaining were thrown into the wells. The
day closed with a very heavy loss to the Afghans, estimated
at about twelve thousand men.
THE SIEGE FAILS—THE SHAH RETURNS TO HERAT
Ahmad Shah was still in suspense as to his future plans
when intelligence arrived that some Khans of Khurasan had
assembled a large force and were coming to the relief of
Nishapur. The Shah prepared to meet them, and, while he
was engaged with them, a vigorous sally was made from the
city. This two-sided attack on the exhausted and cold-
stricken Afghans completely bewildered them and Ahmad
Shah was compelled to retreat in haste. Tents, baggage,
ammunition and artillery had all to be abandoned. The guns
were spiked and many other things were destroyed. A large
number of men and baggage-animals died on the way. “Such
was the intensity of cold/’ says Ferrier, “that at the halt made
at Kiaffar Kaleh, 18,000 of Ahmad’s soldiers died in one night,
and on the following day very nearly the same number
perished in attempting the passage of the Heri-rood, near the
town of Kussan. The river was frozen, but it gave way under
the crowd of fugitives, who were swallowed up in the icy
waters/’ It is stated, on the authority of Sardar Jumme
Khan, who held a command in this expedition and who has
left a small sketch of it, that to save himself from the severity
of cold and from consequent death he had to disembowel his
camels in the inside of which he, enveloped in a blanket, took
up his quarters at night, passing from one to another as it
got cold, once killing for this purpose as many as seventeen
animals between sunset and sunrise. The severities of the
weather told so heavily on the force of Ahmad Shah that, on
their arrival at Herat, the remnants looked more like skeletons
than soldiers. 3
3. Mujmil , 84-90; 94-6; Tarikh-i-Sultani, 128-9; Ferrier, 77-8;
Elphinstone, Caubul, 287; Malleson, 281-82; Malcolm’s History of Persia
(edited by M, H, Court, Lahore, 1888), 41,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
'NCE TAIMUR LEFT AT HERAT
<SL
On his arrival at Herat, Ahmad Shah found that the
governor, Darwesh Ali Khan, was hatching a plot against his
person with a view to raising himself to power on the ruins
of the Durrani house. He found it dangerous to leave him
free at Herat during his own absence at Qandahar, where he
proposed going as early as possible. He, therefore, ordered
Darwesh Ali Khan to be arrested and thrown into prison,
and appointed his own son, Taimur Mirza, in his place. He
then left for Qandahar where he arrived in the beginning of
the year 1750. 4
STATE OF AFFAIRS IN THE PAN JAB
Preparations for raising a fresh army were begun in
right earnest. As no money had been received from Mir
Mannu and as the Shah was in urgent need of funds, he deput¬
ed his Diwan, Raja Sukh Jiwan, to Lahore to realize from
him the revenue of the four Mahal. These Mahal, as we
know, had been placed under the administration of Nawab
Nasir Khan, the ex-governor of Kabul. The Nawab proved
ungrateful and soon allied himself with the enemies of Mir
Mannu in Delhi. The prime minister, Safdar Jang, was
eagerly looking for an opportunity to reduce the power of
the governor of Lahore and Multan. He found ready tools
in the persons of Nasir Khan and Shah Nawaz Khan, the
ex-fugitive governor of Lahore, who was then in Delhi. Shah
Nawaz Khan was given the sanad of the governorship of
Multan and was sent to that province to take possession of it
by force. On the other hand, Nasir Khan, the administrator
of the Mahal assigned to Ahmad Shah, was instigated to raise
troops at Sialkot and to snatch, whenever possible, the pro¬
vince of Lahore from Mir Mannu. Mannu forestalled Nasir
Khan’s intentions and tried to bring him round to the path
of friendship. But Nasir was prepared for war, and Mannu
had to meet him on his own ground. He was more of a
boaster than a soldier and fled from the field of action in
the very first contest. As Nasir Khan had squandered the
4. Tarikh~i~$ultani, 130^ Ferrier, 78,
MIN ISTfy
THE CAMPAIGNS AND CONQUEST
93
tike of the Mahal in his military preparations, it was diffi¬
cult for Mir Mannu to make good the entire loss from his
own treasury and to pay in full the promised amount to
Ahmad Shah. 3
Raja Sukh Jiwan, says Khushwaqt Rai, used some harsh
words at the time of his visit to Lahore for the realization of
the dues. They hurt the feelings of the Nawab and his
minister Kaura Mall, who said, “Plow long shall we go on.
paying revenue to the Durrani? We are not weaker in
strength. After all he is the same Ahmad Shah who was once
defeated by my master, the Nawab.” At this, Adina Beg
intervened and said, “Whatever was agreed upon two years
ago should be fulfilled for at least a few years (Do char sal).”
Sukh Jiwan was paid a small amount and he returned to his
country. 5 6 This seems to have happened towards the close of
1750.
THE SHAH MARCHES UPON NISHAPUR AGAIN
Recovering from the reverses he had suffered and raising
a strong fresh army, Ahmad Shah moved out of Qandahar,
early in 1751, to wipe out the disgrace of his last defeat in
Khurasan. He knew that in the first siege it was the absence
of heavy siege-guns that was mostly responsible for his dis¬
comfiture. He, therefore, ordered all his cavalry-soldiers to
carry about twelve pounds each of cast metal for gun and
shot to be delivered at the destination,
SIEGE LAID
Without waiting to invest Mashhad to punish its people
for the irritation they had caused him during the last cam¬
paign, he pushed on to Nishapur. The city was blockaded on
all sides and its siege was pressed with great energy. The
first month was spent in casting a gun on the spot and in
boring and mounting it on its carriage. It was a heavy piece,
capable of throwing a projectile weighing about six Indian
maunds, or 472 English pounds.
5. Tahmas Namah, B. 5-8; Tankh-i-Salatin-i~Afghanan, 242-8;
Tarikh-i-Ali , 212-15.
6. Tarikh-i-Sikhan , 69.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Abbas Quli Khan, the hero of the last campaign, wasHot
so happily circumstanced this time. His greatest difficulty
was the provisions. Ever since the siege, laid by Mir Alam
Khan, followed by that of the Shah, there had been no crops
and it was impossible to stand a siege for any length of time
without laying in sufficient provisions. The Shah, on the
other hand, had brought ample stores and sent out parties to
collect more grain and fodder to replenish his stock.
When his new gun was ready for action, it was brought
into operation, and its very first shot—which also happened
to be the last—produced such a terrible effect that it pierced
through a large number of houses and reduced them to heaps
of ruins. This destruction created a feeling of terror in the
minds of the citizens of Nishapur. In their ignorance of the
fact that the gun had burst and could do no further harm,
they sent several of their chiefs to the Shah to inform him
of their willingness to surrender. Abbas Quli Khan, who
commanded the fort, however, refused to recognize the smv
render of these chiefs and attacked the Afghans the moment
they were about to enter the city. But he was pushed back
with heavy loss and was ultimately reduced to the alternative
of presenting himself personally as a suppliant before the
Shah and begging his clemency. The Shah detained him in
his camp as a prisoner of war, treated him with all the res¬
pect due to a brave soldier, and, on his return from Khurasan,
took him along to Qandahar.
THE SACK OF NISHAPUR
Ibn Muhammad Amin Gulistani tells us that the Shah
was burning with rage against the citizens of Nishapur.
Through the Afghan prime minister, Shah Wali Khan, Abbas
Quli Khan offered to surrender the fort to the Shah provided
he agreed to spare the lives and property of the inhabitants
of the city. He was willing to spare their lives, said the Shah,
on the condition that all of them walked empty-handed
carrying no property whatever into the Jame Masjid; if any
one of them was found in possession of even a small needle,
he ran the risk of being put to death by the ghazis. With
tears in their eyes and bewailing and crying in their helpless¬
ness, the inhabitants obeyed the conqueror’s orders, The city
iHE CAMPAIGNS AND CONQUEST
05
sacked and plundered. All the houses were search¬
ed and their property confiscated. With the exception of the
Janie mosque, where the people had collected, there Was
hardly a house left standing. A large number of them were
dug deep in the search for hidden treasures. Thus was the
beautiful city of Nishapur converted into a heap of ruins,
with water flowing in the debris and ditches. Many poor
people perished by the sword and their women and children
were carried away as slaves, 7
REDUCTION OF SABZAWAR
After a stay of eighteen days, the Shah marched to
Sabzawar, which came into his possession without much
opposition. It was subjected to an indiscriminate massacre,
says Gulistani, and many Sayyads and learned and holy
men fell under the sword of the Afghans. 8
SIEGE OF MASHHAD
Having thus reduced Nishapur and Sabzawar to subjec¬
tion, the Shah turned his attention to the final settlement of
Mashhad and the government of Khurasan. After the disaster
of his last campaign in Nishapur, the Shah knew that Mirza
Shah Rukh’s men had been hostile to him. He, therefore,
laid siege to the city, which closed its gates against him.
THE FALL OF TOON AND TABBAS
At the same time he despatched an expeditionary force
under two of his most trusted generals, Sardar Jalian Khan
Popalzei and Mir Naseer Khan, the chief of Kalat, to subdue
the districts of Toon (modern Firdaus) and Tabbas in the
7. Mujmil, 92-3; Tarikh-iSultani, 130; Ferrier, 79-80; Malcolm’s
History of Persia , 77. Ferrier tells us that Abbas Quli Khan was
taken by the Shah to Kabul. But we find him returning from Herat
to Qandahar and not to Kabul, Moreover, the marriages must also
have taken place at his headquarters where his family then, resided.
If, however, Abbas Quli Khan accompanied the Shah as far as Kabul,
it should be in the month of September, 1751, when he arrived there
oft his way to the Panjab during his third invasion of India.
8. Mujmil, 93-94.
MIN IST^
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Si,
west. They began by devastating the country]
&ng a panic among the people, after which they marched
against the governor of Tabbas, Ali Murad Khan, who came
out to meet them. The Afghans and the Persians came into
.contact at Kakhk, to the north-east of Toon (Firdaus) and
there was fought ‘one of the most obstinate and bloody battles
that are to be found in the annals of Persian history’. The
arrival of Ali Murad Khan to take part in the fighting added
to the tenacity and fury of the combatants. When ammunition
failed on both sides, they drew their swords and grappled
with one another. The contest was hard and both sides were
hoping for victory, when, all of a sudden, Ali Murad Khan
was killed and the day was decided in favour of the Afghans.
The remaining army of Ali Murad Khan took to flight and
Toon and Tabbas fell into the hands of the Afghans. Most
of the credit for this victory goes to Mir Naseer Khan and
his Baluchis, who all fought like heroes. In addition to the
fire and sword that had their fullest play, the towns were
pillaged and devastated, and the Afghans, laden with rich
booty, returned to the Shah at Mashhad.
THE STATE OF AFFAIRS IN PERSIA
The defenders of Mashhad were still holding out against
the Shah, and, as it appeared from outside, there was no im¬
mediate prospect of its fall. But the provisions were running
short and there was no hope of replenishment. The country
around was in the hands of the Afghans. The successes of
the Shah and his generals in the west and the south had re¬
moved all possibilities of succour from any quarter. The
great Persian empire had been broken into pieces. The
province of Mazandaran, as we know, was usurped by Muh¬
ammad Husain Khan Kajar. It is true that his army had
defeated the Durrani general, Shah Pasand Khan, when the
latter advanced to attack that province. But there was no
love lost between Shah Bukh and Muhammad Husain Khan,
who was trying to raise his own structure on the ruins of
Shah Rukh’s heritage. Gilan had declared itself independent
under one of its own chiefs, Hidayat Khan, and Azarbaijan
had been taken possession of by one of Nadir Shah’s generals
Azad Khan Afghan. The attitude of Georgia under a Chris-
misr^
THE CAMPAIGNS AND CONQUEST
'Knee, Heraclius, bordered on defiance of the Mi
an rulers. This was the state of affairs in the northern
provinces. About the central government at Isfahan, the
less said the better. There was a triangular contest going
on between Ali Mardan Khan, a Bakhtiari chief, Karim Khan
of the Zand tribe and Azad Khan Afghan. None of the up¬
start claimants could be favourably disposed towards a des¬
cendant of the late Emperor Nadir Shah. In Yazad and
Kirman, there was no friendly chief of importance who could
be relied upon for any material assistance.
SHAH RUKH SUES FOR PEACE,
Under these circumstances it was impossible for the
blind Shah Rukh to continue the struggle against Ahmad
Shah Durrani, who had, within the last three and a half
years, created and consolidated a strong kingdom of Afgha¬
nistan, rich with the potentialities of the warlike Afghans,
with a unique military genius and bom soldier at their head.
He had, therefore, the only alternative of sxiing for peace,
which the Shah was pleased to grant. According to Xbn
Muhammad Amin Gulistani, whose statements in some re¬
spects have to be accepted rather cautiously on account of
his pro-Shia bias, Ahmad Shah had expressed a desire to
visit the holy shrine of Imam Ali Riza, and, in reply thereto,
Shah Rukh had sent word to him, saying that he would like
to meet him before the Shah came for the pilgrimage. On
the following day, accompanied by a few servants of the state,
Shah Rukh came out to offer his submission.
The Shah received him with all the honour due to his
station, seated him on the same ma.snad as himself, and the
negotiations began with perfect cordiality. It was ultimately
agreed upon that Shah Rukh should, as usual, acknowledge the
suzerainty of Ahmad Shah, who would leave him on his own
behalf in possession of Khurasan, protect him from external
enemies and support him against the ambitious chiefs of the
provinces. It was further stipulated that money should be
coined in the name of Ahmad Shah and the farmans and other
official documents should bear his seal, and that the districts
of Turbat-i-Shaikh Jam, Bakharz, Turbat-i-Haidari and Khaf
be made over to him. As, in the opinion of the Shah, the
G. 13
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
zfefs of Khurasan had played false to Shah Rukh, he pro¬
posed to leave in Mashhad a Sardar of his own, Nur Muham¬
mad Khan, to help him in the administration of this newly
constituted state of Khurasan and to maintain peace on its
frontiers. A treaty was drawn up on this basis and was
signed by both the parties. The next day Ahmad Shah and
Shah Rukh rode together to the city and visited the sacred
mausoleum of Imam Ali Riza, To complete all formalities,
the khutba was read and coin struck in his name. Thinking
that the state of Khurasan that he had thus set up was a
strong bulwark against the ambitious projects of any refractory
chief, and particularly of Azad Khan Afghan, the Shah
returned to Herat. 9
MALCOLM ADMIRES THE WISDOM OF AHMAD SHAH
“Ahmad Khan [Shah Durrani] was at this period,” says
Sir John Malcolm, “in a condition to attempt the reduction
of all Persia, but the prospect was not inviting. The Afghans
were still deemed the original authors of the misery that its
inhabitants endured, and the unsuccesssful attempt which had
been made to alter the religion of the country, had revived,
in all their vigour, those sentiments of hatred, which the
Persians entertained for the race of the Sunnis. In addition
to these obstacles, the example of usurpation, which Nadir
Shah had given, had inspired every governor of a province
and every chief of a tribe with the desire of rule, and Persia
abounded with pretenders to regal power. Under such
circumstances, we must admire the wisdom, which led the
Afghan prince to withdraw from this scene of turbulence,
9. Muymxl, 90-1; Tarikh-i-Sultani, 130-31; Shah Namah-i-Ahyna-
diya, 128-30; Ferrier, 80-81; Malcolm, History of Persia, 40-1; Sykes,
History of Persia , 372-4.
Finding his resources diminishing, says Ferrier, 80-1, the Shah
had sent a detachment of 2,000 horse in the direction of Sabzawar and
Shah Rood Rostan. They had succeeded in the enterprise and were
returning with 2500 beasts laden with plunder, when, at the halt of
Abbasabad, some fifteen hundred Kajar horsemen fell upon them
unawares and completely routed them. The Afghans lost about one
thousand of their men as dead and prisoners, with all the convoy; the
survivors, who returned unhurt, numbered scarcely a thousand,
WhlST/f
fHE CAMPAIGNS AND CONQUEST
I §L
it h© might exclusively direct his future exertions to the
noble, and more legitimate object of establishing a power in
his native country, which, while it gave a crown to his des*?
cendants, raised his nation to a rank and consideration far
beyond what they had ever enjoyed. It is recorded in a Per¬
sian manuscript that Ahmad Khan, before he left Khurasan,
assembled the principal chiefs, and proposed that the pro¬
vince, which gave birth to Nadir, should be separated from
Persia and converted into a principality for his grandson,
Shah Rukh. They all agreed, and promised continued alle¬
giance. .Ahmad Khan became the guarantor of the indepen¬
dence of Khurasan, which, he justly concluded, would here¬
after form a strong barrier to guard his dominions from the
ambitions of whatever ruler might succeed in obtaining the
crown of Persia.” 10
OTHER SUCCESSES
With Herat as a base depot, he sent one of his ministers,
Begi Khan (Shah. Wali Khan), with a strong force to sub¬
due the countries to the north-east, in the direction of the
Amu Darya (the river Oxus), inhabited by Uzbaks, Hazaras
and other Afghan tribes who had not yet acknowledged his
dominion. Success attended his arms and he seized Maimana,
Andkhui, Shibarghan, Akcheh, Sar-i-Pul, Balkh and Khu-
ram without any serious opposition. But he did not stop
here. He also secured the submission of Badakhshan and
other districts north of the Hindu-Kush, and of Bamian to
the west of Kabul, giving to the kingdom the geographical
entity which it retains to this day. Having integrated and
consolidated the conquered territories and placed them under
trusted governors, Begi Khan returned to Qandahar, where
the Shah had already arrived. The monarch was highly
pleased with the meritorious services Shah Wali had ren¬
dered to his country and, in appreciation thereof, he conferred
upon him the additional title of Sadr-i-Azam and granted
him rich tracts of land in Gulbahar. * 11
10. History of Persia, 40.
11. Ferrier, 81; Sykes*, History of Afghanistan, 357; Ghubar,
Ahmad Shah Baba, 213-14.
WNIST/f^
AHMAD SH aH DUHRANt
Shah, as we know, had taken Abbas Quli Khan of
Nishapur along with him. His admiration for his bravery,
spirit of independence and frankness of disposition develop¬
ed into personal attachment, and, thinking that he could con¬
fide in him, the Shah was pleased to accept the hand of his
sister in marriage and gave one of his own daughters to his
eldest son. Having thus closely united the two families,
the Shah bestowed upon Abbas Quli Khan the governorship
of Nishapur and sent him back to his home. 12
12. Malcolm, History of Persia , 77. According to Ferrier, “the
Afghan conqueror, having perceived in this Chief very considerable
talents and a frankness of disposition, in which he thought he could
confide, gave him his sister in marriage; he also bestowed one of his
daughters on Abbas Kooli’s son, after which he sent him back to
Nishapur, as governor of that city.” p. 80.
misT/?),
Chapter X
<SL
THE THIRD INVASION OF INDIA
THE CONQUEST OF THE PANJAB AND KASHMIR
THE CHAHAR MAHAL,
The Shall was now free to turn his attention to the
Panjab. By the settlement of 1749, the revenue of the four
districts of Sialkot, Aurangabad, Pasrur and Gujrat, assessed
at fourteen lakhs a year, had been assigned to the Shah, but
no regular payments had been received. At the end of the
first year, Raja Sukh Jiwan had been sent to Lahore to
realize the dues. He had returned home with only a nominal
payment. It is true that there had been internal dissensions
in the country and that Nawab Nasir Khan, the administra¬
tor of these Chahar Mahal, had rebelled against the governor,
squandered most of the revenue on his military preparations
and carried away the rest. But this was only for the first
half of the year. For the next two harvests, the collection
had been made by the agents of Mb* Muin-ul-Mulk himself.
Moreover, the responsibility for the loss suffered on account
of the defection of Nasir Khan was also of the Lahore gov¬
ernment. As it was not the actual possession, or the gov¬
ernment, of the districts that had been made over to the Shah,
and as Nasir Khan was neither a servant nor a nominee of
his, no liability for the loss due exclusively to local causes
tould be thrown on him. Whatever the pretexts, the real
cause of the non-payment of the Shah’s dues was a change
in the intentions of Muin-ul-Mulk, brought about either by
the discomfiture of the Shah in Khurasan or by the patriotic
feelings of Kaura Mall. 1
ENVOY HARUN KHAN AT LAHORE
Soon after the rainy season, the Shah left Qandahar for
Kabul from where he despatched an advance army under
1. Tahmas Namah, B. 5-6; Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi, 29a; Tarikh-'t-
Ali, 213-5; Khushwaqt Eai, Tarikh-i-Sikhan, 69,
MINlSr^y
ahan Khan and Abd-us-Samad Khan to march upon the
%
s
2
S
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Panjab. He, however, wished to make another attempt at
reconciliation and sent Harun Khan an envoy to Lahore
to collect the arrears. Harun Khan arrived in the neighbour¬
hood of Lahore on the 3rd of October, 1751 (the 24th of Zi-
qada, 1164 A.H.), and, on reaching the city, was lodged in
the Serai Hakeem, opposite the mosque, in the Mohranwaia
Katra, inside the Masti Gate near the fort. He had an in¬
terview with the governor, Nawab Muin-ul-Mulk, about the
10th of October, and impressed upon him the desirability of
making an immediate payment of the dues. lViuin delayed
the conclusion of negotiations to gain time for the arrival of
Kaura Mall, whom he had summoned from Multan. On the
arrival of Kaura Mall about the middle of November, Harun
Khan was told that there was no possibility of any payment
and that they were ready to receive the Shah with shot and
shell. He was, however, detained by Muin-ul-Mulk in
Lahore. Harun Khan was startled to see the army and war
materials of Kaura Mall and the military preparations at
Lahore. 2
THE SHAH MARCHES TO LAHORE
Leaving Kabul on or about the 12th of Zi-qada, 1184
A.H., September 21, 1751, the Shall had arrived at Peshawar
and was perhaps waiting for the conclusion of Harun Khan's
negotiations. According to a newsletter of the 6th of Decem¬
ber, 1751, from Delhi, the Shah was at Peshawar on the 11th
of Muharram, 1165, November 19, 1751, while Jahan Khan
had moved from Attock to Rohtas. 3
2. Selections from the Peshwa Daftar ( Persian ), Miscellaneous
Papers, 3, 5, letter No. 1271, October 10, 1751; No. 1930, Oct. 20, 1751;
Sohan Lai, Umda~tu~Tawarikh, 132-3.
3. The author of the Ahmad Shah Baha (pp. 215-6) tells us that
when the Shah arrived at Peshawar he detailed an army of two thou¬
sand under the command of Ishak Aqasi Abdullah Khan for the con¬
quest of Kashmir. But the histories of Kashmir and Pan jab, which
appear to be more reliable on this point, place the Kashmir campaign
after the submission of Mir Mannu.
misT/ff,
SAKDAR JAHAN KHAN
Commander-in-Chief of the Afghan Army
THE THIRD INVASION OF INDIA
NU’S PREPARATIONS AT LAHORE
The news of the Shah’s march from Kabul treated a
panic in the city of Lahore and the people made up their
minds to fly away to places of shelter. Muin-ul-Mulk had
begun his preparations much earlier, in fact as early as the
close of 1750, when Raja Sukh Jiwan had left Lahore on his
way back to Qandahar. Now finding that the Shah’s advance
army under Jahan Khan had already entered his territory
and that the Shah was not very far off, he carried on with
his plans with greater vigour. He recruited a large number
of new men, including two hundred horsemen who had come
from Kashmir with Mahdi Quli Khan (a relation of the
Subedar Afra-Siyab Beg Khan) and Shams-ud-Din Yasaival.
Mahdi Ali Khan and Adina Beg Khan had come from Sialkot
and the Jullundur Doab respectively. Kaura Mall had also
arrived from Multan and was getting in touch with the Sikhs
with a view to enlisting their support. 4
Muin-ul-Mulk had been the worst enemy of the Sikhs.
But Kaura Mall being a Sikh himself—though not a Singh
—had been successful in securing their help against Shah
Nawaz Khan in Multan. Now again he won them over
1o his side, and about thirty thousand of them—the number
seems to be very much inflated—marched from Amritsar to
join him at Waniyeke. But they quarrelled among them¬
selves and some ten thousand of them—of the Bhangi con¬
federacy—went back. Those who remained with Kaura Mall
were under the command of Sardars Sangat Singh and Sukha
Singh of Mari Kambo. 5
NEGOTIATIONS
From the frontier Ahmad Shah sent a message to Mir
Muin-ul-Mulk at Lahore saying, ‘It had been agreed upon
that the revenue of the four mahal assigned to Kabul would
4. SPD (Persian), 5, No. 1930 of Oct. 20, 1751; 6-7, No. 1942 of
Nov, 16, 1751; ii, No, 1952, of Dec, 6, 1751; Khushwaqt Hai, 69; Tarikh~
t-AU, 218-19; Shah Namah-i-Ahmadiya, 141.
5. Ratan Singh Bhangu, Prachin Panth Prakash, 407-9; Gian
Singh, Panth Prakash , 694-0; Ganda Singh, Maharaja Kaura Mall
Bahadur, 100-1
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
regularly remitted. Nothing has been sent so far. This
faithlessness has come from your side. That is why I have
tome here. You had better send to me twenty-four lakhs
of rupees on account of three years’ dues, so that I may go
back/ But Muin thought that he was strong enough to meet
the Durrani in battle. He, therefore, replied, ‘Nash Khan
has run away with two years’ revenue and has misbehaved
towards me. Only one year’s revenue is due from me. If
that is your object, say that, so that I may send the money to
you. If you want to fight, I am also ready.’ 6
THE SHAH ADVANCES TOWARDS LAHORE
The Shah was on the other side of the Indus and was
intending to cross over, when Muin-ul-Mulk sent him nine
lakhs of rupees. The Shah received the money but, as it was
not in full settlement of his account, he continued his march.
Sardar Jahan Khan then made a rush from Rohtas, crossed
the Jhelum and the Chanab and arrived, all of a sudden,
near Eminabad about the 23rd-24th Muharram, 1165, Decem ¬
ber 1~2, 1751. The Shah followed him soon after and pass¬
ing through Rohtas, Gujrat and Sohdara encamped at the
village of Kotla Sayyadan, near Wazirabad, on or about the
26th of Muharram, December 4. On crossing the Jhelum the
Shah, it may be mentioned, had ordered that Rohtas should
not be sacked and had detailed Rahmat Khan for the pro¬
tection of Sialkot.
Finding his preparations complete, Mir Muin-ul-Mulk,
on the other hand, paid propitiatory visits to the mausoleums
and tombs of the departed saints and to the darveshs and
pirzadas of Lahore on the 21st of Muharram, November 29,
and, on the following day, 22nd of Muharram, crossed the
river Ravi and encamped at Sarai Balkhian, about four kos
from Lahore. He appointed Iwaz Khan deputy governor of
Lahore and sent the Regams—his mother, Sholapuri Begam,
his wife, Murad Begam (also called Mughlani Begam) and
his daughter Umda Begam and the other ladies of the family
—to Jammu. The movements of the governor added to the
6. Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi 3 29a.
MINIS T Ry
•THIS THIRD INVASION OF INDIA *
%kc already prevailing in Lahore and the people fled to
Delhi and to the hills in large numbers. 7
TALKS WITH HARUN KHAR
Harun Khan, the Durrani envoy, as we know, had not been
given his leave and was still with the camp of Mir Mannu
at Sarai Balkhian up to the 4th of Safar, December 12.
Mannu told him, ‘Abdali has committed faithlessness [how,
he does not say]. What sort of Musalmani is this? I have
come out for the protection of my city.’ Maharaja Kaura
Mall then had some talk with the envoy, and the latter, after
some discussion, sent some letters to Jahan Khan with two
horsemen of Kaura Mall and one of his own. It was at this
place that Sufi Shukrullah, a companion of Ghulam Muham¬
mad, who had gone to Sardar Jahan Khan, returned to the
camp of Mir Mannu with a Durrani envoy, Sultan Ali Khan. 8
While Mir Mannu was encamped at Sarai Balkhian, 9
waiting for a contest with the Shah, the roving parties of the
advance army under Jahan Khan ravaged the country be¬
tween the Chanab and the Ravi. Not unoften, the advance
bodies of the two armies came in contact with one another,
and there was firing with guns and matchlocks, and the
fighting continued for some time. But they were all petty
skirmishes, and no pitched battle between the main armies
took place to decide the issue.
%
7. SPD (Persian), 12, No. 1954, Dec. 10, 1751; No. 1955, Dec. 12,
1751; 13, No. 1206, Dec. 14, 1751; 14, No. 2284, Dec. 20, 1751; Tahmas
Namah, B. 10; Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shalii, 29a-b (Elliot and Dowson,
VIII, 122).
8. SPD (Persian), 14-15, No. 2284, Dec. 20, 1751.
9. Tahmas Khan ( Tahmas Namah, B. 13) tells us that Mir Mannu
had gone as far as Pul-i-Shah Daula on the Chanab to meet Ahmad
Shah. The day-to-day news from the camp of Mir Mannu ( Selections
from the. Peshwa Daftar, Persian, Miscellaneous Papers, 4-15) deci¬
sively contradict this statement. Mannu was still visiting the mauso¬
leums and tombs of saints (Nov. 29) when the advanced army of the
Shah under Jahan Khan crossed the Chanab and was marching to
Eminabad where it arrived on December 1-2. The Shah himself
crossed the river in about a couple of days and was reported to have
arrived and encamped at the village of Kotla Sayyadan on, if not be¬
fore, December 4. Vide SPD No. 1954, 1955, 1206, Dec. 10, 12, 14 (pp.
G. 14
MIN ISTfy
-^S\
( Wioblj AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
SHAH CROSSES THE RAVI ,
X^Sjrj, .
The Shah then hit upon a plan and made a daring move.
To avoid his movements being watched, he left his camp
standing as it was, and made a wide detour to the right and
quietly crossed the river Ravi towards the middle of January,
1752, at the ferry of Ghazipur and entered the village of
Hinjarwal via Niaz Beg. From Hinjarwal he moved to the
east of Lahore and encamped to the north-east -of the Shala-
mar Garden, with his armies spreading out up to Shah Bai-
wal and Mahmud Buti. Jahan Khan, on the other hand,
marched slowly upon the city by the direct route.
On receipt of the information that the Shah had crossed
the Ravi and had arrived in the neighbourhood of Lahore,
Muin-ul-Mulk hurried back to the city. Jahan Khan at this
time rushed to a northern ferry and, crossing the river, oc¬
cupied the Faiz Bagh with a force of ten thousand horse.
Fixing his camp at the Raj-Ghat (ferry), Muin deputed
Khwajah Mirza Jan, Ismail Khan and some other Sardars to
dislodge Jahan Khan from the Faiz Bagh. Mirza Jan was
successful in forcing Jahan Khan to evacuate the garden and
the latter occupied a position near the Shah’s camp on the
side of the Shalamar. 10
12-13). Cf. Farhat-un-Nazirin, E. & D. VIII, 167; Tarikh-i-AU, 218-9;
Shah Namah-i-Ahmadiya, 140-7; Husain Shahi, 24-23; Aii-ud-Din,
Ibrat Namah, 242; Khushwaqt Rai, Tarikh-i-Sikhan, 70.
The author of the Umda-tu-Tawankh tells us ( Daftar i. 133) that
when Mannu asked Kaura Mall’s advice regarding the measures for
defence, the latter said, ‘If arrangements had been made before the
arrival of Ahmad Shah, he should have been opposed on the Indus,
the Jhelum or the Chanab, but now that he had arrived in the neigh¬
bourhood of Lahore, he should be opposed on the other side of the
Ravi, with strong entrenchments near Sarai Balkhian.’ Mir Mannu
accepted the advice and acted accordingly. Sarai Balkhian (Balkliee
in the Map Sheet No. 30) is situated at a distance of about four miles
to the north-east of Shahdara and about a mile to the west of the
village Dandian.
10. Tahvias Namah , B. 14; Umda-tu-Tawarikh , i. 133. This was
reported to the Emperor at Delhi as a victory of Mir Muin-ul-Mulk.
“But this was no victory,” says the author of the Tarikh-i-Ahmad
Shahi , 31b. “In the same way,” he continues, “Jahan Khan, the Dur¬
rani Cominander-in-Chief, on one occasion marched upon Lahore with
a large force, but the defenders of the fort and residents of the city
MIN/STfy,
THE THIRD INVASION OF INDIA
rdar Ratan Singh Bhangu, author of the Pra___
_ Prafcash, gives, at this stage, an interesting account of
a skirmish that the Sikhs had with a party of the Afghans
on the noi them bank of the Ravi. On his arrival at the city
from the governor’s camp, Kaura Mall made over the de¬
fence of the Yaki Gate to the Sikhs. Towards the afternoon
oardar Sukha Singh of Mari' Kambo, the commander of the
Sikh detachment, crossed the Ravi with a few Sikhs, includ¬
ing a number of the Nihangs. Unmindful of the presentee
of an Afghan force there, the Sikhs left their boats and en¬
tered the bushes. Hearing the noise of the Sikhs, the Dur¬
rani commander (Jahan Khan or some other officer) sent
four troops of cavalry to attack them. The Sikhs had not
come to fight and were not prepared for the attack. Sukha
Singh, however, rallied his men and made a bold dash at
the Afghan troopers. But it was impossible for them to stand
against the vastly superior number of the Afghans who push¬
ed them back into the river. Sukha Singh was under the im¬
pression that the Shah himself was commanding these troops.
He, therefore, made desperate attempts to get at him. But
the Shah was not there and Sukha Singh was killed in his
unsuccessful efforts. The Sikhs then took to their boats and
returned to the city. But there they were received with
fire from the city walls, apparently under some misunder¬
standing. The Sikhs were disgusted with the people of
Lahore, for whose defence they had come there, and a large
number of them left for their clera in the Majha. * 11
THE WAR BEGINS
Muin-ul-Mulk crossed the Ravi at night after Jahan
Khan had withdrawn from the Faiz Bagh, and took up an
fired at them with their guns and muskets and flung stones at them.
The Abdalis turned their faces and went away. It was at this time
bruited about that Jahan Khan had been killed. But it was a false
rumour.”
11. Ratan Singh, Prachin Panth Prakash, 407-11; Gian Singh,
Panth Prakash, 693-99; Shamsher Khalsa, 474-75. According to Gian
Singh, Sukha Singh was killed in the battle of Mahmud Buti. But I
have followed Ratan Singh who, I think, is more reliable. His father
and uncle-in-law (the husband of hi§ father’s sister) were present on
this occasion.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
entrenched position outside Lahore. At about ten o’clock in
the morning, a body of the Afghans attacked a foraging party
of the Lahore governor. Sayyad Jamil-ud-Din Khan, Adina
Beg Khan, Mahdi Ali and Kaura Mall rode out to give them
battle. Exchange of arrows and musket-fire continued for
about three hours. The Afghans at last returned to their
camp unpursued. They carried away ten of the Mir’s men
as prisoners, while seven of them fell into the defenders’
hands. The city was then surrounded with trenches for
several miles and its approaches were guarded by strong
posts. The trenches of Mir Mannu, says Sohan Lai, the
author of the Umda-tu-Tawarikh, spread over a wide area
of about twelve kos. “Reliable old men of the city tell us,”
continues he, “that the neighbourhood of Lahore was then
full of beautiful gardens and orchards, reminding them, of the
old grandeur of the capital, but they were all cut down for
the purpose of entrenchments; and from Hazrat Ishan in the
east to Kotli Shah in the south (with the river Ravi to the
north and the west) the green gardens were converted into
dry and dusty lands, studded with trenches all over.” In the
absence of heavy guns, Ahmad Shah found it extremely dif¬
ficult to storm the city or rim the risk of a general action.
Muin, on the other side, was deficient in a strong mobile
force and oould not rally out to engage the Afghans in the
open. The war was thus reduced to a stalemate. The Shah,
however, did not sit idle. He consulted his chiefs and de¬
cided upon ravaging the country all around. Detachments
of Afghans went out and devastated the villages within a
radius of forty kos. Muin also sent out his parties in pursuit
of the Afghans, and, as Tahmas Khan tells us, one or two
captives with their horses were daily carried to the presence
of Mannu. “But, as a result of the devastations, there was
not a lamp-light to be seen for a distance of three marches
and grain became extremely dear .” 12 Ata was sold at the
rate of two (Lahore) seers for a rupee, while grass, hay and
bhusa were not to be had even at that rate. Fodder became
12. Tahmas Namah, B. 14; Farhat-un-Nazirin, E. & D. viii. 167;
Tarikh-i-Ali, 219-20; Umda-tu-Tawarikh, vol, i. 133,
WiNisr^
THE THIRD INVASION OF INDIA
<§L
carce that houses and huts were pulled down to feed the
horses and other animals on the thatch of their roofs .* 3
MANNU RECEIVES NO REINFORCEMENTS FROM DELHI
The state of suspense continued for over a month and
a half . 14 Mir Mannu had, evidently, been expecting reinforce¬
ments from Delhi. On receipt of the news of Ahmad Shah’s
invasion, the Mughal Emperor repeatedly wrote personal
notes to his Wazir to finish his expedition against Ahmad
Khan Bangash and Sadullah Khan, son of Ali Muhammad
Khan Ruhila, and return to the capital. But the prime
minister, Safdar Jang, was an arch-enemy of Mir Muin-ul-
Mulk. He would rather see him ruined than help him against
the Durranis. He, therefore, took no action and, after con¬
cluding the Ruhila campaign and making peace with Ahmad
Khan Bangash and Sadullah Khan Ruhila, dismissed his
Maratha allies and went to his own province of Oudh to settle
its administrative affairs. This criminal neglect of duty to the
state at a time when a foreign enemy had already crossed the
threshold and was threatening to take possession of ap im¬
portant portion of it, can only be explained by the fact that a
general degeneracy of character had overtaken the Mughal
nobles, who were interested more in the satisfaction of their
13. Gian Singh, Shamsher Khalsa, 474-75; Farhat-un-Nazirin,
E & D. viii. 167; Khushwaqt Rai, Tcmkh-i-SikhaUj 70-1; Prinsep,
Runjeet Singh , 110.
14. Hari Ram Gupta, in his History of the Sikhs (1739-68), says:
“The siege continued for four months.” He has evidently followed the
Siyar~ul-Mutakherin and Tarikh-i-Muzzaffari which tell ps that Muin
fought against Ahmad Shah for four months, and not that the siege
of Lahore continued for four months. Tahmas Namah also says, ‘It is
four months since the Musalmans on both sides are being killed.’ This
refers to the duration of the campaign from the arrival of Alim ad Shah
to his return. The Husain Shahi, 25, gives the period of the stay of
the Shah at Lahore as a month and a half, and the Shah Namah-i~
Ahmadiya, 145, 161, between one and two months. Khushwaqt Rai
( Tarikh-USikhan, 72) says that Ahmad Shah stayed at Lahore for
forty days. Sir Jadunath Sarkar ( Fall of the Mughal Empire, i.430)
is right in saying that "evidently that period [of four months'] covered
the entire campaign”. Cf. Jam-i-Jahan Nama, 501b,
>ersonal animosities than in the welfare of the empire or
A
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
the nation as a whole . 15
THE COUNCIL OF WAR AT LAHORE
Having lost all hope of reinforcement from Delhi, Mir
Muin-uI-Mulk summoned a council of war to draw up a plan
for military operations. But he was soon disillusioned to find
that not only was the central government hopelessly negligent
of its responsibilities, but his friends and supporters were also
divided among themselves and were guided by no dissimilar
motives. The wily Adina Beg Khan was jealous of the in¬
creasing power and importance of Kaura Mall and was look¬
ing forward to an opportunity of working his ruin and sabotag¬
ing his master with a view to securing to himself the governor¬
ship of Lahore. He was indecisive in his attitude and, along
with Moman Khan of Kasur, wavered between war and peace.
In the course of the discussions, Rhikari Khan advocated
peace at all costs, while “Adina Beg gave it out as his opinion
that as no succour or reinforcement could be expected from
Delhi, an action ought to be risked before the provisions
wholly failed as might be the case in a few days, if the
blockade continued. Raja Kaura Mall was opposed to this
advice; he observed that the viceroy’s troops were mostly raw
levies, who were no match in the field for the hardy veterans
of the Shah, that the country for a wide space around had
been foraged and wasted, and the distress for provisions was
no less in the Durrani camp than in their own and that in
twenty days more the hot weather would set in, when the
northern troops of the Shah would find the sun and wind
intolerable in the plains, and hence would be compelled to
retreat or to attack them in their lines to their own
disadvantage.”
MANNU LAUNCHES THE ATTACK
The advice of Kaura Mall was certainly the wisest. But
the opinion of Adina Beg Khan was more in consonance with
15. Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi, 29b., E. & D. viii, 121; Sarkar, Fall
of the Mughal Empire , i, 359-60. Ali~ud-Din’s Ibrat Namah, 242. has
confused Safdar Jang (Mir Muqim Mansur Ali Khan) with Imad-ul-
Mulk Ghazi-ud-Din (Shahab-ud-Din), who succeeded the former as
prime minister in 1753,
THE THIRD INVASION OF INDIA
1
etuous disposition of the youthful viceroy, who at
'made up his mind to launch an attack on the following
morning . 16 It was decided by the Lahoris to direct their
whole attention to kill Jahan Khan, the veteran Afghan
commander-in-chief, with whose death the Durranis, they
thought, would take to their heels and fly away from the field
of battle. Early in the morning, Mir Muin-ul-Mulk rode out
with all his Sardars to lead the attack. Madar-ul-Muham
Bhikari Khan, Mir Mornan Khan and Khanjar Khan were
given the command of the advance army. The left wing was
placed under Adina Beg Khan and his officers, while the
right was led by the Hindustani Sardars such as Syyad
Jamil-ud-Din and Muhammad Khan. The rear was covered
by Mahdi Ali Khan, Raja Behara Mall Bundela and Mir
Amanullah Khan. Hearing of the threatening attack, the
Shah also prepared to meet the enemy and set his army in
motion. To oppose the Lahore advance army he sent for¬
ward Barkhurdar Khan Diwan Begi and Abdus Samad
Khatak. The left flank was placed under Shah Wali Khan
and other Durrani Sardars, while the rear was commanded
by the Orakzei chiefs, Muhammad Saeed Khan and Allahyar
Khan.
The battle began with the contact of the opposing advance
armies and of the Afghan Right with the army of Adina Beg
Khan. The Afghans, under Barkhurdar Khan and Abdus
Samad Khan Khatak, successfully checked the progress of
Bhikari Khan and others and pushed them back. Finding
himself practically overpowered, he sent word to Mahdi Ali
16. Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, 889, (Engl. Trans. Cambray & Co., iii.
325-6); Prinsep, Runjeet Singh, 11-2; History of the Panjab (Allen &
Co. 1846), i, 198-99.
The Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi, 31a, tells us that Adina Beg Khan,
like Moman Khan, had no decisive opinion. According to the Tarikh-
i-Ali, 222, Adina Beg Khan like all other Sardars advocated peace
while Kaura Mall ascribed their peaceful attitude to cowardice and
counselled in favour of immediate action. I have followed Prinsep
Und the author of Siyar-ul-Mutakherin. Muhammad Latif ( History
of the Panjab, 223) and Kanhaiya Lall (Tarikhi-i-Panjab, 75) have
also accepted the same view. Cunningham ( History of the Sikhs, 103)
is of opinion that if Mannu had “remained on the defensive, the Abdalee
might probably have been foiled”.
MIN/Sr*,.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
an in the rear, imploring him to hasten to his assistance.
The latter made over the command of the rear to his friends
and hurried to the front with four hundred swivels ( Jazail )»
This accidently turned the tables upon the Durranis. The
first shot fired from one of these swivels, says Muhammad
Saleh Qudrat, struck one of the plumed Afghan Sardars and,
all of a sudden, fighting stopped on all the three sides. With
the fall of night, the Durranis returned to their camp. The
Shah then found it expedient to retire to a safer place to
gain, time for preparations, and fixed his camp at a distance
of about twelve kos further up on the bank of the Ravi. At
about eleven o’clock at night, Mir Mannu returned to his
tents, beating drums of victory. On the following morning,
seven swivels, seven rahkalas, a few mules, tents and other
things fell into his hands . 17
For ten days, Mir Mannu’s men could find no trace of
the Shah’s army. It was on the eleventh day that he received
the news of his whereabouts, when it was reported that he
had been preparing for a fresh fight. But, in the meantime,
the Shah, for reasons best known to him, sent Shah Ghulam
Muhammad Faruqi Pirzada, the Pir of Sardar Jahan Khan,
and Mufti Abdullah Peshawari to Muin-ul-Mulk with the
ostensible object of negotiating peace. But the real object,
perhaps, was either to lull Mir Mannu into inactivity and
then take him unawares, or to obtain more authentic informa*
tion about his resources and preparations. But Muin was not
then in a mood for peace talks and decided to leave the fate
of war to the arbitration of cold steel . 18
17. Tarikh-i-Ali, 221-22.
18. According to the Tarikh.-i~AU , the council of war, mentioned
above, was held at this stage. It is not improbable that Bhikari Khan’s
advice in favour of peace was given at this time when an actual move
for it had been made by Ahmad Shah. I have placed the council be¬
fore the above battle because, according to all other writers, it was
held before any serious fighting took place in the neighbourhood of
Lahore. But in view of such a detailed account of the war, as the
Tarikh-i-Ali gives, its arrangement of events cannot he lightly ig¬
nored. It may also be suggested that this might have been a second
-council, wherein Kaura Mall, under changed circumstances, when
Ahmad Shah’s army had suffered a defeat, advocated immediate action,
while Bhikari Khan and Adina Beg Khan pressed for peace.
T H E THIRD INVASION OF INDIA
/LAST BATTLE
Early on the morning of Friday, the 1st of Jamadi-ul-
Awwal, 1165 A.H., Chaitra Sudi (Shukla) 2, 1808 Bikrami,
corresponding to March. 6, 1752, 19 Mir Muin ordered the
drums of war to be beaten and issued forth from his camp
to attack the Durranis. He selected an eminence, the site of
an old brick-kiln, to the north-east of the Shalamar garden,
for his position and fixed his guns there. Adina Beg Khan,
Moman Khan, Khanjar Khan Kabuli and Mir Ni mat Khan
commanded the right wing, while the left was led by Bhikari
Khan, Sayyad Jamil-ud-Din Khan, Farid-ud-Din Khan and
Khalaf Muhammad Khan. The centre was held by Mir Muin
himself and the rear was guarded by Mahdi Ali Khan, Raja
Behara Mall Bundela and the hill-chiefs of Jammu, Jasrota,
Kangra and Haripur. Kaura Mall commanded the army that
was detailed to march against Sardar Jahan Khan, The Shah,
in the meantime, had moved down towards Lahore along the
river-bank and was encamped in the plains of the village of
Mahmud Buti.
On receipt of the information that Muin-ul-Mulk had
moved out of his trenches, the Shah rushed to the place a
division of his army which entered the entrenchments and
captured the guns. He then brought his camel swivels to
the front and poured fire into the central army of Muin.
This continued up to the afternoon. The Shah so conducted
the operations of the day that simultaneous attacks were
launched on all the four sides of the enemy and it became
impossible for him to concentrate on his defences. It may,
however, be said to the credit of Mir Muin that he directed
the movements of his men with a calm mind. He despatched
three hundred swivels to Adina Beg Khan, three hundred to
Kaura Mall and retained the remaining three hundred under
19. Khushwaqt Rai, in. his Tarikh~i~Sikhciii , 70, gives Baisakh
Wadi 1, 1808 Bikrami, as the date of this battle. This corresponds to
March 19, 1752. Prinsep (Runjeet Singh, 12), followed by Muham¬
mad Latif (History of the Panjab, 223; Lahore, 76), says that the
battle took place on the 12th of April, 1752. I have followed the
Tarikh~i~Ahmad Shahi , 31b, and the Umda~tu-Tawankh, 134, as the
Hijri date of the former agrees with the Bikrami lunar reckoning of
the latter.
G, 15
Ahmad shah Durrani
'SL
.waja Mirza with himself in the centre. Observing some
confusion in the enemy’s army, the Shah ordered a division of
his picked horsemen to deliver a forceful attack, which was
so successful that Muin was pushed back to seek shelter in
his trenches. 20
At this stage, Adina Beg Khan suggested that Kaura Mall
might be sent for along with a division of his army so that
a concerted attack could be launched against the Durranis.
Kaura Mall sent back a message to say that if he were to
abandon his position against Jahan Khan, it might be mis¬
understood by his men and a confusion might arise in their
ranks resulting in a rout. He was, however, surprised to
receive, in return, more urgent orders to hasten to Muin’s
presence. Kaura Mall made over the command of his troops
to his deputies, enjoined upon them to stick to their posts to
tiie last and mounted his elephant to join his master. But
he had hardly gone about a kos from his position, when he
was informed that the Durranis had delivered an assault and
that his wavering officers and men were giving way. He
hurried back to his army and soon regained the lost posi¬
tion. 21 But ultimately he had to come away to see his master.
Sayyad Jamil-ud-Din Khan, Qaim Ali Khan, Yaqut Khan
Khwaja Sera , Kaura Mall and about five or six other .officers
were ordered to rush upon the Shah’s forces. Mahdi Ali
Khan reinforced these Sardars with his force. They had
pushed back some of the Durranis when a small incident
turned the tide against the Indians and contributed con¬
siderably to the victory of the Shah.
When the Indian Sardars were pushing forward, Kaura
Mall’s elephant happened to set its foot on a dilapidated
grave which sank under its weight. This presented a
favourable opportunity to Adina Beg Khan who, out of
jealousy, was looking forward to a chance when he could
successfully strike a mortal blow at Kaura.Mall. While Kaura
Mall shifted himself to the howdah of Ni’mat Khan’s elephant
and was just taking his seat therein, Adina.Beg Khan instruct¬
ed one of the Afghans of Kasur, Bayazid Khan by name, Ho
20. Tahmas Namah, B. 15; Tdrikh*i*Ali, 223*
21. Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, 889 (English trans. iii, 326).
MiN/sr^
THE THIRD INVASION OF INDIA
<SL
an end to the existence of Kora Mall by a musket-ball.’ 22
Sayyad Jamil-ul-Din Khan at the same time was wounded in
the chin, and Sardar Sangat Singh, the leader of the Sikh
contingent, was killed. The Durranis, at this stage, made
a sudden rush and carried away the heads of Kaura Mall
and Yaqut Khan Khwaja Sera , who had also been killed in
the battle. Adina Beg Khan then deserted his post and fled
to the city. 25
The brunt of the Afghan attack had then to be borne by
Mir Muin-ul-Mulk and Bhikari Khan, who held their posts
to the last and continued the fight. But they suffered heavy
losses and many of their soldiers were killed or wounded.
Farid-ud-Din also fell in the battle. The Shah then threw a
division of horse into the wavering rank of the enemy. The
Indians could not hold for long against the Afghans and a
feeling of panic spread among them. But the shades of
evening which engulfed the scene in darkness saved them
from slaughter. Ahmad Shah Durrani was the victor of the
day. Some Afghans entered the city and started plundering.
But the darkness of the night, it being the third day from the
Amavasya, was so thick that nothing could be seen distinctly
and friends could not be distinguished from foes. Dis¬
concerted, they ran back to their camp.
Muin-ul-Mulk said his Maghrib and Khuftan prayers in
the field itself. He had not lost hope. Although his artillery
had fallen into the hands of Ahmad Shah and there was no
ammunition for his swivels, he had a force of ten thousand
men in the field. He was not in favour of leaving the battle-
22. Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah, 242; Farhat-un-Nazirin, E. & D,
viii, 168; Ahwal-i-Adina Beg Khan , 8; Tarikh~i~Ali } 224; Talmas
Namah, 15.
23. Tarikh-i-Ali, 224; Tahmas Namah , B. 15. The scene of the
battle is marked by a large quadrangular tomb of masonry. This,
the neighbouring villagers tell us, was erected by the surviving son of
Aziz Beg, a person of distinction in Mir Mannu’s army, who, with five
of his sons, fell in the battle; the survivor being unable to recognize
the bodies of his father and brothers, collected the bones of all those
slain in the place where the fight was the thickest, and buried them
in a large vault below the tomb. The plain around is still strewn with
human bones. Gazetteer of th$ Lahore District (1883-84), 27. QL
Moulding, Lahore , 74 .
misT^
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
Afield but his Sardars pressed him to move to the Idgah, where
they hoped to find Adina Beg Khan. But Adina Beg had
fled to the city much earlier for his own safety without think¬
ing of his master. Consultations were held at the Idgah.
Some suggested that, since the outcome of the contest was
obvious, they should retire to Delhi, while others preferred
to seek shelter in the hills. Muin was opposed to all such
suggestions. , It was ultimately decided to move to the village
of Saurian, to the north-east of Lahore between Lopoki and
Ajnala, and from there to make an assault upon the Durranis.
But on arrival at one of the city-gates, Muin refused to move
further saying, “Friends, whosoever wishes to go, may do so.
I shall not run away from the field. People will say:
‘Muin-ul-Mulk has fled from the field of battle.’ I shall get
into the fort and fight on. Whatever is His will, shall
happen.” So saying, he ordered the gates of the city and
of the fort to be closed and mounted his guns on the walls to
defend them. 24
MIR MANNU MEETS THE SHAH
With the dawn of the day, the Shah besieged the city
and plundered its suburbs. But finding it strongly fortified
and the defenders determined to fight on, the Shah in the
afternoon sent Shah Wali Khan, Jahan Khan, Shah Ghulam
Muhammad Pirzada and Mufti Abdullah Peshawari with a
letter to Muin-ul-Mulk inviting a trusted agent of his to a
conference for negotiating peace. The Shah wrote, says
Tahmas Khan, “It is now four months since Musalmans are
being killed on both sides. Now again you have fortified the
fort to continue the fight. Will this action, which will result
in the slaughter of Musalmans on both sides, be acceptable to
God and the Prophet? This will certainly be against Their
will. The most advisable thing for you is to depute a trusted
envoy, with full authority, to settle the terms of peace
acceptable to you. Satisfying yourself with these, you may
come here with a smiling face for a personal meeting. Permit
no suspicion to enter your mind.” “I had only to square up
24. Tarikh-i-Ali, 225; Tahmas Hamah, B. 15; Jam-i-Jahan Numa,
Ext. 20.
mmsrfy
THE THIRD INVASION OF INDIA
<§L
x 'usmess with Kaura Mail,” the message continued, “you
lay live in peace in the fort. I have nothing to do with
you or your city. Send me the money that I have asked for,
either from your own treasury or by raising it from the people'
and I shall go back.” 25
On receipt of this letter there was a sudden change in
the mind of Muin-ul-Mulk and he made up his mind to visit
the Shah in person. His officers and friends made everv effort
to dissuade him, but without success. With only a few
attendants such as Bhikari Khan, Khwaja Murad Khan and
Muhammad Taqi Khan Darogha — and, Darab Khan and Mir
Ahmadi Khan, sons of Nawab Jan-Nisar Khan, and a eunuch,
Muhabbat, according to the Tarikh-i-Husain-Shahi — he
fearlessly accompanied the Shah’s envoys to his camp. He
dismounted at the tents of Abdus Samad Khan Muham-
madzei and Shah Pasand and from there he was conducted
to the Shah’s presence by the prime minister, Shah Wali
Khan, and the commander-in-chief, Jahan Khan. 26
Ahmad Shah was highly pleased to see him and un¬
reservedly appreciated his spirit and bravery. “Bravo' Well
done! Muin-ul-Mulk,” said the Shah, “if I were your master,
X would have laid a bridge of men [reinforcements] from
Qandahar to Lahore.”
I be following interesting conversation is recorded to
have taken place between the Shah and Mir Muin-ul-Mulk:
Ahmacl Shah: Why did you not submit earlier ?
Muin-ul-Mulk: Because then I had another master to
serve.
Ahmad Shah: Why didn’t that master of yours come to
your help from Delhi ?
Muin: Because he was confident that Muin-ul-Mulk was
strong enough for the war and that there was no necessity
for sending an army.
Ahmad Shah: Well, say, what you would have done to
me fallen into your hands*
Nmmh l ar ™ l - i - Ahmad Shahi ’ 31b *' Tarikh-i-AU, 225; Tahmas
Hal 2 n-72 r !!t~ i ~ AU> 225 ’ Umd(l ' tu ~ Tawarikh - >• 134; Cf. Khushwaqt
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Muin: I would have cut your head off and sent it t
Emperor. , , , .
Ahmad Shah: Now that you are in my hands, what
should I do to you?
Muin: If you are a merchant, sell me (for a ransom);
but if you are a king (a just and merciful king), grant me
your grace and pardon. 27
Ahmad Shah was highly pleased with the fearless¬
ness and straightforwardness of his brave adversary.
He embraced him as a true soldier, called him his ‘own
son*, granted him the title of Farzand Khan Bahadur
and bestowed on him a robe of honour, an aigrette and his
own turban, with presents of a sword and a horse of his own.
Muin then begged the Shah to release his Indian prisoners of
war and to grant peace to the city of Lahore, which was then
being subjected to indiscriminate massacre and plunder. It
is stated that the number of the dead in the field of battle
was only two thousand, while that of those who were
massacred in the city after the battle was as high as five
thousand. 28 The Shah was pleased to grant Muin’s request
and posted his nasaqchis, or body-guard officers, in the city
to see that no resident was robbed and maltreated by the
Afghans. He also ordered that the prisoners be set at liberty.
Abdullah Khan and Faizullah Khan, sons of All Muhammad
Khan, were also allowed to return to Rohilkhand. 29
27. Tarikh-i-Ali, 225; Tahmas Namah , B. 16; Husain Shahi , 25;
TJmda-tu-Tawarikh, i. 134-35; Gazetteer of the Lahore District (1883-
84), 28; Shamsher-i-Khalsa (Gurmukhi, Sialkot, 1892), 475-76. Ac¬
cording to Khiishwaqt Rai’s Taw arikh-i~Sikhan , 71-72, and Ali-ud-
Din’s Ibrat Namah , 223, Mir Mannu is said to have replied to one of
Ahmad Shah’s questions, “I would have imprisoned you in an iron
cage and sent you to Delhi.”
Cf. Amar Nath, Zafar Naniah-i-Ranjit Singh , 111-13. According
to him Muin’s reply was:
“If you are a merchant, sell me, if you are a butcher, kill me and,
if you are a king, patronize me.”
28. Tahmas Namah , B. 17; Khushwaqt Rai, Tawarikh-i-Sikhan,
71.
29. Tarikh-i-Ali, 226-27; Husain Shahi , 26; Bakht Mall, Khalsa
Nam,ah, 34;; Gulistan-i-Rahmat, 51-2; Hayat-i-Hajiz, 66 . According
to some writers, the title of Rustam-l~Hind was also conferred on Mir
Mannu in addition to that of Farzand Khan Bahadur . But, according
misrffy
THE THIRD INVASION OF INDIA
the course of tlie interview the Shah occasionally
referred to his intention of marching upon Delhi. But Muin
dissuaded him from translating it into action, saying, “If you
turn your attention to Hindustan, I will he condemned as a
traitor by one and all. Now that you have spared my life
and called me your ‘own son’, please do not think of invading
Hindustan as long as I am alive. Or, put me to death before
your departure.” The appeal of Muin touched the heart of
the Shah and he acceded to his request and gave up the idea
of moving towards Delhi.
Muin-ul-Mulk was then entertained as a royal guest for
three days and Sardar Mustafa Khan was appointed his
mehmandar. On the fourth day, the 10th of March, 1752,
Ahmad Shah said to Muin-ul-Mulk, “All these days you have
been our guest. Now, I am your guest. Arrange for my
departure. The heat of the approaching summer is increas¬
ing.” “If I am allowed to return to the city,” said Muin,
“I shall make the necessary arrangements for your departure.”
The Shah then ordered some more presents for Muin-ul-Mulk
and detailed Shah Wali Khan, Jahan Khan and Shah Pasand
Khan to escort him to the city with the royal Afghan drums
beating to announce his entry. 30
<SL
TREATY BETWEEN MIR MANNU AND AHMAD SHAH
In four days a few lakhs of rupees were collected, and,
on tire fifth day, Muin-ul-Mulk and Bhikari Khan went to
the Shah’s camp to present this amount to him for a dinner
to the Maasir-ul-Umra, i. 360, and Risalah-i-Nanak Shah, 123, and
others, the title of Rustam-i-Hind, was given to Mannu along with the
title of Muin-ul-Mulk by the Mughal Emperor of India after his
victory at Manupur in 1748.
30. Tarikh-i~Ali, 226. According to the Tahmas Nam,ah, B. 17,
Muin- ul-Mulk stayed in^ the camp of Ahmad Shah Durrani for only
one night.' There is an "entry in the Delhi Chronicle (Sir Jadunath
Sarkar’s trans.), as follows:
“6th March. Muin-ul-Mulk, after Diwan Kaura Mall had been
slain in the battle, became a prisoner of Ahmad Afghan; the army
entered Lahore ”
This evidently refers to the submission and stay of Muin-ul-Mulk
in the camp of Ahmad Shah Durrani, as narrated above.
AfiMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
himself and his troops. All the Sardars assembled in the
Darikliana, and, there, Mufti Abdullah placed a sheet of
paper in the hands of Muin-ul-Mulk for his seal. On hearing
this, Bhikari Khan replied that it was only a blank sheet
and that nothing had been written on it. “You are like
prisoners here,” said the Mufti, “you have simply to seal it
and hand it over to the Shah. It is for him to write whatever
he likes.” “Well, Sir, it cannot be sealed in this way,” said
Bhikari Khan. “The truth is,” said he, “that the Shah has
granted us three favours: first, he has spared our lives
although we fought against him for four months; secondly, he
has allowed us to retain (for administrative purposes) the
province of Multan and the territories in the neighbourhood
of the Indus attached to Hazara; and thirdly, he has granted
the peace of Hindustan at our request.” When Barkhurdar
Khan Arzbegi reported this talk to the Shah, he called
Bhikari Khan to his presence and authorized him to write on
that sheet of paper whatever he wished. Bhikari Khan wrote
down that Muin-ul-Mulk agreed to pay to the Shah,
(i) ten lakhs of rupees for the grant of their lives;
(ii) ten lakhs for the territories granted to him, and
(iii) ten lakhs for the peace of India.
The Shah accepted the document and desired Bhikari
Khan to arrange for a speedy payment of the money. Mufti
Abdullah had wished for the government of Lahore to be
given to Adina Beg Khan and to send Muin-ul-Mulk as a
prisoner to Afghanistan, but his designs were frustrated.
Adina Beg Khan was placed in confinement; all his property
in the house of Abdullah was confiscated and the Mufti was
publicly disgraced. 31
Returning to the city, Muin sent Bhikari Khan, with
Khushmir Khan Sazawul, a land steward of the Shah, to
Nurpur in the Kangra hills — where his treasure and family
were then lodged — to fetch the money. The money was
brought and Muin paid twenty-six lakhs of rupees into the
royal treasury of His Afghan Majesty and promised to remit
the balance of four lakhs by the time he arrived on the Indus
on his way back to Afghanistan.
31, Tarikh-i~Ali, 227-8; Tahmas Namah, B. 17.
THE THIRD INVASION OF INDIA
_ »y the treaty concluded between Muin-ul-Mulk and
Ahmad Shah it was stipulated
(i) that the provinces of Lahore and Multan were to
be considered as annexed to the Afghan empire
of Ahmad Shah Durrani;
(ii) that Muin-ul-Mulk was, as usual, to remain the
governor of-these provinces on behalf of the Shall;
(hi) that the internal administration was in no way to
be interfered with; only the surplus revenue was
henceforth to be sent to the Afghan Emperor,
and the final orders in the highest questions
were to be taken from hiIn. ,32
The Shah also desired that the coin be struck and Khutba
be read in his name. But Muia-ul-Mulk respectfully replied
that the Mughal Emperor, Ahmad Shah, of India was still in
power at Delhi and that most of his Amirs and Sardars were
devotedly attached to him as his faithful servants, and it was
feared, therefore, that the issue of the new coin and the
c lange in the Khutba would introduce fresh complications,
which it would become difficult to solve at that stage and
would bring him into disrepute. In this strain, Muin ap¬
pealed to the Shah, who understood the situation and did not
insist on these innovations. 33
TREATY RATIFIED BY THE MUGHAL EMPEROR
M„lk n At° Ut /c, f0 ? night aft6r tlie Emission of Muin-ul
Mulk Ahmad Shah settled the affairs of Lahore, and ther
Muth l% enV ° y ’ Qalandar Beg Khan ’ t0 his namesake, the
. g Emperor at Delhi, to secure the ratification of hi:
treaty with the governor of Lahore. The envoy arrived ai
889 ^%JX\h h ^' AU ' 227 ' 2 oo Husain Shahi > 26 : Siyar-uUMutakherin,
ni, 3 2G-7); Tarikh-i-Ahmad, 19; J am -i-Jahan
iJSZSL?, .r 6 <AU ”* c< " 18461 • **
^ .Msar;
G. 16
Nil NiST/f
AHMAD shah duhrani
<SL
e Mughal capital with seven or eight mwars of his own,
and a Jamadar and two or three saioars of Muin on the 1st
of April, 1752, and was welcomed at the Shalamar Garden
by Muhy-ud-Din AH Khan, who had been appointed his
mehmandar. The Emperor, as we know, had written urgent
orders to his prime minister, the W azir-ul~Mumalik (Muham¬
mad Muqim Abul Mansur Khan) Safdar Jang to hasten to
the capital, and it had been reported that he had left for
Delhi on the 19th Jamadi-ul-Awwal, 1165 A.H., March 24,
1752, and secured the help of the Marathas to fight against
the Durrani. 34 It was, therefore, decided to postpone the
talk with the Durrani envoy till his return. But Safdar Jang
was deliberately delaying his return to Delhi under the
pretext of his being busy with the settlement of Oudh. As
there was no immediate prospect of his arrival, Qalandar Beg
Khan pressed for an early reply. The Mughal Emperor and
his officers could not afford to give any cause of offence to
the Durrani Shah. The very thought of an invasion of the
34. It was only after receipt of angry summons from the Emperor
that Wazir Safdar Jang entered into negotiations with Sindhia and
Holkar at Kanauj just when they were on the point of leaving for
the Deccan and effected a formal agreement with them on 12th April,
1752 (?). 'The agreement contained the following terms:
(1) That the Peshwa should defend the Emperor from his inter¬
nal enemies like the Pathans, the Rajputs or other rebels, and from
external foes like the Afghan King Abdali.
(2) That the Emperor should pay 50 lacs to the Marathas for their
help, of which 30 lacs was to be on account of Abdali and 20 lacs on
account of internal enemies like the Pathans.
(3) That in addition the Peshwa was given the right to levy Chauth
from the Panjab, Sindh and the Doab.
(4) That the Peshwa be granted the Subahdarship of Agra and
Ajmer, which he should administer on the traditional lines of Mughal
rule.
(5) That if the Peshwa could not come personally to serve the
Emperor, he should depute his sardars for the purpose.
All this was too late, as we know. The Emperor had agreed to
the submission of Muin-ul-Mulk to His Afghan Majesty. He could
not, therefore, ratify the agreement with the Marathas. But the
Maratha sardars soon arrived at Delhi and it became a problem to
dismiss them. An urgent call at this time from the Peshwa for Sindhia
and Holkar to immediately repair to the south, however, saved the
situation.-—Sardesai, Now History of the Met rathfxsy vol, II, 3t>5~67,
miSTffy
THE THIRD INVASION OF INDIA
<SL
a! brought before their eyes the horrors of 1739 and
terrified them. It was ultimately agreed to grant the Afghan
envoy an interview on Monday, the 2nd of Jamadi-us-Sani,
April 6, 1752, when he was at first received by Nawab Jawid
Khan Bahadur and then by the Emperor in the Bangala-i-
Chihal Satan, the Pavilion of Forty Pillars. Ahmad Shah
Durrani’s letter was received with all the honour due to the
royal messages and the envoy was told that the reply would
be given to him after a week. The Mughal emperor and his
ministers quietly agreed to the formal cession of the Subahs
of Lahore and Multan to Ahmad Shah Durrani, 'or in actual
effect to pay him fifty lakhs of rupees a year in lieu of
their surplus revenue.’
On Monday, the 9th of Jamadi-us-Sani, April 13, 1752,
Qalandar Khan was given rukhsat or leave to depart, in the
Diwan-i-Khas, with a letter to the Shah, ratifying his treaty
with Muin. To keep up appearances, however, the Mughal
told the Afghan envoy, “I am standing firmly by my promises,
but if your master deviates from his agreement, I am prepared
for fighting.’ 1 Qalandar Khan placed the Mughal letter of
peace on his head and answered him, “Whosoever aims at this
God-given state with an evil eye will be consumed by divine
wrath.” Before his departure, he was honoured with a khilat
of three pieces and a jewelled sarpech for the turban, and
was given five thousand rupees in cash, while his three com¬
panions got khilats of three pieces each. 33
THE SHAH LEAVES FOR AFGHANISTAN
On or about the 20th of April, Qalandar Khan arrived at
Lahore and immediately afterwards, on or about the 21st or
22nc'L 6 the Shah moved out of Lahore to march back to his
35. Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi, 32a-33a; Delhi Chronicle , entries of
April 1 and 13, 1752; Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, 889 (English Trans, iii.
327); Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, i. 345. For a detailed ac¬
count of the negotiations of Safdar Jang with the Marathas, and the
activities of the Mughal Amirs at Delhi regarding Ahmad Shah Dur¬
rani, see Sardesai, A Neva History of the Marathas y II, .364-67; Sarkar,
i. 359-69; SPD, XXI, 53, 55.
36. The news of the Shah’s departure from Lahore was reported
to the Mughal Emperor at Delhi on April 28, vide Delhi Chronicle. As
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
To cement his relations with His Afghan Majesty,
Muin-ul-Mulk, before the Shah’s departure, offered the hand
of his daughter Umda Begam in betrothal to his son, Prince
Taimur. But the marriage was not destined to be solemnized.
After the death of her father, Umda Begam, as we shall later
on study, became the subject of a great political strife and
was ultimately given away in marriage by the Shah himself
to Imad-ul-Mulk Ghazi-ud-Din during his fourth invasion of
India.
CONQUEST OF KASHMIR
The Shah had received news of the unsettled state of
affairs in Kashmir while he was at Lahore. This province
had always been a centre of high-handedness, intrigue and
usurpation, and a settled government had been unknown
there during the reign of the later Mughals. Away from the
central government at Delhi, which was too weak to assert
its authority in those difficult mountains, the governors and
their friends and opponents, not unoften, had their own way.
He who could collect a larger following and drive out the
previous occupant could fill in his place without hitch ox'
hindrance, yielding place only to a stronger and more ruth¬
less usurper. Afrasiyab Beg Khan was the naib, or deputy,
in Kashmir in 1161 A.H., 1748 A.D., when Ahmad Shah
Durrani rose to power and invaded India for the first time.
The tyrannies of Afrasiyab Beg Khan drew upon him the
wrath of his people who towards the end of 1748 invited
Asmat-ud-Din Khan, an Amir of Ahmad Shah, to take the
reins of the government into his hands. Asmat-ud-Din Khan
was defeated by Afrasiyab Beg Khan in the first battle. But
he was led into the valley by a circuitous route, and, al¬
though he gained a victory at Pandaj in the second battle,
he was shot dead on his way to the capital by a soldier of his
enemy’s force. Afrasiyab Beg Khan thus continued to govern
for some time more. But in the beginning of 1751, he was
poisoned to death. His son Ahmad Ali Khan succeeded him
it generally took about six or seven days for a news from Lahore to
be reported at Delhi, the 21st or 22nd of May may be safely accepted
as the date of the Shah’s departure,
miSTffy
THE THIRD INVASION OF INDIA
overned for about a month and a half. But he wa;
y a minor. A regent, therefore, carried on the government
on his behalf for a further period of three months. Not
satisfied with this arrangement, the leading persons of
Srinagar sent a representation to the Mughal Emperor at
Delhi; and, for the interim, Mir Muqim Kanth was asked to
officiate. He held the office for five months and was driven
out by Abul Qasim Khan, son of Abul-Barkat Khan, who had
been appointed the naib in Kashmir in 1158 A.H., 1745 A.D.,
and had died within two months of his arrival in the country.
The refugee Mir Muqim sought shelter in Lahore and ap¬
pealed to Ahmad Shah Durrani to extend to the Firdaus
bar~ru-i~zamin — the paradise on earth — the hand of his
protection. Having crossed the river Ravi on his way home,
he halted for a few days at the mausoleum of Jahangir, and,
as requested by Mir Muqim, sent an expeditionary force to
Kashmir under Abdullah Khan Ishak-AghasL The unpopular
usurper, Abul Qasim, could organize no resistance. Even
the most difficult defiles offered no obstruction to the Durrani
commander. He penetrated unopposed to the capital at
Srinagar and established his government there. Abul Qasim
fled into the hills, but was soon arrested and brought in as a
captive. Thus was the beautiful valley of Kashmir added to
the dominions of Ahmad Shah, whose daily-expanding empire
reached, with the gain of this ‘paradise’, the fullest extent
destined for it. 37
ANNEXATION OF MULTAN
Having detailed Abdullah Khan to Kashmir, the Shah
left for Qandahar via Multan. By the terms of the treaty,
37. Kirparam, Gulzar-i-Kashmir, 230-32; Hargopal Kaul, Guldasta -
i-Kashmir, Part II (Tawarikh-i-Kashmir), 149-51; Prinsep, Runjeet
Singh, 13; History of the Punjab (Allen & Co. 1846), i. 201.
According to Ghulam Muhammad Ghubar’s Ahmad Shah Baba,
the Shah had detailed Ishak Aqasi Abdullah Khan with an army of
ten thousand for the conquest of Kashmir during his stay at Peshawar
in October 1751. But it is improbable that the Shah had undertaken
two important campaigns at the same time. I have followed authori¬
ties which appear to be more reliable on this point and whose ac¬
counts can be reconciled with the general trend of events and the
character of the Shah.
misTffy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
®L
province of Multan had been left, as before, under
inistration of Mir Muin-ul-Mulk. This place, as we know,
had been the favourite resort of the Saddozeis in the days of
adversity. Moreover, it was believed to have been the Shah’s
own birth-place. He, therefore, took keen interest in its
destinies. To Durrani-ise Multan, he planted in the city a
number of Saddozei families of his own tribe with generous
gifts of lands and offices. Maharaja Kaura Mall, at the time
of his departure for Lahore to fight against the Shall, had
left the province’s government in the hands of his naib ,
Shakir Khan, the elder son of Nawab Zahid Khan Saddozei.
While the war with the Shah at Lahore was going on, he dis¬
missed Shakir Khan and appointed Khwaja Husain in his
place. This was also distasteful to the Shah, who, on his
arrival there, ordered him to be replaced by his own nominee,
Ali Muhammad Khan Khakwani, the lease-holder of Dera
Ghazi Khan. 38
EXPEDITION TO BAHAWALPUB
Ali Muhammad Khan seems to have accompanied the
Shah as far as Dera Ghazi Khan. He had not for some time
been favourably disposed towards the Daoodpotras of
Bahawalpur. He poisoned the ears of Ahmad Shah against
them, and, before his departure for Qandahar, induced him to
detail an army to reduce them to subjection. Sardar Jahan
Khan Popalzei was ordered to command this force. With
Nawab Jan-Nisar Khan of the Dera, the Sardar crossed
the Panjnad and encamped at Uch. Jan-Nisar Khan was
afraid of the Daoodpotras and had secretly informed Mubarak
Khan of the intentions of the Popalzei Sardar. Instead of
38. Tarikh-i-Husain Shahi , 26; Ahmad Yadgar, Tarikh-i-Salatin -
i-Afghanan, 251.
It will be interesting to know that on the return of Maharaja Kaura
Mall to Lahore, a person of unknown extraction, calling himself Nawab
Shah Nawaz Khan, collected some force and established himself at
Zainpur, about five kos from Multan, and claimed the governorship
of the province. Shakir Khan, the Maharaja’s naib, marched out to
meet the impostor, who was killed in battle, and dispersed his force.
Maulana Sher Muhammad Khan’s Zubda-tul-Akhbar Waqaya-i~
Multan , 30.
MINIS/*
THIS THIRD INVASION OP INDIA
JSL
ig out to oppose the Afghan, Mubarak Khan retired to
the fort of Mojgarh, situated in the jungle at a distance of
about forty miles to the south-east of Bahawalpur. Waderah
Muhammad Maruf, another chief of the Daoodpotras, threw
himself in the fort of Marot, to the north-east of Mojgarh,
while the other chieftains occupied Phulra, to the east of
Marot. Orders were at the same time issued to the various
Daoodpotra leaders to assemble forthwith at the town of
Khairpur, where they would be joined by Mubarak Khan.
They obeyed the call of their rhief, who left the ladies of
the family in Mojgarh and joined kj men at Khairpur at the
head of about three thousand picked sawars, accompanied by
his sardars like Ahmad Khan, fialawal Khan Firozani,
Waderah Jan Muhammad Khan, Nur Muhammad Khan
Marufani, Mullah Ali, Mullah Taib and others. A difference
of opinion, however, arose among the sardars and, after wait¬
ing for twenty-four hours, some of them returned to their
forts. In the meantime, Jahan Khan arrived at Bahawalpur
and sent out a force of about eight thousand men towards
Khairpur to surprise the Daoodpotras. Mubarak Khan, on
the other hand, was vigilant about the movements of Jahan
Khan. He also issued out of his camp at Khairpur to meet
him and the two armies came to grips at Khatiala, about a
kos to the west of the town. A sanguinary battle ensued,
in which the Afghans were worsted and Jahan Khan was
compelled to fly. The fugitives were followed up as far as
Lalsohanra, ten kos to the west, where the pursuit was given
up.
But as Bahawalpur was still in the hands of Jahan Khan
and as it was not considered advisable to provoke the wrath
of the Shah by further pursuit, his general Mubarak Khan
opened negotiations for peace and returned to Mojgarh. Jahan
Khan welcomed the proposal and peace was concluded on
very favourable terms through the agency of a vakil. Jahan
Khan crossed the Sutlej at the ferry of Fatehpur, and bent
his course to Multan for homeward journey. 39
39. Daulat Rai, TaHfcfo-i-Mirat-i-Daulat-i-Abbasi, 98a-99b;
Shahamat Ali, The History of Bahawalpur (Picturesque Sketches in
India), 38-39.
Chapter XI
SOME MINOR AFFAIRS
The next four years in the life of Ahmad Shah were of
comparative tranquillity and peace and he enjoyed his well-
earned rest after a strenuous period of five years’ fighting
and conquest. He had built up an extensive empire and
this period of leisure he utilized in its settlement and ad¬
ministration. 1
DANGER OF AZAD KHAN AFGHAN ELIMINATED
It will be interesting to know how the power of Azad
Khan Afghan of the Ghaizei tribe, who had declared his pre¬
tensions to the throne of Afghanistan, came to be arrested
and how a danger to the empire of Ahmad Shah was
removed. Azad Khan, as we know, was an old general
of Nadir Shah and had taken possession of the Per¬
sian province of Azarbaijan. It is true that in creating a new
state of Khurasan—independent of Persia—under Mirza
Shah Rukh, Ahmad Shah had been guided by the considera¬
tion of placing a buffer state between Persia and Afghanistan
and protecting himself against the ambitious projects of a
hostile chief like Azad Khan from the north-west. Azad
Khan, says Ferrier, “was a man of great firmness, brave, and
more enlightened than are ordinarily the individuals of his
nation; and his justice, his equitable views, and the partiality
which he manifested in favour of the sect of the Shiahs, drew
around him a great number of partisans. Seeing his power
and popularity thus increased he declared openly his pre¬
tension to the possession of Irak, Khurasan and even pro¬
posed to push on to Afghanistan, and dethrone Ahmad Shah,
whom he considered an usurper, for in his opinion, the
throne belonged by right to a chief of the tribe of Ghildjzyes.”
But his march to the east was arrested by the activities of
1. The civil and military administration of Ahmad Shah has been
discussed at some length at the end. Vide App. I and II,
SOME MINOR AFFAIRS
, .Chan Zand, who was one of the three aspirants to th
i of Persia, the other two being Muhammad Husain Khan
Kajar and Azad Khan himself.
The opening battle of the triangular contest was fought
between Karim Khan Zand and Muhammad Husain Kajar
on the borders of Mazandaran and resulted in a victory for
the latter. But he could not pursue his adversary owing to
the advance of Azad Khan upon Gilan. Azad Khan, of course,
quietly retreated on hearing of the victory of Muhammad
Husain Khan. The defeated Karim Khan soon reorganized
his forces and attacked Azad Khan who shut himself in Kaz-
vin, to the north-west of Tehran, and from there beat off
the Zand. Karim Khan retired to Isfahan and made another
effort against the Afghan. On this occasion in 1165 A.H.,
1752 A.D., Karim was defeated and pursued right across
Persia, past Isfahan to Shiraz. Discouraged by these reverses,
Karim Khan thought of flying to India, but was diverted from
the project by his friend, Rustam Sultan, chief of Khisht, who
represented to him how easy it would be to annihilate the
army of Azad when they entered the difficult defile of the
Kotal-i-Kamarij to pursue Karim Khan into Khisht. And,
it proved to be literally true.
The pass of Kamarij is about two miles in length. ‘The
road, or rather path, which winds along the edge of the
mountain, is very narrow (in some places not more than
2 feet wide), and, consequently, only admits of troops, march¬
ing in a single file.’ The inaccessible peaks of this pass were
manned by Rustam Sultan, while Karim waited for the enemy
in the valley below. The force of the Afghans was permitted
to enter the pass without the slightest indication of the im¬
pending danger, and no sooner were they caught in the
trap than Rustam Sultan and Karim Khan fell upon the whole
line with the ferocity of wounded lions. Azad Khan’s army
was almost annihilated, and, with the help of some Arab
chiefs, Karim Khan was soon back at Shiraz. This happened
in 1166 A.H., 1753 A.D. In the final struggle of 1171 A.H.,
1757 A.D., with Muhammad Husain Khan Kajar, Azad Khan
was driven from pillar to post and he disappeared from the
list of pretenders, ultimately throwing himself at the mercy
of Karim Khan Zand, who at last succeeded in occupying the
Q. 11
thcOJLi
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
one of Persia, and establishing the short-lived dynasty of
the Zands, yielding place to the Kajars towards the close of
the century. Ahmad Shah received the news of the elimi¬
nation of Azad Khan Afghan and the successes of Karim Khan
Zand with mixed feelings of relief and disquietitude. The
Zand, with increasing resources and larger force, could be of
greater danger to his north-western dominions. But since he
always had his hands full with more pressing business at home
which included the maintenance of the tranquillity of his
own kingdom, the Persians never made an attempt to annex
Afghanistan and provoke a trial of strength with the Afghans. 2
THE INTRIGUES OF SAFDAR JANG AT DELHI
In the autumn of 1752, there seems to have been afoot
at the court of Delhi an attempt to stir up a rebellion in
the north-western Afghan province of Khurasan. As there
was then no love lost between the emperor and his wazir, this
was, evidently, a sinister move on the part of Safdar Jang
to entangle the emperor and his friend Muin-ul-Mulk, the
governor of Lahore. As desired by the emperor, the Wazir
ul-Mumalik Safdar Jang had secured the help of the Marathas
in March, 1752, against Ahmad Shah, but he arrived at Delhi
(April 25, 1752) too late to prevent the ratification of the
treaty delivered through Nawab Javid Khan, to the Afghan
envoy, .Qalandar Khan, on April 13. As an arch-enemy, of
Muin-ul-Mulk, he had, perhaps, taken the peace-treaty and
the consequent retention of Muin as the governor of the pro¬
vinces of Lahore and Multan as his own diplomatic defeat
and was smarting under disappointment. The only way to
incite the wrath of the Shah against Muin-ul-Mulk was to
create bad blood between the Mughal emperor and the great
Afghan by instigating Mirza Shah Rukh, with promises of
help, to raise the standard of rebellion in Khurasan. He could
thus hit two birds with one stone. Muin would fall under
the first blow of the infuriated Afghan and the Mughal em¬
peror would be his next victim. With the emperor thus landed
2. Malcolm, History of Persia, 43-4; Sykes, A History of Persia,
373-4; Ferrier, History of the Afghans, 82-3,
SOME MINOK AFFAIRS
ifficultieSj it would become easier for the wazir to gain
more power over him.
Sawai Madho Singhji of Jaipur was Safdar’s friend. It
was said that Madho Singh had received letters from Kabul
saying that Mirza Shah Rukh, then the governor of Khura¬
san, had arrived at Qandahar and had asked for help against
Ahmad Shah. 3 Any such letter, if shown to the emperor, was
clear forgery calculated to dupe him into writing to Mirza
Shah Rukh offering him help against the Durranis. “The
Emperor has written to Nadir Shah’s grandson,” says a Mara¬
thi letter, “to come from that side and has promised to send
his armies in the direction of Kabul so that this rascal can be
punished.” Orders were at the same time sent to Mir Muin-
ul-Mulk calling him to Delhi to arrange for the despatch of
army towards Kabul. And it was “reported that Mir Mannu,
in obedience to the order, is coming to Delhi.” The Maratha
allies of Safdar Jang, who were expected to play a consider¬
able part in the projected expedition, were also getting in
touch with Mir Mannu, the Governor of the Panjab, and
letters were exchanged by the Maratha vakil at Delhi and the
Mir at Lahore. 4
THE MARCH OF THE SHAH TO INDIA ABANDONED
Ahmad Shah had either been informed secretly from
Delhi or had, otherwise, come to know of the plot being
hatched there. In the month of Muharram, 1166 A.H.,
November, 1.752, he arrived at Jalalabad, 116 miles to the
east of Kabul, axid sent Jahan Khan to the Indus. Thiss
created a panic in Lahore and a feeling of disquietitude in
Delhi. Mir Mannu, at this stage, seems to have apprised
Jahan Khan and, through him, the Shah of the real situation,
because they moved no further and were satisfied with send¬
ing an envoy to Delhi. 5
3. Marathi letter from Jagannath Krishna to Bhagwant Kao Amatya
and Shivaram Pant, received January 12, 1753; SPD. XXVII (Supple¬
mentary), 68.
4. SPD. XXVII. 68, 77, 83.
5. The object of the Afghan envoy was to demand the annual tri¬
bute of 50 lacs of rupees evidently for the year commencing with 1st
Muharram, 1166 A. H. Sardesai —New History of the Maratha s, II. 367.
Ahmad shAh durrani
'SL
Hearing of the movements of the Shah and Jahan Khan,
Safdar Jang had advised the emperor at Delhi to move to
Lahore. The latter replied, '‘Our government have neither
any war materials nor any soldiers ready. If it is not pos¬
sible to manage affairs without my going, I am ready to go
alone. You alone are the chief manager of the business of
state. The entire country and its revenues and expenses are
in your hands. Arrange for money so that the soldiers be
paid and preparations for war materials be made.” This
silenced the toazir. On the 1st of Safar 1166 A.H., Decem¬
ber 8, 1752, Safdar Jang sent a message to the emperor that
Ahmad Shah Durrani was determined to march upon Lahore
which made it necessary for the emperor to move towards
that place, and that the astrologers had fixed the 9th of Safar,
December 16, as the most auspicious day for the emperor’s
march from Delhi. Should he, however, wish to postpone his
own departure, the camp equipage might be despatched and
he might leave on a later date approved by the astrologers.
The emperor consulted his mother, Malika Sahiba-az-Zamani,
popularly known as Malika Zamani, who replied, “Neither
we have any treasure nor the Wazir-ul-Mumalik. He fully
knows the state of the country, the army and the treasury.
Should he, however, wish tke emperor to move out empty-
handed, let him say so, so that he may have self-satisfaction
and be ready for the march,” This reply sealed the Wazir’s
lips on the subject forever and nothing more was heard about
it again. 6
AFGHAN ENVOY AT DELHI
It was about the middle of December, 1752, that the
Afghan envoy arrived at Lahore. Mir Muin-ul-Mulk detailed
three of his own trusted officials to accompany him to Delhi,
where they arrived in the second week of January, 1753. The
envoy was lodged in the garden of Kamgar Khan near Takia
Majnun, and Emperor Ahmad Shah ordered the Diwan-i-Am
to be decorated for his reception. After two or three days
the wazir stopped the preparations and removed the curtains,
awnings, etc., saying that the envoy was not such a dignitary
6, taritch-i-Ahmad Shahi, 43b-44b.
SOME MINOR AFFAIRS
b4 received in the Diwan-i-A.ni in the fort and that h
be received in the Diwan-i-Khas. He kept him in
suspense for about a month and his repeated requests for
audience were ignored.
At last on the 10th of Rabi-us-Sani, 1166, February 14,
1753, the wazir sent word to the emperor that the following
day be appointed for receiving the envoy in the Diwan-i-
Khas. The preparations continued throughout the night,
and on Thursday, the 15th of February, 1753 (Rabi-us-Sani
11, 1166 A.H.), at about 10 o’clock in the morning, when the
Wazir-ul-Mumalik and other (tmirs had arrived, All Quli
Khan, the six-fingered, ushered the Afghan envoy into the
royal presence. He presented a nazar of five ashrafis and
handed over the letter of Ahmad Shah Durrani to the
emperor, who .made it over to Hafiz Bakhtiar Khan, darogha
of the royal palace, and enquired about the health of his
Afghan Majesty. u My Shah has sent his salaam/’ said the
envoy. He was then honoured with a three-piece khillat,
with similar robes for the officials of Mir Muin-ul-Mulk.
Leaving the fort, the envoy went to the house of Safdar Jang,
with whom he had a talk about the object of his mission. At
noon the emperor sent a message to the wazir saying that he
had permitted the envoy to depart and that the wazir might
give him the letter of reply. On the sixth day, the 17th of
Rabi-us-Sani, February 21, the envoy received the letter and
then left for his country. 7 As to what transpired in the
7. Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi , 45b-46b, 48a.
There is a Marathi letter in the Selections from the Peshwa Daftar
written from Delhi in those days by Antaji Manakeshwar to the Pant
Pradhan conveying to him the news of the capital up to the 5th day
of the light (?) half of the month of Magh which corresponded to
February 8, 1753. As, according to the Tarikh~i~ Ahmad Shahi , the
envoy was received on the 11th of Rabi-us-Sani, February 15, there
is a difference of a fortnight in its having been, by mistake, antidated
as Magh Shudh 5, instead of Magh Wadya 5, which corresponded to
February 22, thus placing the date of the letter on the day following
the departure of the envoy from Delhi. Antaji Manakeshwar’s letter
runs as follows:
...The Pathan has now crossed the Attock, reached the boundary
and has sent his ambassador. In the meeting it transpired that “the
fifty lakhs of rupees paid by the Nawab Bahadur were for the last
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
tents aE
.eeting at the wazir's house and what were the content
the reply is not known. The Mughals, however, seem to
have given the usual assurances of mutual friendship and
faithful adherence to the terms of the treaty of the last year
to the satisfaction of the Shah, who returned to Qandahar
and recalled Sardar Jahan Khan from the bank of the Indus. 8
DISCOMFITURE OF AMIR KHAN QARAYI AT MASHHAD
Another reason for the return of the Shah to his head¬
quarters was the receipt of disquieting news from Khurasan.
After the conquest of this province, the Shah, as we know,
had left Nur Muhammad to help the blind Shah Rukh
in its administration. He was, however, soon recalled and
a more efficient man, Amir Khan Qarayi of Daulatabad, was
deputed to take his place. On the departure of Nur Muham¬
mad, Mirza Shah Rukh, however, appointed one of his own ser-
year. Every year fifty lakhs must be paid to us. If fifty lakhs are
paid for the current year, we will cross the Attock on receipt of the
money and go back. If not, we are coming to Delhi. Be prepared to
fight.” This is what passed at the meeting. On that day the envoy
was honoured with dresses and feast and was told that the reply
would be given to him after eight days. The Padshah then called the
wazir and all the amirs to a conference and asked them, “what should
be die reply to be given to the envoy of the Abdali? He is sure to
come to Delhi. If he does not come to Delhi, he is sure to capture
three subahs like Lahore, etc., worth ten caror, or all the Sardars will
have to go to the Attock to fight (against him).” All gave a uniform
reply saying, “Your Majesty, the Marathas have undertaken to fight
against the Abdali in return for Ajmer and Akbarabad and for Idle
c hauth of the twenty-two subahs. So they may be referred to regard¬
ing it.” The Nawab Wazir then informed them all, “The Marathas
have been useful last year in the Jamuna-Gangetic Doab. Within
two months forty thousand of their army will arrive. Today they have
an army of five thousand strong in Delhi. Witliin a week or two, they
can have another five thousand, making the total of ten thousand
strong ready. I have thirty thousand of my own ready. Thus, in¬
cluding the Marathas, we have, in all, forty thousand ready at hand,”
The letter is incomplete, but it throws a good deal of light on the
attitude of Safdar Jang towards Ahmad Shah Durrani, and the treaty
concluded with him in 1752. SPD . XXI, 53.
8. According to the New History of the Marathas, ii. 367, ‘the
wazir with difficulty managed to send him back with some partial
payment*’
SOME MINOR AFFAIRS
1
vants, Faridun Khan, as his naib. Amir Khan availed himself of
the jealousies between the officials of the Mirza and gained
admittance into the city of Mashhad under the pretence of
pilgrimage to the shrine of Imam Ali Raza. Having posted
his men at the gates, he occupied, three or four towers, and,
thus malting sure of his hold on the city, began to maltreat
the citizens. This enraged the Mirza and he detailed Mir
Husain Khan Afshar, the one-eyed, and Faridun Khan to
turn him out. This was effected without much difficulty.
Husain and Faridun issued out of the Chahar Bagh gate and
put the small contingent of the Afghans to the sword in the
garden outside and disarmed the Qarayis. The citizens also
took up arms against the men of Amir Khan at the gates and
the towers, and dislodged them from their position. Thus
overpowered, Amir Khan retired to his home in Daulatabad.
But as Amir Khan’s own tactlessness was mostly responsible
for his discomfiture, the Shah seems to have taken no serious
notice of this untoward happening. 9 Faridun continued in
office as the Naib of Shah Rukh till he was put to death by
Nasrullah Mirza, son of Shah Rukh. But as the activities of
the sons of Shah Rukh belong to the sixties of the century
and do not fall strictly within the province of our subject,
they will be referred to, but briefly, in their respective places.
ABBAS QUL1 KHAN AT NISHAPUR
Abbas Quli Khan Biyat of Nishapur remained devotedly
attached to Ahmad Shah throughout his life. He was a
moderate and just ruler, and contributed considerably to the
improvement of the city and the territories of Nishapur. He
was very popular with his people and it is said that under
him, his capital ‘approached its ancient splendour.’
With the exception of upheavals in the Panjab, of which
we shall read in the subsequent pages, the empire of Ahmad
Shah continued in peace and prosperity for over a decade,
and, but for the loss of the provinces of Sirhind, Lahore and
Multan, captured by the Sikhs in 1763-4, and minor revolts
in Baluchistan and Khurasan, it remained intact throughout
his life.
9, Mujmil-ut-Tawartkh, 114-16.
Chapter XII
UPHEAVALS IN THE PANJAB
DEATH OF MIR MANNU AND AFTER
THE DEATH OF MIR MANNU
Ever since the rise of Banda Singh to power and the
establishment of his short-lived raj in the Panjab in 1710, the
Sikhs had been looked upon as rebels and persecuted in every
possible manner. Once when Muin-ul-Mulk was encamped
at the village of Malikpur at a distance of seven or eight kos
from Lahore, harkaras, or messengers, brought to him the
intelligence that some Sikhs were hiding in the sugar-cane
fields near by. Muin-ul-Mulk immediately rode out for the
shikar and surrounded the Sikhs. But, all of a sudden, his
horse got frightened, stood on its hind legs and became un¬
manageable. Mannu was thrown off his seat and he fell to
the ground. But, as ill luck would have it, one of his feet
got entangled in the stirrup and he was dragged along the
earth to fatal unconsciousness. This happened on Friday,
the 5th of Muharram, 1167 A.H., November 2, 1753. On the
third day, the 7th of Muharram, 1167 A.H., Kartik Sudi 9,
1810 Bk., November 4, 1753 A.D., Muin-ul-Mulk breathed
his last 1
1. Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shcihi, 85b~92b; Khazanah-i-Amira, 98; Ratan
Singh, Prachin Panth Parkash, 435-436;. Gian Singh, Panth Prakash,
711; Pothi Tarikh~i~Singhan, 71; Ihrat Namah, 244.
Tahmas Khan, in his memoirs, called the Tahmas Namah, however,
gives a different account. According to him, Mum was for some
time encamped at Malikpur—also read as Tilakpur—from where one
day he went out for shikar. On returning from the hunt, he had his
meals in a new fort of his, and rested there for some time. Late in
the afternoon, Khwaja Mirza Jan presented a few heads of the exe¬
cuted Sikhs and received his reward. He then rode out for some
distance and came down from his horse to ease himself. He felt an
urge for a motion, but his bowels did not move. He became weak and
fell down. His tongue failed him, and he could not talk. He was
removed in a palki to the camp. No medical aid could give him
relief. Up to midnight he remained in an unconscious state, with the
Upheavals in the panjab
Suraiya Begam, or Murad Begam, also called Mughlani
Begam, the widow of Muin-ul-Mulk, then appeared on the
stage of the Pan jab history. She was a very clever woman,
and, if she had only overcome the weaknesses of her sex,
sound of khurr-khurr coming out of his throat. After midnight, he
breathed his last. (B. 20-1).
Tahmas Khan was a page of Mir Mannu and claims to be present
on the occasion. But his account is so different from those of the
Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi, Ali-ud-Din’s Ihrat Namah and the histories
of the Sikhs that it cannot be easily accepted. The account of the
Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi, based on the day-to-day news and agreeing
substantially with the Ibrat Namah , may be accepted as nearest to
truth. According to the Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi:
‘All of a sudden, from the writings of the harkarahs, it was re¬
ported to the emperor that Muin-ul-Mulk, the nazim of Lahore who
was encamped at a distance of about seven or eight kos from Lahore
and was always fighting with the Sikhs of Nanak, rode out for shikar
on the 5th of Muharram, fell down from his horse and became un¬
conscious, and died on the 7th of the month.’
Ali-ud-Din in his Ibrat Namah tells us, ‘Muin-ul-Mulk, with a
view to uprooting the Sikhs and laying the foundation of a fort in
Awan, went there and, as proposed, established the fort* As the days
of his life had come to an end, he rode out on a fast and unmanage¬
able horse to the hunting-ground of death. The horse became erect,
that is, it stood on two legs. The Nawab could not control it and fell
down. Although efforts were made to give him relief from the shock,
it was all in vain, and he marched from the land of the perishable to
the world eternal. 1
That the shikar, referred to above, was that of the Sikhs, is men¬
tioned in the Prachin Panth Prakash by Rattan Singh Bhangu, who
also uses the word Shikar . As for the cause of the frightening of
Muin’s horse, the sound of a volley fired by the Sikhs, from within
the sugar-cane field, is mentioned by the author of the Pothi Tarikh-i-
Singhan . Rattan Singh is silent about it. According to Gian Singh,
it was the flight of a vulture
The Khazanah-i-Amira, the Tarikh-i-Sikhan of Khushwaqt Rai,
72, the Gulistan-i-Rahmat, 103, the Ahwal-i-Adina Beg Khan, 10,
Rise of the Sikh Power (Prinsep), 13, support the fall-from-horse
theory, whereas Jam-i-Jahan Numa of Qudratullah Siddiqi attri¬
butes it to cholera. The Tarikh-i-Afghanan of Shiv Prasad and JR isa-
lah-i-Nanak Shah, 125, have followed Tahmas Khan. Cf. Tarikh-i-Alt,
235; Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, 895. As to the place of the event, Khush.-
waqt Rai says that it was near Bhasin and he is supported by Shiv
Prasad. It also reconciles with the distance from Lahore given by the
Tahmas Namah and the Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi
G. 18
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
(Si
apaolft
l© would have given to the Panjab an energetic and capal
woman-administrator.
APPOINTMENTS BY THE MUGHAL EMPEROR
The news of the death of Muin-ul-Mulk reached Delhi
on the 12th of November (Muharram 15). On the following
day, Emperor Ahmad Shah bestowed the governorship of
the provinces of Lahore and Multan upon his own three-year
old son, Prince Mahmood Shah, and quite fittingly appointed
Muhammad Amin Khan, the two-year-old son of Mir Muin-ul-
Mulk, as his deputy. The actual power, however, was vested
in Mir Moman Khan of Kasur, an old friend of Muin-ul-Mulk.
At the same time, the governorship of Kashmir, which had
fallen vacant after the death of Afrasiyab Khan and had since
been usurped by a nominee of Ahmad Shah Durrani sent
■with a force by Sardar Jahan Khan, was given to another
Prince, Taleh Saeed Shah, with Ttzad-ud-Daula (a son of
the emperor's maternal aunt), a boy of fifteen or sixteen, as
his naib. ‘What a wonderful revolution in the times, and in
the ways of the chiefs of the world/ remarked the author of
the Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi with justifiable indignation, ‘that
such high offices as were meant for big and experienced
nobles, should be conferred upon infants like these! The
tamasha of the divine power should be watched to know what
the hidden future is going to bring on the stage of the world/ 2
The puppet-play, however, lasted only for four days, and
on the 20th of Muharram, November 17, the Wazir-ul-Mumalik
Mir Nizam-ud-Din Intizam-ud-Daulah , (the brother of
Muin-ul-Mulk,) who had replaced Safdar Jang in March
1753, was appointed absentee subedar of the Panjab, Inti¬
zam-ud-Daulah, on his own behalf, appointed on the 24th
of Muharram, November 21, Mir Moman Khan and Bhikari
Khan as his deputies, and Adina Beg Khan as the naib faujdar
of Doaba Bist Jullundur. 3
2. Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi , 84a, 85a.
3. Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shdhi , 86b, 87b.
UPHEAVALS IN THE PANJAB
SON APPOINTED BY AHMAD SHAH
he appointments could not be considered as finally
settled with these transactions and the conferment of the
robes of honour by the court of Delhi. They could only be
complete with the approval of Ahmad Shah Durrani to whom
the Panjab had been virtually ceded by the treaty of March-
April, 1752, and who could, at any tune, rush down upon the
country to claim his right through the arbitration of the sword.
Towards the end of Muharram, the last week of November,
the body of Muin-ul-Mulk was removed to Lahore from its
temporary deposit at Malikpur and was interred in the
mausoleum of Hazarat Ishan near the tomb of Khan Bahadur
Zakariya Khan. After this, the two deputies, Moman Khan
and Bhikari Khan, sent letters with the seals of Muhammad
Amin Khan, the baby-viceroy of the Panjab, to Mullah Aman,
at Qandahar, for the Shah, and deputed Haji Beg as an en¬
voy to Sardar Jahan Khan, then encamped at Hasan Abdal,
also called Panja Sahib, The Shah was pleased to confirm,
on his own behalf, Muhammad Amin Khan in the government
of the Panjab and appointed Mir Moman K!han his deputy. The
farman of His Afghan Majesty, the robe of honour and the
aigrette and a sword, as emblems of investiture, were sent
with Irtiza Khan, Meharban and Ashraf Khan, who arrived
at Lahore about the 9th of Rabi-us-Sani, 1167, February 3,
1754. The farman and the khillat were ‘welcomed with regal
honours and the state band played in rejoicing.’ 4
BHIKARI KHAN IMPRISONED BY MUGHLANI BEGAM
The authority of the Mughal emperor had, in the mean¬
time, been already flouted by the Begam. Equipped with
the appointment order from Intizam-ud-Daulah, the prime
minister at Delhi, Raushan-ud-Daulah Bhikari Khan had
tried to assert himself in the affairs of the state. But he
found his position irksome under the petticoat government
of an immodest flirt, whose fancy and urge it became impos¬
sible for him to satisfy. Disappointed in this, Bhikari Khan
4. Tahr:ui3 Namah, B. 21; Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi, 92b, 112a;
Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, j, 438-39,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
ave up attending the court of the baby-viceroy. He kept
to his own haveli and fortified it for purposes of emergency.
But Mughlani Begarn soon won over the Mughlia captains,
like »Qasim Khan, with titles and increase of salaries. The
tension continued for some days till Mirza Jan of Bhikari’s
party was seduced away by the Begam by conferring upon
him the title of Khan and the faujdari of the parganah of
Eminabad. Mirza Jan immediately brought his erstwhile
patron Bhikari Khan to the presence of the Begam, who threw
him in prison and ordered his residence and property to be
sacked and plundered. This took place between the 6th and 9th
of Rabi-ul-Awwal and was reported to the Emperor at Delhi
in about eight days, 14-17 Rabi-ul-Awwal, January 9-12, 1754. 5
MANNU’S SON ALSO CONFIRMED BY DELHI
Tire timid and ease-loving Wazir-ul-Mumalik Intizam-
ud-Daulah, incapable of taking a bold step, quietly pocketed
the insult thus openly heaped upon the Mughal crown and
his own authority. On the other hand, he found himself help¬
less before his aggressive sister-in-law and abjectly surrend¬
ered his authority in cancelling his previous grant in favour
of Bhikari Khan. “When the Khan-i-Khanan (Intizam-ud-
Daulah) saw that he could not take possession of, and estab¬
lish his control in, Lahore,” says the author of the Tartkh-i-
Ahmad Shahi, “and that the widow and the son of Muin-ul-
Mulk were possessing and holding it, he sent dresses of honour
for the child of Muin-ul-Mulk, Adina Beg Khan and Moman
Khan,” on the 5th of Rabi-us-Sani, January 30, 1754, five
days before the arrival of a similar jarman from Ahmad Shah
Durrani. It is not improbable that he foresaw the difficulty
in maintaining the terms of his first grant in face of Mughlani
Begam’s opposition, sanctioned by the greater and more
powerful authority of the Shah Durrani. He, therefore,
thought it wiser to amend it before it was overridden and
quashed.
5. Tahmas Namah, 21-2; Khazanah-i-Amira; 99, TarikU~i~Ahmad
Shahi, 106a, 110a; Tarikh-i-Ali, 238.
UPHEAVALS IN THE PANJAB
1
^mmUSION AT hAHOM
Thus equipped with the farman of His Afghan Majesty,
and crushing the opposition of Bhikari Khan and Intizam-ud~
Daulah, Mughlani Begam became secure in the government
Of the Pan jab as the regent of her infant son. But she soon
sank into evil life, threw all modesty to the winds and be¬
came notorious for her loose morals, 6 The actual authority
passed into the hands of her eunuchs, who became her chief
confidants and, to all intents and purposes* conducted the
affairs of the state. But the Panjab is not the province which
could be ruled by a profligate woman. Her foolish pranks
and profligacies turned her best supporters and devoted ser¬
vants against her. Qasirn Khan, who had been honoured with,
the title of Khan and the faujdari of Patti in the Majha, or
the central territories, entered into friendly relations with
the Sikhs and, with their help, thought of marching upon
Lahore and then, with added resources and forces, of attack¬
ing the Mughal capital of Delhi and establishing himself
there. 7 For this purpose he distributed among the Sikhs
muskets, bows and arrows, and other material worth several
thousands. But it was all in vain. His soldiers had been
long in arrears of pay. They broke into open revolt and
handed him over to the Begam, who threw him in prison.
Khwaja Mirza Khan had begun his preparations for the oc¬
cupation of Lahore as soon as he had established himself in
the faujdari of Eminabad. He was only waiting for a chance,
which came to him in December, 1754. Adina Beg Khan of
Doaba Bist Jullundur was another aspirant to the govern¬
ment of the Panjab. Then there were the Sikhs. After the
death of Mir Muin-ul-Mulk, they had had some breathing¬
time and begun returning to their villages, from which they
had been driven and kept out, off and on, during the last
four decades. They had tasted of independence under Banda
6. It is not necessary to go into the details of Mughlani Begam's
clandestine love affairs. The pages of the Tahmas Namah are replete
with pointed references to her notorious connections with a number of
people. The inquisitive reader may also refer to the Khazanah-i -
Amira, 98-9; Ghulam All’s Shah Alam Namah, 26; Haqiqat-i-Bina -o~
Aruj-i-Firqa-i-Sikhan, 31; Tazkirah-i-lmad-uUMulk , 120.
7. Tahmas Ntnnah , B, 22-3.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
gh in 1710-1715, and were daily singing, at the end of
their congregational prayers, of the coming day when “the
Khalsa shall reign and no refractory shall prosper.”
In this disturbed state of affairs, Mughlani Began* had
ruled for about seven months, when towards the end of May,
1754, a disastrous calamity in the death of her son, Muham¬
mad Amin Khan, befell her. 8 With the loss of her son' were
gone even the last traces of caution and shame and she was
hopelessly lost in the pursuit of her pleasures. Although
Mir Moman Khan had officially succeeded Muhammad Amin
Khan to the government of the Panjab and had received in
September, 1754, from Emperor Alamgir II the title of
Moman-ud-Daula and the robe of honour, 9 he was only a
figure-head. The Begam was the real ruler, who held the
power in her own hands and wielded it with the help of her
unworthy eunuchs like Mian Khush Faham, Mian Arjmand
and Mian Muhabbat, who never agreed and always quarrelled
among themselves, causing delay and confusion in the affairs
of the government. It was about the month of December,
1754, that Mughlani Begam’s illicit connections with Bakhshi
Ghazi Beg Khan became so notorious that it was an open
scandal on the lips of all and sundry. Bhikari Khan was then
a prisoner in Lahore. He learnt from Khwaja Muhammad
Saeed Khan that ‘a fissure had appeared in the family honour
of the late Nawab’ and appealed to him to write immediately
to Khwaja Mirza Jan at Eminabad to hasten to Lahore and
put an end to that disgraceful state of affairs.
8. Tahmas Namah, B. 23. According to the Delhi Chronicle, the
news of Muhammad Amin Khan’s death was reported to the Mughal
emperor at Delhi on June 2. Allowing the usual number of days for
the news to travel from Lahore to Delhi, it must have taken place
about the 25th of May.
9. The Delhi Chronicle places the date as either the 16th or the
23rd of September, when ‘a six-piece khillat, a jewelled sarpech, a
jewelled jigha, standard and kettle-drums, a horse and an elephant,
with the title of Moman-ud-Daulah’ were given to him. A second
khillat of five pieces was given on October 25. Emperor Alamgir H
was placed on the throne of Delhi on June 2, 1754, by Imad-ul-Mulk
Shahab-ud-Din Ghazi-ud-Din, who had himself replaced Intizam-ud-
Daulah in the office of the wuzir on the 1st June, 1754,
5-1
UPHEAVALS IN THE PANJAB
22^ In a few days Khwaja Mirza Jan arrived at Lahore and
assumed its government without any serious opposition.
Bhikari Khan and Qasim Khan were set at liberty and the
Begam was kept in confinement. But Mughlani Begam was
not the woman to surrender her authority so easily. She
wrote secret letters to Imad-ul-Mulk Ghazi-ud-Din, the new
prime minister at Delhi, and to Ahmad Shah Durrani at
Qandahar. At the same time, she deputed her maternal
uncle, Khwaja Ubedullah Khan, the younger brother of Khan
Bahadur Nawab Zakariya Khan, to the Durrani to secure
his help in her reinstatement. The Khwaja agreed to under¬
take this long journey in the hope that he might secure for
himself the governorship of the province. 10
MULLAH AMAN KHAN AT LAHORE
The Shah was sympathetically disposed towards the
Begam in her afflictions and ordered Sardar Jahan Khan's
brother, Mullah Aman Khan, popularly called Mullah Man,
to proceed immediately to Lahore at the head of ten thousand
horse and foot drawn from Kabul and Peshawar, with a
sprinkling of the Durranis and Qizzilbashes, to re-establish
the government of Mughlani Begam and to arrest and des¬
patch Mirza Jan to his presence, alive or dead.
Mullah Aman Khan accompanied Khwaja Ubedullah
Khan and arrived in the neighbourhood of Lahore in eleven
days. Mirza Jan was stricken with terror on receiving this
intelligence. Trembling with fear and ignoring the advice of
Bhikari Khan, he sent, in conformity with the suggestion of
some of the Mughals, a messenger to Khwaja Ubedullah,
saying, “I am a servant and attendant of the late Muin-ul-
Mulk. I have so far protected the city of Lahore from the
rebels. Now that you have arrived, the country belongs to
you. I shall remain as one of your servants. If you grant
me my life and faithfully adhere to this promise, I shall come
to your presence.” This offer was a god-send to the Khwaja
and he was pleased to make the promise. He could not, how¬
ever, fulfil it. The two had an interview, at the end of which
Ubedullah told Mirza Jan that, as Mullah Aman was then
10. Zahmas Namah, B. 25-7; Tazkirah-i-lmad-ul-Mulk, 122.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
less Mirza went to see the Mullah, who at once made a pri¬
soner of him. Mullah Aman then entered the city and sub¬
jected it to an indiscriminate plunder, which was continued
practically for about two months. Mughlani Begam was in¬
stalled as the subcdar, with Khwaja Ubedullah Khan as her
deputy, and Bhikari Khan was handed over to her. The
revengeful Begam threw Bhikari Khan again in prison and,
there, had him tortured and shoe-beaten to death, saying,
“The blood of the two (Muin-ul-Mulk and Muhammad Amin
Khan) is on you. This is your punishment for it.” This
happened about April, 1755. 11
KHWAJA UBEDULLAH KHAN
Mullah Aman Khan returned to his country, carrying
with hi™, as desired by the Shah, Khwaja Mirza Jan and seven
other refractory Mughal Sardars as prisoners. But all this
could not bring peace to the Panjab. There, then, began a
tug of war between the deputy and the subedar —the uncle
and the niece. The Begam, not unoften, negatived the autho¬
rity of Ubedullah Khan in his official work and reduced him
to a nonentity, Ubedullah, on the other hand, tried to assert
his position. He could not, evidently, be a submissive tool
in her hands. He collected (fifteen to twenty thousand troops
and prepared for a struggle with the Begam who, on her
own part, was not unprepared for it and seduced many of
her uncle’s soldiers. The crisis came in July, 1755. But the
eunuchs and their servants, who commanded the Begain’s
contingents, were worsted in the very first encounter. Be¬
fore the conflict could assume any serious proportions, peace
was concluded between them through the mediation of Mar
Moman and Hadi Khan, the Afghan envoy at Lahore. Khwaja
Ubedullah Khan was allowed to continue in the government,
11. Tahmas Namah , B 27; Tazkirah-i-Imad, 125; Tarikh-i-Ali 240;
Khushwaqt Rai, Tarikh-i-Sikhan 72-3; Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, 896.
UPHEAVALS IN THE PANJAB
ie Begam was deprived of her position
the house of her mother. 12
Khwaja Ubedullah Khan now became the undisputed
master of Lahore. But he proved to be a tyrant. In his un¬
limited greed for money, he plundered his own subjects and
the citizens of Lahore under many pretences. His rule, how¬
ever, lasted for not more than a few months, and he was re¬
placed by Sayyad Jamil-ud-Din, a nominee of Wazir Ghazi-
ud-Din.
MUGHLANI BEGAM CALLS IN HELP FROM DELHI
The Begam had been in correspondence with Ghazi-ud-
Din since her deposition by Mirza Jan. But, evidently, as she
had not been able to fulfil her late husband’s promise with
regard to the marriage of her daughter, Umda Begam, with
him, Ghazi-ud-Din had withheld from her the help of his
government. Her difficulty in this matter, on the other hand,
was that the hand of Umda Begam had also been promised
by her father in Mareh-April, 1752, to Prince Taimur, son of
Ahmad Shah Durrani. As she was then beseeching the Shah’s
help against Mirza Jan and was, later on, maintained in power
by his support, she could ill afford to displease him. But
the position had then changed. Ubedullah Khan had been
appointed deputy governor of Lahore by the Shah himself
and was being kept in power, against her will, by the Durrani
Resident, Hadi Khan. She could, therefore, look for help
only to the court of Delhi and readily agreed to give Umda
Begam in marriage to the wazir. Ghazi-ud-Din also was then
free from political engagements at the capital and could turn
his attention to the Panjab, which he coveted most. On the
12th of Rabi-us-Sani, 1169 A.H., January 15, 1756 A.D., Ghazi-
ud-Din left Delhi for Ambala, and, passing through that town,
arrived in the neighbourhood of Sirhind on the 7th of Feb¬
ruary. At this stage, Adina Beg Khan of Doaba Bist Jullun-
12. Tahmas Namah, B. 27-8; Khazanah-i-Amira ; 99; Siyar-ul-
Mutakherin, 896. According to Mittar Sen’s Daur Namah, Ghazi-ud-
Din desired the Begam to go to Delhi for the marriage, while the
Begam insisted on Ghazi-ud-Din’s coming to Lahore for the purpose,
p. 34.
G. 19
mist#,.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
_ wrote to him not to advance beyond Sirhind but only
detail under a eunuch a small party of two or three thousand,
•which he would himself strengthen with a force of ten thou¬
sand men under Sadiq Beg Khan. He also assured him that
he would help him capture Lahore by a stratagem. Ghazi-
ud-Din availed himself of the services of Hakeem Ibaduliah
Khan Attar, 13 who successfully pleaded the cause of Adina
Beg and said: “The moment you cross the river, the Began!
will fly away to Qandahar, carrying away all her treasure,
and, with promises of wealth, persuade Ahmad Shah Abdali
and bring him this side.” Ghazi-ud-Din accepted the pro¬
posal and left the expedition of Lahore in the hands of Adina
Beg Khan. With Sadiq Beg Khan and the eunuch Nasim
Khan, Adina Beg hurriedly reached Lahore and accomplished
the object in view without firing a shot. The force trium¬
phantly marched through the city and paid their respects to
the Begam. Then they called on Khwaja Ubedullah Khan,
who honoured them with khillats, presents etc., according to
their positions. Fearful in his heart, however, of treachery
on the part of Adina Beg Khan, who might later on take him
a prisoner, the Khwaja left the city at night and fled away
to the safer hills of Jammu. The Begam, once again, in Feb¬
ruary, 1756, became the ruler of the Panjab, with Sadiq Beg
Khan as her deputy, though for not more than a month.
THE BEGAM AND HER DAUGHTER CARRIED TO DELHI
According to the Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, Umda Begam,
the daughter of Mughlani Begam and the fiancee of the wazir,
was then already staying with Adina Beg Khan at Jalalabad,
having been sent there by her mother with the idea of keeping
her at a safe distance from the disturbed atmosphere of Lahore.
The Begam then hurriedly completed her preparations for
Umda’s dowry and sent her to the to azir’s camp at Sirhind,
where she arrived on the 4th of March, 1756. 14
13. This name is also mentioned as Hakeem Abdullah Khan.
14 Tahmas Namdh, 30-1; Tazkimh-i-lmad-ul-Mulk, 112-16;
Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 66, 69; Delhi Chronicle, respective entries;
Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, 897-8; Haqiqat-i-Bina-o-Arnj-i-Firqa-i-Sikhan,
31. According to the Khazanah-i-Amira, the cause of Ubedullah Khan’s
flight from Lahore was the lack of troops and money, p. 99.
UPHEAVALS IN THE PANJAB
Ghazi-ud-Din soon learnt all about Mughlani Begam’s
private life. She was his maternal aunt and was to become
his mother-in-law. It was disgraceful, he felt, to allow her
to continue to reside in Lahore with unbridled liberty of
action. Her immediate removal from there was considered
imperative. He, therefore, detailed Sayyad Jamil-tid-Din
Khan, Nisar Muhammad Khan Sher~i-Jang } Hakeem Ibadul-
lah Khan and Khwaja Saadat-yar Khan to Adina Beg Khan
desiring him to despatch the Begam also to his camp. Adina
Beg Khan readily agreed to the proposal. Sayyad Jamil-ud-
Din Khan and Nisar Muhammad Khan reached Lahore by a
hurried march and flung a surprise upon her. Mounted on
an elephant, she was carried to the wazir’s camp near Mach-
hiwara, where she arrived on the 28th of March, 1756. Mir
Moman Khan was again appointed the subedar of the province.
But, as usual, he only remained a figure-head, and the real
power rested in the hands of his energetic deputy, Sayyad
Jamil-ud-Din, the favourite of Wazir Ghazi-ud-Din. It was,
at this stage, suggested by Rajah Nagar Mail that Lahore
might be occupied, and the active co-operation of the various
chiefs and rajahs be secured on the Mughal side to eliminate
the fear of a Durrani invasion. This did not, however, ap¬
peal to the wazir who, before his departure for the capital,
bestowed the Panjab upon Adina Beg Khan for an annual
tribute of thirty lakhs of rupees. With the Begam in his camp,
the wazir left for Delhi early in May, 1756, arriving there on
the 21st of Shawwal, 1169 A.H., July 19, 1756. 15
15. Tahmas Namati, B. 33-35; Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 09b-70a,
75a; Tazkirah-i-Imad, 116-8, 126; Delhi Chronicle, respective dates;
Khazanah-i-Amira , 52; Ma’asir-ul-Umra, ii. 852; Gulistan-i-Rahmat,
103; Tarikh-i-Muzaffari , 52; Kalyan Singh, Khulasa+tu-Tawarikh, 04.
mi$r/? y
' 60l/»
Chapter XIII
THE FOURTH INVASION OF INDIA
THE PAN JAB AND DELHI AFFAIRS
U BE DULL AH AND BEGAM APPEALED TO THE SHAH
Khwaja Ubedullah Khan, as we know, had fled to the
hills of Jammu on the arrival of Adina Beg Khan’s forces
at Lahore in February, 1756. There was no possibility of his
returning to Lahore under the changed circumstances, except
with the help of the Durrani arms. He, therefore, hastened
to Qandahar to appraise Ahmad Shah Durrani of the poli¬
tical upheavals in the Panjab; how his authority had been
flouted by Wazir Ghazi-ud-Din. and how Umda Begam, the
daughter of Muin-ul-Mulk, promised to his son, had been
carried away to Delhi. 1 At the same time petitions were
received from Mughlani Begam, appealing for help against
the high-handedness of the wazir. She also wrote a heart¬
rending letter to Sardar Jahan Khan, and appealed to his
sense of honour, saying, “It .is a matter for pity and wonder
that while a Rustam and an Asfand Yar of the day like you
is alive, I should be subjected to such a tyranny and abject
disgrace. May I hope that, with all the affectionate regard
that you have for me, you will not, for long, tolerate the dis¬
graceful helplessness under which I am suffering, and will
do your utmost to effect my release and punish the evil-
minded miscreants.” 2
1. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sant, 79b-80a; Tazkirah-i-Jmad, 113-14.
2. Tazkirah-i-lmad, 114-18; Haqiqat-i-Bina-o-Aruj-i-Sikhan, 27;
Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah, 248; Tahrnas Namah, B. 35, 62a. According
to Ali-ud-Din, the Begam is said to have written to the Shah as fol¬
lows: ''To my knowledge, karors of rupees in cash and kind lie buried
in the haveli of my late father-in-law in Delhi and all the joints of
the ceilings are full of gold and silver. Ghazi-ud-Din, Emperor Alam-
gir H, and the ministers are all disunited. If Your Majesty were to
come down to the Panjab and India at this time, the empire of India,
with its wealth of karors, will fall into your possession without any
opposition/ p. 248.
misTfy
)*} THE FOURTH INVASION OF INDIA
W/ y
X&SANGE OF ENVOYS
4ii.
From liis camp in the neighbourhood of Sirhind, Ghazi-
ud-Din had also sent an envoy, Elich Khan, on a friendly
mission to the Shah, but Jahan Khan had detained him at
Kabul, waiting for the royal pleasure. The Shah, in the
meantime, arrived at Ghazni and summoned the Mughal
envoy to his presence. He granted audience to Elich Khan,
received the letters of Alamgir II and his wazir and dismissed
him after a few formal enquiries. It was here that he
received the woeful petitions of Mughlani Begam, which
added fuel to the fire of the Shah's fury already set ablaze
by Khwaja Ubedullah Khan's representations. Elich Khan,
who stayed in the camp for about two months, had not been
allowed to depart as yet. The Shah called him to his presence
and said, “The wazir had sent you on a friendly mission and
to renew the treaty to that effect! Now that he has violated
the old treaty, the truth is on our side." He was then given
a khillat and permitted to return to Delhi. At the same time
the Shah detailed Qalandar Khan to proceed to the Mughal
court with Elich Khan. The two envoys arrived at Delhi
towards the end of October, 1756. 3
Qalandar Khan was lodged in the royal Shalamar garden,
and Amanullah Khan and Baqi Beg Khan Balakhi were ap¬
pointed his hosts. He had his first interview with the Wazir
on the 29th of October, 1756, and was received by Emperor
Alamgir II on the 6th of Safar, 1170, A.H., October 31. On
the 9th of Safar, Qalandar Khan presented seven horses to
the Emperor and four to Ghazi-ud-Din. He was again
received on the 29th of Safar, November 23, and was given
his conge on the 16th of Rabi-ul-Awwal, December 9, with¬
out any satisfactory reply. 4
3. Tazkirah-i-lmad, 154-5, 166; Delhi Chronicle.
4, Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sam , 80a-81b, 84a; Tazkirah-l-Imad, 156-7.
The latter places the first meeting of Qalandar Khan with Alamgir and
Ghazi-ud-Din on the 27th of Muharram, 1170 A.H., October 22, 1756,
and says that on the following day, October 23, Qalandar Khan handed
the Shah’s letter to other Indian nobles such as Najib-ud-Daulah.
p. 156-7*
<SL
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
'JANGBAZ KHAN DESPATCHED TO LAHORE
Moved by the supplications and touching appeals of
Khwaja Ubedullah. Khan and Mughlani Begam, the Shah on
his arrival at Kabul had, in the meantime, detailed an
army for Lahore under Jangbaz Khan, Khwaja Mirza Jan,
who had been carried away as a prisoner to Qandahar by
Mullah Amanullah Khan and had since become a favourite
of the Shah, was also allowed to accompany the expedi¬
tionary force. Reinforced by Abdus Samad Khan Muham-
madzei of Hashtnagar, the Durrani army of Jangbaz Khan
crossed the Indus and entered the Panjab, No opposition was
offered to them and they arrived in the neighbourhood of
Lahore without firing a shot. Sayyad Jamil-ud-Din had ap¬
plied to Adina Beg Khan for reinforcement, but the latter
dared not risk a battle with the Durranis. On the other
hand, he advised the Sayyad to leave Lahore and retire to
the Doaba of Bist Jullundur. This done, Jangbaz Khan occu¬
pied the city of Lahore on the 25th of November, 1756. Khwaja
Ubedullah Khan was then reinstated as the governor of
Lahore and Mirza Jan Khan was appointed his deputy.
There was then a great panic in the city and the well-to-
do residents fled to places of safety in the hills. Adina Beg
himself despatched all his treasure and valuables to the
inaccessible Lakhi Jungle and was ready to fly away at a
moment’s notice. The Hill Rajas were dejected at the
timidity of Adina Beg Khan and quietly made for their
mountainous territories. 5
SHAH LEFT FOR INDIA
Soon after Jangbaz Khan’s departure from Kabul, the
Shah had also left for India. In addition to the petitions
of Mughlani Begam, he had received an invitation from
Najib Khan (Najib-ud-Daulah), and even from Emperor
Alamgir II himself. Malika Zamani and other ladies of the
Royal Mughal haram had been reduced to extremities, and
not unoften to actual starvation at the hands of Wazir
5. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Scini, 80a; Tazkirah-i~Imad, 171. Cf. Sarkar,
Fall of the Mughal Empire, ii. 62, 82. According to Sarkar, Lahore was
occupied on the 4th of October, 1756.
THE FOURTH INVASION OF INDIA
Ghazi-ud-Din. And, as their entreaties failed to move him,
they sought the help of Najib-ud-Daulah. After mutual
consultations it was decided to appeal to His Afghan Majesty.
Najib-ud-Daulah sent his own brother Sultan Khan to invite
the Shah to come to India immediately with a large force. 6
“In this country,” wrote Najib-ud-Daulah, “I have gathered
round myself twenty-five thousand Afghans. I have also
persuaded forty thousand of the Afghans from the other side
of the river Ganges for your service. You may come with¬
out any hesitation or fear. Imad-ul-Mulk (Ghazi-ud-Din)
is not strong enough to oppose you. I am his chief supporter.
Now that I have become obedient to you, there is no one
left there (to help him) .” 7
From Peshawar the Shah despatched an advance army
under Jahan Khan, with prince Taimur as the Commander-
in-Chief, to drive away Adina Beg Khan and clear the country
of his supporters. Crossing the Indus, Taimur fixed his camp
at Hasan Abdal (Panja Sahib) and sent forward his men
to Gujrat to collect food and fodder for the advancing armies.
From Hasan Abdal, Jahan Khan marched against the rich
town of Eminabad, drove away its faujdcir and subjected it
to plunder. He then made for Batala and occupied it, while
another detachment of his reduced Adina Nagar to
subjection. 8
NO OPPOSITION OFFERED—THE SHAH AT LAHORE
After a few days’ halt at Peshawar, the Shah resumed
his march on the 15th of November. On his arrival at the
6. Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, ii. 387.
7. Nur-ud-Din, Ahwal-i-Najib-vA-Daulah, 14b; Francklin, Shah-
Atdum, 5; Tazkirah-i-Imad, 166-68; Tarikh-i-Ali, 255-56. ‘The King,
who was raised to the throne only as an instrument of Gazooddeen
Cawn’s ambition, was kept by him in a state of most slavish depend¬
ence, being surrounded by the vizir’s creatures, and not allowed to stir
but without his leave. In order to extricate himself from such a con¬
finement, he privately wrote to Abdalee, desiring him to come to his
assistance. Invitations were sent him at the same time by Mansur
Allee Cawn, the Jauts, and the Rohillas.’—Francklin, Shah-Aulum, 4-5.
8. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sam, 84b, 85a; Tazkirah-i-hnad, 172; Sar-
kar, ii. 63.
MIN l$Tq y
o
g
AHMAD SHAH DURttAMl
Indus, he received further petitions from Khan-i~Khanan
Intizam-ud-Daulah, Mughlani Begam, Abdul Ahad Khan,
and from Shah Fana faqir, who acted as the Shah’s spy at
Delhi. Crossing the river at Attock, the Shah moved to
Lahore on the 27th of Rabi-ul-Awwal, 1170 A.H., December
20, 1756. Adina Beg Khan then had his headquarters at
Jalalabad on the bank of the river Beas, about 22 miles to the
south-east of Amritsar, and about three miles to the north¬
east of the ferry of Vairowal. Having cleared Batala and
Adina ISiagar (December 13) of Adina Beg and Jamil-ud-
Din’s men, Jahan Khan pushed southwards to Jalalabad.
Acuna durst not give him battle. He quietly crossed the Beas
before Jahan Khan could establish his contact with him and
went to JMur Mahal. As this place was on Jahan Khan’s way
to Sirhind and he was pushing on towards it, Adina Beg
took to south-westerly direction, crossed the Sutlej near
Tihara (four miles to the west of Sidhwan) and slipped into
the waterless desert of Hansi and Hissar. a It was reported to
the Shall at Lahore that Raja Kanjit Dev of Jammu had pre¬
pared himself for war against the Afghans and had retired
from Lahore only when Sayyad Jamil-ud-Din had found
himself incapable of resisting them. He, therefore, ordered
an army of ten thousand to proceed against him. Ranjit Dev,
however, offered no serious resistance. Jahan Khan had,
in the meantime, occupied the Jullundur Doab, plundered
the town of Nur Mahal and slaughtered its inhabitants. The
Shah granted the government of Lahore to Khwaja Mirza
Jan and that of the Jullundur Doab to Khwaja Ubedullah,
while the hill country between the Sutlej and the Ravi, was
given to Raja Ghumand Chand of Kangra. 9 10
9. Rajwade, Marathianchiya Jtihasachin Sadhanen, Vol. VI, letter
No. 365; Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 85b; Khazanah-i-Amira, 52, 99; Ma’asir-
ul-Umra, 852; Delhi Chronicle; Tarikh-i-Muzafiari, 541.
10. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 88b; Rajwade, vi. 356; Purser, Jullun¬
dur Settlement Report, 29; Tazkirah-i-lmad, 366; Kangra. District
Gazetteer (1883-4), 38; Pohlo Ram’s Translation of Mr. Barnes’ Report,
para 53.
MINIS
THE FOURTH INVASION Of INDIA
THEJIHAH MARCHED TOWARDS DELHI
Towards the end of December, 1756, one Sardar Hasan
Khan was detailed by the Shah to march upon Sirhind, with
orders for Jahan Khan to cover his rear and to reinforce
him in time of need. Crossing the Sutlej, Hasan Khan made
straight for Sirhind, which had been vacated by its
inhabitants, and occupied it. Jahan Khan arrived near that
city about the 5th of January, 1757, and then pushed forward
towards Delhi, through Karnal and Panipat. The Shah him¬
self left Lahore early in January, crossed the Sutlej about
the 10th and marched towards Delhi. 11
THE STATE OF AFFAIRS AT DELHI
There had been a great consternation in the capital of
the Mughal empire ever since the news of the march of
Ahmad Shah Durrani to India reached there in October,
1756, followed by the visit of his envoy, Qalandar Khan. The
Wazir, Ghazi-ud-Din Imad-ul-Mulk, was trembling with fear
and did not know what to do. ‘The disbandment of the Sin-
dagh risala had left him utterly without troops, except for a
few hundred men under Bahadur Khan Baluch.’ He could
not look for help to Intizam-ud-Daulah, whom he had him¬
self displaced. Shujah-ud-Daulah, son of Safdar Jang, was
also not favourably inclined towards the Wazir. Najib-ud-
Daulah Ruhila had secretly allied himself with the Shah and
worried the Wazir for the payment of three months’ wages
of his troops due to them. This resulted in the exchange of
hot words between the two on the 3rd of November, 1756
(Safar 9, 1170 A.H.). On the 14th of Safar, November 8,
Najib-ud-Daulah went to the Wazir with a large force and,
on return, plundered five or six shops attached to the Wazir’s
camp, and no one opposed fiim.
11. Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire , ii. 64, 82-3; Rajwade, vi,
365; Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 86b. According to the Shah Namah-i-
Ahmadiya, 184-88, Ahmad Shah himself went to Jammu and marched
to Ambala via Hoshiarpur, massacring the Sikhs wherever he found
them on his way. 'The land was cleared of them [Sikhs] in such a
way that even their bones were reduced to dust. Not one man of the
Nanak - worshippers was left alive. All men were killed. Only women
remained.’
G. 20
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
. H I,
The Wazir next turned to Suraj Mall Jat of Bharatpur
but he could not agree to the Jat’s proposal to first lead an
expedition against the Marathas, to confine them to the south
of the Narbada, and then, with the combined forces of the
Jats, Rajputs, Ruhilas and others, to march into the Panjab
to expel the Afghans. The Marathas were his friends and
he could not afford to alienate them at a time when the
Durrani was knocking at his door. But he could not at the
same time enlist their active co-operation against the invader
for want of courage to spend money for the troops. 12
DIPLOMATIC NEGOTIATIONS OF GHAZI-UD-DIN
Unable to organize any defence and finding himself help¬
less against the Shah, Ghazi~ud-Din found refuge in diplo¬
matic negotiations with him. On the 27th of Rabi-ul-Awwal,
1170 A.H., December 20, 1756, he sent off Agha Raza Khan
with presents worth two lakhs of rupees to the Shah to
persuade him to give up his intention of marching upon
Delhi. At that time arrived the news that the Afghans had
already taken possession of the Panjab, that Adina Beg Khan
and his supporters and allies had been driven off and that
Jahan Khan was marching towards Delhi. The people of
the capital became panicky and began to fly away to places
of safety. Mathura, in the territory of Suraj Mall Jat, be¬
came the favourite resort of the Hindus. 13
On the 2nd of Rabi-us-Sani, December 25, the Wazir
called Khan-i-Khanan Intizam-ud-Daulah, Zia-ud~Daulah
Khan-i-Saman, Jalal-ud-Daulah, Babu Pandit Maratha and
some other amirs to his house for a conference. They were
all of the opinion that they should march out, with the
Emperor at their head, to oppose the Durranis, and Jalal-ud-
Daulah was sent to the Emperor to arrange for the despatch
of his pesh-khaima, or camp-equipage. On the midnight of
Sunday, the 26th of December, eleven elephants and eleven
camels loaded with the equipage were sent out to Katra
Mahaldar Khan, about three kos from the city. ; On /the
Evening of the meeting, Saturday, the 25th of December,
12. Tarikh-i-*Aliimgir Sani, 8lb, 83b, 84a; Sarkar, ii. 84-85,
13. Tarikh-i~Alamgir Sani, 85a-b.
NllNISr^
THE FOURTH INVASION OF INDIA
2i-ud-Din himself went to the camp of Najib-ud-Daulah,
appealed to him for help and dissuaded him from marching
away to Saharanpur as he had planned to do. But nothing
had been done to collect troops and artillery. Effective
opposition to the Shah, therefore, was out of the question.
Ghazi-ud-Din then, on the 6th of Rabi-us-Sani, December 29,
presented to Emperor Alamgir, Yaqub All Khan, a cousin of
the Durrani Minister Shah Wali Khan, then residing in India,
to be honoured as a 6 -hazari and sent him to Ahmad Shah
in company with Shah Fana, a faqir, to induce him not to
invade the Mughal capital and to return to his country taking
some money for his expenses. “Should he not return, the
daughter of Emperor Muhammad Shah should be offered to
his son.” 14
But the news, received the same day, that the Afghan
sardar, Hasan Khan, had taken possession of Sirhind,
worsened the situation in Delhi, and even high officials like
Zia-ud-Daulah attempted to send away their families. The
Wazir ordered a Maratha officer, Antaji Manakeshwar, to
stop the flight of the panic-stricken people and to bar their
path south of Delhi. This further added to the miseries of
the unfortunate fugitives, who were, in most cases, relieved
of their money and belongings by the Maratha soldiers. Not
only this. The Jats had a number of octroi posts from Badar-
pur to Mathura. At all of them heavy toll was levied on the
poor immigrants. In spite of it, Mathura was so crowded
that it was extremely difficult to find any accommodation.
And thefts became very common. 1 ®
MUGHLAN1 BEGAM AS ENVOY
Ghazi-ud-Din seems to have been hopeful up to the 9th
of January, 1757 (Rabi—us-Sani . 17), that his envoys, parti¬
cularly STaqub Ali Khan and Shah Fana, would succeed in
dissuading Ahmad Shah from coming to Delhi. But when
he heard on that day that the Shah had already left Lahore
for Delhi, crossed the river Beas and arrived near the Sutlej,
while his vanguard under Sardar Jahan Khan had come as
14. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 86a-b; Raj wade, vi. 365.
15. Tarikh"i-Alamgir Sani, 87a~88a; Delhi Chronicle,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
i§L
as Sirhind, he was greatly alarmed and became!
prehensive for his future. It was suggested to him that
as all that was mostly due to the removal of Mughlani Begem
from Lahore, whom the Shah had called his own daughter,
the danger of his invasion could be averted if she could be
appeased by solemn promises and sent to him as an envoy.
Ghazi-ud~Din had no other alternative. So far he had treated
her with contempt, neglected her daughter and kept her
under strict surveillance. Reduced to helplessness, however,
he abjectly entreated and induced her to proceed to the
camp of the invader and to persuade him by all possible
methods to desist from the threatening invasion. It was re¬
ported on the morning of the 19th of Rabi-us-Sani, January 11,
that she had set out towards the Panjab in the afternoon of
the 10th of January for discussing the terms of peace. 16
She arrived at Sonepat on the s\ <ne date at about 10 p.m,
and despatched, early in the following morning at about
4 a.xn., two of her messengers, Tahmas Khan (the author of
the Tahmas Namah) and Ghulam Shah, in advance, with
letters for the Shah, his minister Shah Wali Khan and Sardar
Jahan Khan. The Begam overtook the messengers at Panipat,
where she received letters from Jahan Khan to say that he
had arrived at Karnal She then directed her messengers to
accompany Jahan Khan’s harkarah and they arrived at
Karnal before sunset. Jahan Khan immediately detailed four
of his Sardars with one hundred sawars to go in advance to
receive the Begam, who arrived in the camp at about
10 o’clock the following morning (January 12, 1757 A.D.).
Mughlani Begam had a short interview with. Jahan Khan,
who moved forward towards Panipat and left a few men at
Karnal to look to the arrangements of the Shah’s encamp¬
ment. The Shah arrived there in the afternoon. The Begam
fixed her dera near that of Shah Wali Khan and explained' 1
to him the object of her mission. She was received by Ahmad
Shall on the following day at Panipat. After some talk the
Shah said, “You should have come to Lahore and told me all
16. Tahmas Namah, 62a-63a; Tarikh-i-Ala7ngir Sani, 89a; Delhi
Chronicle. According to the Delhi Chronicle , she left Delhi at mid¬
night of the 10th of January. I have followed the Tahmas .Namah,
THE FOURTH INVASION OF INDIA k
and I could have gone back from there. Now that I
have come within forty kos of Shahjahanabad (Delhi), it is
not wise for me to go back without seeing the city of Delhi
and the Badshah of India.” He then wrote down a few
soothing letters, including one calling upon the Wazir to come
to his presence, and handed them over to the Begam for
despatch to Delhi. She made them over to Tahmas Khan,
with a separate confidential note for the Wazir (sewn up in
the cap of the messenger and explained to him personally)
that if he had not the strength to fight, he should remove
himself from Delhi to some place of safety or he would land
himself in trouble. 17
SHAH’S TERMS
Ihe Shah had at Sirhind dismissed the Delhi envoy, Agha
Raza Khan, with the following terms on which peace could
be concluded:
i. a sum of two Icaror rupees be paid in cash to the
Shah;
ii. the hand of the Emperor’s daughter be given in
marriage; and
iii. all the territories from Sirhind north west-wards
(including the Panjab, Kashmir and Multan) be
ceded to him.
Agha Raza arrived at Delhi with these terms on the
22nd of Rabi-us-Sani, January 14. The Emperor, Alamgir II,
and his Wazir, Ghazi-ud-Din, were then in a helpless state.
They could neither fight nor accept these terms. The ransom
was too heavy for them to raise. The envoy was, therefore,
sent back again to the Shah to entreat him to give up his
intention of marching upon Delhi. 18
JAHAN KHAN MARCHED UPON DELHI
But it was then too late. Jahan Khan, as we know, had
left for Panipat on the 12th of January. While a detachment
hact pushed on towards Delhi, supported in the rear by
Shah Wali Khan, Jahan Khan himself crossed the Jamuna
17. Tahmas Namah, 62a-64b.
18. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sant, 90b,
WWSTTfrj,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
ear Panipat and entered the Doab. He had, evidently,
been informed of the presence of a Maratha force in that
territory. It was, therefore, necessary for him to secure the
eastern bank of the river to guard against the Marathas
disturbing and harassing the Shah’s rear. He had by the
15th of January, when Agha Raza Khan was sent to the
Shah a second time, established his outposts at Kairana,
Jhanjhana, Shamli and Kandhla, driving out the Maratha
collectors from these places and slaying the governor of
Shamli, who had offered resistance. While Jahan Khan ar¬
rived at Luni on the eastern bank of the Jamuna on the 15th
of January, Shah Wali Khan arrived near Sarai Mihr-Parwar.
SKIRMISH WITH THE MARATHAS
On the morning of the 24th of Rabi-us-Sani, January 16,
the army of Jahan Khan marched from Luni and in the
afternoon appeared opposite the capital on the other side of
the river and were seen by the Emperor from his palace,
and by other people from the Diwan-i-Khas in the fort. The
main army under the Shah and Shah Wali Khan came to
Narela and fixed their camp there. It was somewhere near
Narela that Antaji Manakeshwar, a Maratha officer, came to
grips with the skirmishers of Shah Wali Khan, but was easily
pushed back with a loss of about one hundred men and
horses. 10
NAJ1B-UD-DAULAH JOINS THE AFGHANS
Ghazi-ud-Din on the 15th of January had, for the first
time, urged the raising of a rampart round the city. He also
appealed to Najib-ud-Daulah on the following day to oppose
the advance of Ahmad Shah towards Delhi and to give him
at least one battle. Najib, in reply demanded two karors of
rupees, and, at the same time, entered into secret negotiations
with Jahan Khan. On the 17th, the Wazir planted a few
guns ( rahkalas ) on the bank of Rajghat, apparently, to op¬
pose the passage of Jahan Khan. But there was no canno-
nien At the same place Babu Ram Khatri, a nephew of
Diwan Lakhpat Rai of Lahore, met the Wazir and conveyed
19. Tarikh-i-AlcLmgir Sani, 91a-92a; Tahmqs Namah, 65a.
THE FOURTH INVASION OF INDIA
the same message of the Shah, as previously delivered
by Agha Eaza. All his friends and advisers, with the excep¬
tion of Ibadullah Khan Kashmiri, counselled him to take
courage and to fight, at least at one point to remove front
their foreheads the blot of disgraceful cowardice. But noth¬
ing would appeal to that shameless embodiment of timidity.
He quietly retired to Bagh-i-Si-Hazari and sat brooding over
the treachery of Najib-ud-Daulah, who openly went over the
same evening to Jahan Khan for mutual consultation and
returned to execute his unpatriotic designs. 20
SURRENDER OF GHAZI-UD-DIN
The force under Shah Wali Khan, as we know, had ar¬
rived near Sarai Mihr-Parwar, near Badli, on the 15th of
January, while Ahmad Shah had fixed his camp a few miles
behind him. On the morning of the 26th of Rabi-us-Sani,
January 18, the Shah dismissed the Delhi envoys, Agha Raza
Khan and Yaqub Khan, with the message desiring the Mughal
Emperor Alamgir II and his Wazir, Ghazi-ud-Din, to visit
him personally so that the terms of peace might be discussed. 21
Early in the morning of the 27th of Rabi-us-Sani,
January 19, Wazir Imad-ul-Mulk Ghazi-ud-Din Asafjah, ac¬
companied by Khan-i-Khanan, Bahadur Khan Baluch and
Ibadullah Khan Kashmiri, set out to see Ahmad Shah. He
was received by Shah Wali Khan near Sarai Mihr-Parwar,
where a friendly conversation took place between the two
wazirs. Both of them then set out for the Shah’s camp near
Sonepat where they spent the night. Next morning, January
20, the Shah moved to Narela and encamped in the direc¬
tion of Delhi. It was here that the Shah granted audience
to Ghazi-ud-Din. “You were the prime minister of India.
How is it that you did not fight?” enquired the Shah. “Najib
Khan was the commander-in-chief,” replied Ghazi-ud-Din,
.and he has joined the Shah. Excepting him, there was no
commander with any army. I told him to give at least one
J® 4 ! he would not agree. Without my knowledge he
20. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 92b; Samin, Tarikh dar Hdlat-i-Ahmad
Shah Ahdali, 12; Delhi Chronicle,
21. Tarikh-i-.Alamgir Sani, 92b,
MIMS/*,
AHMAEv SHAH E>tfRftAN£
<SL
came to Your Majesty’s camp. Whence, then, could I find, an
army and fight?” The talk then turned to Ghazi’s disregard for
Unada Begam, the nobly-born daughter of Muin-ul-Mulk and
Mughlani Begam, as compared to his marriage with Gunna
Begam, the daughter of Ali Quli Khan, the six-fingered, by
a courtesan. “The Begam,” said Ghazi-ud-Din, “had taken
an oath from me, written on the cover of the Quran, that I
would not marry another woman after marrying her daughter.
The daughter of Ali Quli Khan had also been betrothed to
me. The relations of Ali Quli Khan had given her to
Shujah-ud-Daulah. Therefore, to be true to the promise, I
married her first so that the oath might not be broken.” 22
Turning to the business of the government, the Shah ob¬
served that Khan-i-Khanan Intizam-ud-Daulah had offered to
him two karors of rupees within twenty days, if the office
of the wazir were given to him and that the rescript, or sanad,
for it was ready, but if Ghazi promised to pay only half
of that amount, he would be allowed to continue in that posi¬
tion. Ghazi-ud-Din expressed his inability to raise so large
an amount. He could not, he said, collect as many broken
pebble-stones in Delhi, to say nothing of rupees. “How much
treasure have you got in your house?” enquired the Sha h
“Fourteen thousand rupees in cash and four lakhs in jewels,
goods, silver-plate, etc.,” replied Ghazi-ud-Din. The Shah
ordered him to deposit all that in the Afghan treasury and
sent him along with his prime minister, Shah Wali Khan.
The latter tried to persuade him to meet the Shah’s demand
to retain for himself the high office. But as Ghazi persisted
in his attitude, the sanad of wazirship was sent to Intizam-
ud-Daulah. The Shah, at the same time, ordered that Ghazi’s
wife, Gunna Begam, the daughter of Ali Quli Khan, be des¬
patched to Balkh, and, for that purpose, she was immediately
removed to the camp at Badli. A little later, Najib-ud-Dau-
lah also came in from his camp at Wazirabad and made his
22. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani i
Sairnn, 12.
92b-93a; Tahmas Namah, 65a-b;
MINlSr^
THE FOURTH INVASION OF INDIA 'ft
obedience. The Shah was pleased to receive him,
honoured him with a costly robe and entrusted to him, on
his own behalf, the care and administration of the capital. 23
With the abject surrender of the Wazir and the defence¬
less state of the capital, and with only a nominal emperor in
the fort of Delhi, the Mughal empire lay prostrate at the feet
of the Afghan. The panicky citizens were fleeing from their
homes in search of safety, while the opportunist adventurers
looked forward to chances of loot and plunder. The
Shah, therefore, on the same day, January 20, ordered
five of his nasaqchis, or provosts, to proceed to the city.
Faulad Khan, the kotwal , seated them on the platform of the
kotwali so that none should molest the poor. This had the
desired effect and many people returned to their houses.
Jahan Khan crossed to the Delhi side of the Jamuna at
the Khizrabad Ghat on Friday, the 29th. of Rabi-us-Sani,
January 21. An effort had been made by him to close the
passage ( naka ) of Faridabad but his force was pushed back
by the Jats of Suraj Mall and the Marathas under Antaji
Manakeshwar. It was the first Friday since the arrival of
the Shah in the neighbourhood of the capital. At the time
of the Juma prayers, the self-seeking native sycophants,
Abdul Ahad Khan, the third bakhshi, and Saif-ud-Din
Muhammad Khan Kashmiri, went to the mosque of the late
Kaushan-ud-Daulah, called the Sadr-ul-Sadur, the Qazi, and
the muftis of their own accord and caused the khutba to be
read in the name of Ahmad Shah Durrani. The same thing
was repeated in the Jame Masjid. “Of the learned men and
accomplished theologians,” says the author of the Tarikh-i-
Alamgir Sani” none refused to read the khutba on the plea
that the Emperor (badshah-i-waqt) was still living in the
fort and had not been captured, killed or driven out by any
one.” Alamgir heard of this news in the Tasbeeh Khana
took it as a foreboding of his fall from power and, on receipt
of a message from Abdul Ahad Khan, vacated the royal
23. Samin, Halat-i~Ahmad Shah Abdali, 13-14; Tazkirah-i-Imad-
ul-mulk , 208; Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani } 92b-93
G. 21
WMSryyj,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
ambers and moved with his family and relations to inferior
quarters. 24
AHMAD SHAH RETAINS ALAMGIR ON THE THRONE OF DELHI
Preparations for the occupation of the fort by the Shah
began with all seriousness on the 1st of Jamadi-ul-Awwal,
1170 A.H., January 22, 1757. The Shah arrived at Wazira-
bad on the 23rd of January, and on the following day Jahan
Khan entered the fort of Delhi to supervise the arrangements
for his entry. The leading nobles and dignitaries of the
Mughal empire paid their respects to the Afghan conqueror
during the period of three days, 23rd to 25th of January. As
he had no intention of occupying the throne of Delhi himself,
several suggestions were made to him for the installation of
the future emperor of India. The amirs like Khan-i-Khanan
and Abdul Ahad Khan wished the son of the late emperor
Ahmad Shah to be seated on the throne, while others, in view
of his tender age, put forward the name of Acche Sahib,
brother of Muhammad Shah. The Shah, however, was not
willing to dethrone Alamgir II for no fault of his. “None of
these proposals appeals to me,” said the Shah, “Alamgir is
already on the throne, and has done nothing to be dethroned
and replaced. The reins of the government were not in his
hands. It was, in fact, the Wazir who had entered into a
treaty with me, using merely the name of the Emperor. He
cannot, therefore, be accused of being faithless to the terms
of the treaty, I would, as such, confirm and maintain the
same Emperor in the saltanat of Hindustan.” 25 This decided,
the Shah sent, on the night of January 25-26, Jamadi-ul-
Awwal 5, Sardar Jahan Khan and Mir Yahiya Khan darvesh
(son of Nawab Zakariya Khan of Lahore) to Emperor Alam¬
gir with the message: “I bestow on you the saltanat of Hin¬
dustan. Come and see me tomorrow morning in royal dig¬
nity.” Jahan Khan spent the night with the nazir , Koz-
Afzun Khan, while Yahiya Khan went to his own house.
24. Delhi Chronicle; Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani \, 93b-94a; Tazkirah-i-
Imad, 208.
25. Tazkirah-i-Imad, 209-10; Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani , 95a; Delhi
Chronicle,
NiiMsr^
THE FOURTH INVASION OF INDIA
*8L
rly next morning the Emperor, accompanied by Mir Yahiya
Khan, Samsam-ud-Daulah Mir Bakhshi and Sayyad Niaz
Khan, and escorted by Sardar Jahan Khan, set out for the
Shah’s tamp at Wazirabad. Shah Wali Khan, Asafjah
Nizam-ul-Mulk and Khan-i-Khanan received him at some
distance from the camp. His Afghan Majesty welcomed the
Mughal Emperor, seated him on a masnad near his own and,
after the usual enquiries, congratulated him saying: “May
the throne of the empire of India be auspicious and blissful
to you, my brother. I am only a guest of yours for a few
days.” The two then had a friendly talk and dined together.
In the course of conversation, Alamgir complained of the
misbehaviour of Imad-ul-Mulk Ghazi~ud~Din and desired the
Shah either to put him to death, or to throw him into prison or
carry him to Afghanistan. “Now that he has been pardoned
and his life spared,” said the Shah, “it is ungraceful for great
kings to go back upon their words. I can do no harm to his
life. God willing, he shall do nothing in future against your
wishes. Should he, however, through misfortune, turn dis¬
obedient to you, he shall immediately meet his deserts.” The
two then exchanged their turbans as a mark of permanent
friendship, and the Shah presented to Alamgir a rich dress of
honour, consisting of gold embriodered cap with a jewelled
aigrette, a plume of eagle-feathers, an embroidered cloak and
a tray full of gold. A khillat was, at the same time, bestowed
upon the new wazir, Intizam-ud-Daulah who was, thus,
formally appointed the first officer of the state. Alamgir and
his court returned to Delhi the same evening. 26
SHAH ENTERED THE ROYAL FORT OF DELHI
Jahan Khan went to the Emperor on the 27th of January,
summoned the Kotwal , Faulad Khan, to his presence and told
him that the Shah would enter the fort the next day. Along
his route through the bazar it should be so arranged, said the
Khan, that no Indian should stand either in the bazaar or on
the terraces of the houses. The Kotwal proclaimed this by
the beat of drum. On Friday, the 7th of Jamadi-ul-Awwal,
26. Tazkirdh~i*lmad, 211-13; Tarikh~i~Alamgir Sani, 95a-97a,
5
464/- AHMAf) SHAH DURKAJ^I
W
January 28, Ahmad Shah left his camp at Wazirabad and set
out for the Mughal fort of Delhi. Alamgir received him at the
Fatehpuri mosque and his entry into the city was proclaimed
by the firing of guns. The citizens ran into their houses and
hid themselves in their underground chambers. Not a soul
stirred out, and not a sound was heard from any house; and
the busiest of the cities in India presented the sight of a
deserted town. Such was the terror struck in the hearts of
people! But the day passed off quietly and the people heaved
a sigh of relief. The Shah and his haram occupied the royal
chambers vacated by the Mughal Emperor, while his army
dismounted and fixed their camp round the moat of the fort.
The Afghan escort dispersed into the bazaars and lanes of the
city, looting many places and setting fire to the colony of
Mandi Badalpura in the suburbs. 27
The first thing that the Shah did on the following day, the
8th of Jamadi-ul-Awwal, January 29, was to issue a proclama¬
tion for the protection of the city. He told his nasaqchi-bashi,
chief of the bodyguard, Za’fran Khan to announce: “I have
granted peace and protection to the residents of the city. No
one shall be harassed or molested by any one from the army.
No house shall be sacked and no one taken a captive. No
girl or woman shall be married without her consent. Who-
so-ever is found to be an aggressor shall be duly punished.”
Za’fran Khan immediately posted nasaqchis on all the roads
leading to the city and made the necessary arrangements for
the safety of the capital. The frightened citizens returned to
their houses and provided the guards with rice, ghee, meat of
lambs and sheep, and curdled milk for their meals. With all
these precautions, a few cases of loot by the Mughal foragers
in the houses outside the city were reported to the Shah.
True to his proclamation, he punished them very severly. He
“slit the noses of two or three Mughal soldiers, cut open their
stomachs, thrust arrows into their nostrils,” says 'the Delhi
Chronicle , “and thus paraded them through the city in dis¬
grace for this reason. Safety then reigned in the city.” 28
27. Tazkirah-i-Imad , 214-5; Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 98a-99a; Delhi
Chronicle.
28. Tazkirah-i-lmad } 215-16; Delhi Chronicle.
THE FOURTH INVASION OF INDIA
jn the same day, Emperor Alamgir paid a visit to the
Shah in the Diwan-i-Am , where a darbar was held, Abdul
Ahad Khan, son of Abdul Majid Khan, was appointed the
Diwan of the tan and Khalsa , and the peshkari (deputyship)
of the Sarf-khas (Privy Purse) was conferred on Babu Jafar
Khan. A bridge was ordered to be thrown over the river
Jamuna for communicating with the other side. Instructions
were issued for the Hindus to put paint-marks on their
foreheads to distinguish themselves from the followers of the
Prophet, and fines were levied on those who neglected to wear
them. 29
BOOTY FROM DELHI
The Shah then turned his attention to the realization of
reparations. The ex-wazir, Ghazi-ud-Din Imad-ul-Mulk
Asafjah, had been ordered to deposit in the Afghan treasury all
the jewels he had removed from the royal jewel-house to his
own haveli during the period of his ministership. Shah Wali
Khan had been won over by him, but as the required sum
was not forthcoming, Ghazi-ud-Din was chastised to an ex¬
treme degree of dishonour and his chief confidants were beaten
with sticks, with the result that jewellery worth a karor of
rupees, and over three lakhs of ashrafis (each gold ashrafi
being rated at Rs. 16/- in value) were recovered from his
house. Next came the turn of the new wazir , Khan-i-Khanan
Intizam-ud-Daulah, who had promised to pay two karors of
rupees for this high office. Jahan Khan was detailed to recover
the promised amount. But Khan-i-Khanan was using dilatory
tactics in the payment of the first instalment of one karor }
and would not admit that he possessed any hidden hoards of
his ancestors, of which Mughlani Begam had given information
to the Shah. Jahan Khan, therefore, ordered Sangi Beg Khan
and Abdur Rahman Khan, the household officers of Khan-i-
Khanan, and Basant Khan of the royal haram , who had for¬
merly been in his service, to be beaten with sticks. But it did
not prove successful. Khan-i-Khanan was, therefore, carried
to the Shah’s presence and was told that if he did not produce
29. Delhi Chronicle; Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 99a.
misr^
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
... . , ■ . ■ . ■ .
^ 'gne fcaror of rupees that day, he would be tied to the wooden
triangle fixed there and beaten with sticks. Mughlani Begam
was moved at seeing this pitiable condition of her brother-in-
law and sent a message to Ghazi-ud-Din for help. Ghazi
realized that, for reasons of personal jealousy that existed
between the dismissed and the new wazir, all that nigh-
handedness would be ascribed to him. He, therefore, hastened
to the Shah’s presence and appealed to him to spare Khan-i-
Khanan from being publicly flogged and dishonoured. “I want
money,” said the Shah, “let it be by harshness or mildness,
and I must have it now and here. I am told there are twenty
karors of rupees in cash in the house of Qamr-ud-Din. Out
of that treasure, I accepted this young man’s offer of two
karors of rupees for wazirship and gave him that office. Why
does he not pay that money?” Trembling with fear of public
flogging, Khan-i-Khanan told the Shah that his mother Shola-
puri Begam alone knew the secret. ‘This old lady, the
daughter-in-law of one grand wazir, the widow of another,
and the mother of the third, was summoned’ to the Shah’s
presence. “I want money,” said he. “If you show me the spot
of the (buried) treasure of Qamr-ud-Din, you will be like a
mother and a sister to me, otherwise iron pins will be driven
in underneath the nails of your fingers.” “I do not know the
exact place of the treasure,” said the Begam, “I only know that
it is buried in that haveli.” Barkhurdar Khan and a number
of sappers were then sent to dig the haveli and at noon they
were able to discover the treasure of sixteen lakhs of rupees.
According to the author of the Tazkirah-i-Imad-ul-Mulk, the
digging of the floors and the breaking of the roofs continued
for three days and the treasure estimated at over a karor and
a half in cash and kind was recovered. “Some of these people
who were present at the time of digging told us,” says the
above writer, “that two hundred gold candle-sticks of the size
of a man were recovered from underneath the earth, in addi¬
tion to a large quantity of invaluable diamonds, emeralds, pearls
and rubies, mattings and carpets of foreign make, and gold-
and-silver-covered maces, which were taken possession of by
the Shah. Swbhan-Allah (glory be to God) ! Seventy years’
hoards of Muhammad Amin Khan and Qamr-ud-Din Khan
since the days of Khuld-Makani (Emperor Aurangzeb, Raised
MINISr^
THE FOURTH INVASION OF INDIA
<SL
*aven) have all in a day fallen to the lot of Ahmad Shah
Abdali, and excepting sighs and regrets in the hands of Khan-i-
Khanan and a heap of earth in the house, nothing remains
there.” Not only this. At the time of leaving the haveli, the
Afghans selected one hundred beautiful women from the
haram-sarai and carried them along. On a second selection,
however, they retained only those of exceptional beauty and
sent back the others. 30
The Shah’s search for cash and riches did not end with
this. A systematic search was conducted in the mansions of
all rich nobles and dignitaries of the city. The haveli of
Samsam-ud-Daulah was dug up in the same manner in search
of the hidden wealth. Even the house of the city Kotwal,
Faulad Khan, was not spared and was robbed of all its wealth.
The houses of those, who had fled away from the city, such as
Sa’d-ud-Din Khan Khavr~i~-Saman, Raja Nagar Mall Diwavr~i~«
Khaha-o-tan , and Hira Nand jeweller, suffered the same fate.
They were all broken open by the Afghans and everything
that they could lay their hands upon was carried away. 31
A regular tribute was levied on each and every house in
Delhi and Mir Yahiya Khan, son of Zakariya Khan of Lahore,
was placed in charge of its collection. The city was divided
into a number of wards, and offices were opened in these
sections to realize the levy house by house. The author of
Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani thus describes the pitiable condition to
which the capital of the Mughal Empire had been reduced dur¬
ing these days:
“Yahiya Khan with a kulah-po$h clerk, had his collection-
office in the Katra Madrasa Raushan-ud-Daulah near the Kot-
wali. Rich people were summoned by name by means of
letters. In every street of the city, a kulah-posh Sardar was
stationed with his troops. Having counted the houses, they
demanded from each house-owner more than his capacity to
pay. Beating and extortion became the order of the day. For
fear of torture people sold their ornaments, utensils and cloth¬
ing. But there was nobody to buy them. Gold sold at eight
30. Delhi Chronicle; Tarikh-i~Alamgir Sani , 99a-100a; Tazkirah-i-
Imad, 218-20; Samin, 14-16; SPD, XXI. 96, 98, 100,
31. Tarihh-i-Alamgir Sani , 100b,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
o ten rupees a tolci (180 grains), silver at two tolas a
and alloyed silver at three. Utensils sold at three seers for a
rupee. Many people took poison on account of their poveity.
Many' people died of the torture of burns inflicted on their
bodies. Even the houses of those who paid the levy were sack¬
ed and dug up. Not a man in the city escaped this calamity.
Houses were devastated. This trouble raged from the 14th
to the end of Jamadi-ul-Awwal (February 4-20), when it
was rumoured that Ahmad Shah was about to march away.
The collectors of the streets were then urged to deposit their
collections. A second demand was then made by the collector
on those who had paid already. Beating and slaying com¬
menced again. Double collection was made from many places,
and many people were subjected to torture. Many of the
houses that had escaped at first were plundered.” 32
It will be interesting to know that in these extortions and
loot of the nobles and rich people of the capital, Mughlani
Begam acted as a spy of the Shah, for which she was rewarded
with the title of Sultan Mirza and was, later on, given the
Doaba of Bist Jullundur and the territories of Jammu and
Kashmir as her fief.
COIN STRUCK IN THE NAME OF THE SHAH
On the 30th of January, 1757, Jamadi-ul-Awwal 9, 1170
A.H., coins were struck in the name of Ahmad Shah Durrani
at his mint in the Afghan camp at Delhi, bearing the same
inscription, as appeared on his old coins struck at Qandahar
and Lahore, with the addition of his regnal year as 11, and
the Hijri year 1170. 33
PRINCE TAIMUR MARRIED TO A ROYAL PRINCESS
The Shall, as we know, had demanded the hand of a royal
princess for his son, Prince Taimur, and the message to this
effect had been sent through Agha Raza Khan from Sirhind.
The consent of Emperor Alamgir II having now been obtained,
32. Tarilch-i-Alamgir Sani, lOOb-lOla; Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal
Empire, ii. 101-02.
33. Delhi Chronicle; farikh-i-Alamgir Sam, 101b.
minis ^
THE FOURTH INVASION OF INDIA
tah sent to the Emperor’s palace twenty thousand rupees
hr cash, twenty trays of clothes and twenty trays of sweet¬
meats on the 23rd of Jamadi-ul-Awwal, February 13, and on
the night of the 24th of Jamadi-ul-Awwal the prince was
married to Gauhar Afroz Bano Begam, also called Muhammadi
Begam or Zuhra Begam, the daughter of Emperor Alamgir II.
The territory of Sirhind was ceded to the Shah as a part of
the dowry of the Princess. 34
An agreement was signed between the Shah and Emperor
Alamgir II on the 18th of February, and on the same day,
the Shah seriously began his preparations for a march against
the Jats and sent a large gun towards Ballabhgarh. 33
§L
VMDA BEGAM MARRIED TO GHAZI-UD-DIN
On the night of the 1st of Jamadi-us-Sani, February 20-21,
Umda Begam, daughter of Mughlani Begam, was married to
Imad-ul-Mulk Ghazi-ud-Din in the presence of the Shah him¬
self. According to the statement of Ghazi-ud-Din, as recorded
by Ghulam Husain Samin, the Shah was graciously pleased to
perform the Henna and Nalcah ceremonies, give him five
thousand rupees and a shawl of his own saying, “From today
I take you as my own son. Be happy and cheerful in all
respects.” 36
The marriage Raving been celebrated, the Shah bestowed
upon Ghazi-ud-Din two lakhs of rupees in cash, two elephants,
four horses and the title of Farzand Khan. Ghazi divorced his
other wives. And Gunna Begam, the daughter of Ali Quli
Khan, was handed over, says the Delhi Chronicle, to Mughlani
Begam to be treated as a kaniz (a bond-maid).
34. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 101b-102a; Tazkirah-i-hnad-ul-Mulk
237; Tahmas Namah, 65 b, 66b.
According to Samin, as narrated to him by Ghazi-ud-Din, the
hand of the princess was offered by the Emperor of his own accord
and was hesitatingly accepted by the Shah. p. 17. The Delhi Chroni¬
cle places the marriage in the night of 30-31 January, 1757.
35. Delhi Chronicle .
36. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 102a; Samin 16; Tahmas Namah 66a-
Tazkirah-i-Imad, 238; Khazanah-i-Amira, 99-100,
C. 22
MINIS?*,
Chapter XIV
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE JATS
While the Great Mughal and his great nobles lay quietly
prostrate at the feet of the Afghan and lifted not even their
little fingers in defence of their empire and people, nay not
even in defence of the honour of their dear and near ones,
the Shah smelt a spirit of refractoriness in the Marathas and
the Jats. It was from these people that he experienced what¬
ever little opposition was offered to his arms.
GHAZl-UD-DIN’S NEGOTIATIONS WITH SURAJ MALL JAT
Deserted by Amir-ul-Umra Najib-ud-Daulah, Imad-ul-
Mulk Ghazi-ud-Din had looked to Suraj Mall Jat for help
against the Shah. When the news of the invasion of India
poured into Delhi in November, 1756, Ibadullah Khan
Kashmiri, the favourite confidant of Ghazi-ud-Din, considering
that Najib-ud-Daulah could not be relied upon, suggested to
him to call in help from the Marathas. But as the Maratha
headquarters were far off and the Jat chief of Bharatpur was
near at hand, Raja Nagar Mali’s proposal to invite Suraj Mall
from Bharatpur and a Maratha officer, Antaji Manakeshwar,
from Itawa was accepted. A royal farman and a letter in the
Wazir’s own hand were immediately despatched to the Jat.
Antaji Manakeshwar was also called in. Suraj Mall obeyed
the call and came to Tilpat (Tal Kishan Das, according to the
Tazkirah-i-Imad-ul-Mulk, 161-2) where Nagar Mall opened
negotiations with him. Suraj Mall was of the opinion that the
Marathas should, in the first instance, be driven to the south
of the Narbada with the help of the Rajput rajahs of Jodhpur,
Jaipur, etc. When the safety of the country was thus ensured
against those spoliators, a combined expedition could be
launched against the Durrani as in the days of Wazir Qamar-
ud-Din. But Ghazi-ud-Din was not in favour of blockading the
Marathas. The negotiations, therefore, broke down on this
conflict of policy, and Suraj Mall returned disappointed to his
country in the third week of November, 1756. The negotiations
of Najib-ud-Daulah with Suraj Mall, at the same time, are
minis
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE JATS
<§L
be, to some extent, responsible for creating the rift
itween the Delhi Wazir and the Jat chief of Bharatpur. But,
in spite of all this, Suraj Mall detailed his son to keep in the
neighbourhood of Delhi, ready for any emergency. 1
MARATHAS DEFEATED BY AFGHANS
Antaji Manakeshwar arrived near Shahdara on the
eastern side of the Jamuna on the 30th of December, 1756,
and, under instructions of Ghazi, attempted to stem the tide
of the Durranis of Shah Wali Khan on the 16th of January,
1757, when the latter was rushing towards Narela on his way
to the Mughal capital. But in the absence of any reinforce¬
ment, he was pushed back, and on his retreat was attacked by
the Ruhilas whose chief, Najib-ud-Daulah, had secretly sub¬
mitted to the Shah. He was, however, successful on the 21st
of January in inflicting a defeat on Sarwar Khan, who had
been sent by Shah Wali Khan to block the passage at Farida-
bad. Sarwar lost four hundred men on the field, with as
many horses falling into the victor’s hands. But Antaji’s
resistance was finally crushed by Sardar Jahan Khan on the
1st of February. Guided by the Ruhilas, an army of twenty
thousand strong under the Durrani commander surprised and
overpowered the Maratha who, with much difficulty, cut his
way out and fled to Mathura in the territory of Suraj Mall
Jat. Antaji left about one thousand of his men dead on the
field. Two hundred of them were above the rank of common
soldiers. The victorious Durranis set fire to the town of
Faridabad and returned to Delhi on February 2, carrying with
them six hundred severed heads, said to have been of the
Marathas and the Jats, and the Shah rewarded them at the
rate of eight rupees per head. With this decisive defeat the
Maratha opposition to the Shah came to an end and they did
not appear on the stage again to measure swords with the
Durranis as long as the Shah was in India. 2
1. Tazkirah-i-lmad, 158-62; Tarikh-i-Alamgir San i, 82b-84a.
2. Tazkhirah-i-Iviad, 201-5; SPD. XXI. 95, 96, 99, 103; Delhi Chro¬
nicle; Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, ii. 110-14. Antaji gives the
day and date of his battle with the Durranis as Wednesday, the 14th
of the 1st half of Magh, which corresponds to the 2nd and 3rd Feb¬
ruary. SPD. XXI. 99.
THE JAT REFUSED TP OBEY THE SHAH
But the proud Jat was still there, unvanquished and un¬
curbed. It is true that on the arrival of the Shah at Delhi,
Suraj Mall had sent in a letter of submission, as Samin tells
us (Halat-i-Ahmad Shah Abdali, 14), and had not agreed
earlier to fight against the Shah on the side of Ghazi-ud-Din.
He had also subscribed his name to the petition submitted to
the Shah by Khan-i-Khanan Intizam-ud-Daulah, Nagar Mall
and others, offering to pay fifty lakhs of rupees, if he were
to send Ghazi as a prisoner beyond the Indus and not allow
him to return to India lest the Marathas should come up to
his help. The Shah had called him to his presence to pay a
tribute and to serve under his banner. But the Jat had not
only not obeyed the summons, but had also retired from
Mathura to his strong fort of Kumhir, detailing his son,
Jawahar Singh, for the defence of Mathura. Not only this.
In addition to providing shelter to a large number of rich
pe’opie of Delhi, who had fled to Mathura, he refused to hand
over to the Shah's agents some of the important refugees. He
had only sent back the evasive and diplomatic reply: “When
the leading zamindars come to attend His Majesty’s presence,
this slave will also kiss the (royal) threshold. How can I send
Rajah Nagar Mall and others who have sought asylum with
me?” 3
• JP _
At Mathura, Antaji Manakeshwar tried to persuade Suraj Mall
to join him in fighting against Ahmad Shah. But Suraj Mall refused
to fight for those who would not fight for themselves, saying, “The
Irani (Afghan) Padshah has captured the Empire of India, with only
fifty thousand troops. Not a bullet was fired by any one, not one
man sacrificed his life. What do I count for?”—vide Antaji Manakesh-
war's letter, SPD. XXI. 99, p. 114.
3. Samin, 14; Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sam, 83b-S4a; Sarkar, ii, 114-15;
Delhi Chronicle .
‘The rajahs of Ambar and Jodhpur style themselves as Abdali’s
servants and they have invited him to get relief from the Marathas
and, in return, have agreed to serve him. They cannot fight with
Abdali. [Suraj Mall] Jat alone is an exception. But what can he
do alone? He may pay the money and save his territory. If any one
helps him, he may fight; but he is afraid of the Marathas.’—vide SPD.
xxi. 101, p. 120.
misTfy
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE JATS
ISHES WITH JAWAHAR SINGH JAT
..<SL
Deciding to march against the proud Jat, the Shah
despatched a kahi, a foraging party, in the direction of
Faridabad to collect food and fodder for the expedition.
Jawahar Singh then happened to fee in the neighbouring fort
of Ballabhgarh. He rushed out with five to six thousand
sawars, annihilated the foragers and carried away about one
hundred and fifty horses as booty. * * * 4
The Shah was extremely enraged to hear this. He order¬
ed Abdus Samad Khan Muhammadzei the same night to pro¬
ceed immediately to the scene of the disaster. He was directed
to lie in ambush at a distance of a kos or two and send out
one hundred sawars against the enemy to establish their
contact with them and, then, to retreat fighting to decoy them
into this lurking-place. This done, Jawahar Singh almost fell
into the trap, a number of his men were killed and a part of
the booty was recovered. But the Jat prince cleverly extricat¬
ed himself from the entanglement and escaped to Ballabhgarh.
The Afghans devastated a number of villages, beheaded as
many people as they could capture and returned towards
Delhi with about five hundred severed heads. 5
SHAH MARCHED AGAINST THE JAT CHIEF
Having loaded his treasure, jewels and other property,
Ahmad Shah left Delhi for the Jat territory on the 2nd of
Jamadi-us-Sani, 1170 A.H., February 22, 1757. Emperor
Alamgir, Khan-i-Khanan Infcizam-ud-Daulah, Nizam-ul-Mulk,
Mir Yahiya Khan, etc., went to see him off and were allowed
to return to Delhi from Takiya Ghulam Saadat Darvesh. The
Shah halted for'two days (February 23-24) at Khizarabad,
Alamgir paid a visit to him at this station on the 3rd of
Jamadi-us-Sani, February 23, and complained to him of the
high-handedness of those Afghans who had stayed behind in
‘.Now, as Suraj Mall is not paying the tribute, nor becoming his
servant, we can join him and keep everything in abeyance for one
month. But if the Jat has no more patience to hold out and joins [the
enemy], what safety do we have?'— SPD. xxi. 105, 125.
4. Samin, 16; Qanungo, Jats, i, 98-99; Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, 542.
5. Samin, 16; Qanungo, Jats . i. 98-9.
WUISTffy
Ahmad shah durhani
<sl
•elhi. “You have come here,” said Alamgir, “but your men
continue the slaughter of the citizens in the city.” The Shah
detailed two hundred horsemen to accompany the Mughal with
instruction “to beat and drive out the Kulahposh wherever
they were to be seen in the city.” This accomplished with
the help of Atiqullah Khan, son of Kotwal Faulad Khan, and
Basant Khan, peaceful life soon returned to Delhi. On the
following day, February 24, Ghazi-ud-Din arrived in the
Afghan camp to accompany the Shah on his expedition
against the Jats. 6
Leaving Khizarabad on the 25th of February, the Shah
encamped at Badarpur, where he was joined by Mughlani
Begam. On the following morning the Shah moved to Farida-
bad, six miles north of Ballabhgarh. The Shah had, at first,
no intention of taking Ballabhgarh. But on his arrival at
Faridabad, he was informed by Abdus Samad Khan Muham-
madzei, who returned from his expedition against the Jats the
same day, that Jawahar Singh had escaped from his trap and
had entered his fort of Ballabhgarh. This effected a change
in the Shah’s programme, and he decided upon the immediate
reduction of the fort. This was the weakest of the Jat fortifi¬
cations, and its fall was expected to be an auspicious beginning
of the expedition against these turbulent people. 7
PETITION OF AHMAD KHAN BANGASH
It was here at Faridabad camp that Sher Andaz Khan
alias Sayyad Muhammad Saleh accompanied by Ghulam
Husain Khan Samin had an audience of the Shah and con¬
veyed to him the petition of AJhmad Khan Bangash of
Farrukhabad. While at Delhi, the Shah had called him to his
presence. The Bangash had hesitated, but on receipt of pres¬
sing letters from the Shah and his wazir, Shah Wali Khan, he
summoned a j irgah, the council of the elders, and placed the
matter before them. Sher Andaz Khan offered to go to the
Shah as an envoy. His proposal was accepted and he was
despatched to the court of the Shah. Sher Andaz Khan
incidently met Ghazi-ud-Din Khan in the tent of Shah Wali
6. TaHkh-i~Alamgir Sani, 102a-103a.
7. Samin, 16, 24; Sarkar, ii. 116; Qanungo, Jats, 1 98-99,
MINIS r*y
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE JATS
. Faridabad on the 26th of February. In the course
of conversation, Ghazi saw the petition of Ahmad Khan
Bangash, addressed to the Shah, saying that if Oudh, the
country of Shujah-ud-Daulah, were given over to him (Ahmad
Khan), he would pay two karors of rupees to the Shah in
addition to six karors for Bengal. Ghazi suggested that the
petition should be so altered as to read: “If Shujah-ud-Dau-
lah comes into my hands, I will pay two karors of rupees,
but if he goes away to some other place with his wealth and
property, I will remit one karor annually. As for Bengal, I
will pay five karors of rupees for two years” instead of six
karors written in the petition. The petition was accordingly
amended and presented to the Shah on the following day,
February 27, when he was pleased to order: “You are a
Sayyad. Be assured, your wishes shall be complied with.
1 have come to this country only for the strengthening of
Islam and for the extirpation of the infidels like the Marathas.
I have sent for Jangbaz Khan. He shall be here in four days.
1 will order him to accompany you to Farrukhabad. Write
to Ahmad Khan to be ready with his arrangements.” 8
%
THE JAT TERRITORY DEVASTATED
While the Shah proposed to direct the siege of Ballabh-
garh himself, he detached Sardar Jahan Khan and Najib-ud-
Daulah with twenty thousand men with the orders: “Move
into the boundaries of the accursed Jat and plunder and
ravage every town and district held by him. The city of
Mathura is a holy place of the Hindus; let it be put entirely
to the edge of the sword. Leave nothing in that kingdom
and country. Up to Akbarabad (Agra) leave nothing stand¬
ing, The Shah also proclaimed, through his nasaqchis , a
genera] order to the army *to carry fire and sword wherever
they went. Any booty, they acquired, was made a free gift
to them. Every person cutting off and bringing in heads
of the infidels should throw them down before the tent of
the chief minister. An account would be drawn up and five
rupees per head would be paid from the government funds.’ 9
8. Samin, 3-10, 17-9.
9. Samin, 23; Sarkar, Fall, ii, 117; Qanungo, Jats, 99-100.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
iLABHGARH TAKEN BY THE SHAH
<SL
The Shah then laid siege to the fort of BaHabhgarh.
Prince Jawahar Singh had arrived there from Mathura with
two Maratha refugees, Antaji Manakeshwar and Shamsher
Bahadur. The Jat bravely defended the fort. But ‘Ahmad
Shah personally directed the siege, and his five mortars firing,
with a high muzzle elevation, a kind of shell (consisting of
two iron hemispheres welded together, which broke and
spread on impact with the ground) and constantly shifting
their angle, inflicted such a destructive bombardment on Bah
labhgarh and so completely overpowered the swivel pieces
and muskets, which formed the only fire of the defence, that
the place became untenable in a few hours.* Unable to hold
out any longer against the superior fire of the Afghans, the
Jat prince availed himself of the darkness of night (March 3)
and dressing himself as a Qizzilbash, slipped into the moat,
threaded his way through the Shah’s troops and escaped by
the Jamuna side. The Afghans carried the fort by assault
and put the inmates to the sword. Twelve thousand rupees
in cash, pots of gold and silver, fourteen horses, eleven camels
and a large store of grain and clothing fell into their hands. 10
10. Delhi Chronicle; Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 103b~105a; Tazkirah-i-
Imad , 240; Shah Namah-i-Ahmcidiya, 203-04; Sarkar, ii. 116-17;
Qantmgo, i. 100-1.
According to the Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, the Shah had ordered
some gims to be sent for from Delhi. But in the absence of draught
animals, it was extremely difficult to transport them to Ballabhgarh,.
And, at last when they were being dragged out, the news arrived at
Delhi that Ballabhgarh had been captured by the Shah. Qanungo places
the description of the Afghan atrocities, given by Samin in his Hatat-
i~Ahmad Shahi, 23-4 (translated by Irvine in the Indian Antiquary,
Vol. XXXVI, 60), after the fall of Ballabhgarh, while Sir Jadu Nath
Sarkar places it after the plunder of Agra (Vide F.M.E. ii. 124-5).
The internal evidence goes in favour of the latter.
Francklin, in his Reign of Shah Aulum , gives the credit of victory
against the Jats, evidently at Ballabhgarh, to Ghazi-ud-Din who was,
later on, rewarded for it by Ahmad Shah by the grant of the office of
wazirship, pp. 6-8. Cf. Husain Shahi, 30-31,
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE JATs
OF MATHURA
Jahan Khan, guided by Najib-ud-Daulah, on the other
hand, had commenced his slaughtering and scalp-gathering
campaign with a greater vigour and on a much larger scale.
All of a sudden, he swooped down upon the unsuspecting
town of Mathura. Prince Jawahar Singh was there to defend
it. Although taken by surprise, Jawahar Singh and his Jat
‘peasantry were determined that it was only over their corpses
that the ravager should enter the sacred capital of Braja’.
Jawahar Singh issued out on the 28th of February with five
thousand men to block the passage of the invader outside
the village of Chaumuha, eight miles north of Mathura. But
he was no match for the veteran Afghan general, and, despite
his stout resistance for nine hours, he was pushed aside with
a heavy loss of about three thousand lives. The Afghan
victors pushed on to Mathura while Jawahar Singh fled to
Ballabhgarh, from the frying-pan into the fire, as we have
already seen. 11
Early in the morning of the 1st of March, Jamadi-us-
Sani 9, Jahan Khan came upon the city. It had no moat, no
fortifying wall and no garrison to defend it. It was mostly
a city of priests and pilgrims, many of whom had come from
outside for the Holi festival of the springtime rejoicings which
had been celebrated two days earlier. Jahan Khan had the
fullest opportunity for a literal execution of his master’s com¬
mands “to slay and plunder”. His fury had been further in¬
flamed by the resistance of the previous night and he was
not in a mood to show mercy. He ordered an indiscriminate
massacre of the people, and the Holi was played afresh with
the deep red blood of the Hindus. In addition to this car¬
nage, the city was set at fire and it burnt like a huge bonfire.
The devotees of the degenerate Vaishnavism, who lived in
11. Tartkh-i-Alamgir Semi, 106a; Tazkirah-i-Imad, 240; Ali Ibra¬
him, Twrikh-i-Bhau-o-Janko, 16. According to a report quoted by
Raj wade, vol. i. letter No. 63, 'a Jat force of 5600 came out of Mathura
and fought Abdali’s army stoutly, but was defeated by superior num¬
bers. Three thousand Jats fell and 2000 fled away.’—Sarkar, ii. 118
(foot-note). The loss of life, according to the Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani,
is said to have been 'ten-twelve thousand soldiers on both sides.’ p. 108a.
G. 23
MIN ISTfy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
fowers beside the stream (Jamuna) dreaming of the frolics
of the Divine Cowherd and hearing in ecstasy the tune of his
amorous flute, met with a fit retribution/ says Dr. Qanungo.
Huge and heavy idols were broken to pieces under the blows
of the ghazis ’ hatchets and were kicked about in lanes and
streets like children's polo-balls. 12 The city was predomi¬
nantly Hindu in population, but the few Muslim residents
also had their share in the general disaster. Ghularn Husain
Samin has recorded the case of a Muslim jeweller, who was
robbed of his four thousand rupees and whose life was spared
only when he disclosed his privities to prove that he was a
co-religionist of the Afghans. Then came another Afghan
and cut him on the stomach. He had then to fly for his
life and hide in a corner.
Jahan Khan marched away the same night from Mathura,
leaving the Ruhila jackals to feast upon what had remained
unconsumed by the Afghan tigers. Najib stayed behind for
three days, perhaps, to collect the contribution of a lakh of
rupees laid by Jahan Khan upon the remaining population,
plundered the wealth and hidden treasures of rich people and
carried away a large number of beautiful women as captives.
The Bairagi and Sanyasi recluses were cut down in their
huts, says Samin, and in each of these huts ‘lay a severed
head with the head of a dead cow applied to its mouth and
tied to it with a rope round its neck.' Such was the havoc
wrought in Mathura that, according to the Muslim jeweller's
statement, ‘for seven days, following the general slaughter,
the water (of the stream) flowed blood-red and then it turn¬
ed yellow.' 13
MASSACRE AT BRINDABAN
Jahan Khan repeated the play of fire and sword on the
6th of March in Brindaban, seven miles to the north of
Mathura. To quote from Samin’s Memoirs, ‘wherever you
12. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 105a-106a; Samin, 24; Tazkirah-i-Tmad ,
241-2; Husain Shahi, 30; Ghulam Ali, Shah Alam Hamah , 28; Shah
Namah-i~Ahmadiya, 201-02; Sarkar, ii. 118-9; Qanungo, i. 103.
13. Nur-ud-Din, Ahioal-^Najib-ud-Daulah, 15b; Samin* Sarkar, ii,
119-20, Cf. Ghulam All, Shah Alam Namah, 28,
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE JATS
gazed you beheld only heaps of the slain; you could only pick
your way with difficulty, owing to enormous number of
bodies lying about and the amount of blood spilt. At one
place that we reached, we saw about two hundred dead
children in a heap. Not one of the dead bodies had a head.,.
The stench and fetor and effluvium in the air were such that
it was painful to open your mouth or even draw a breath.’ 14
GOKUL
After the fall of Ballabhgarh Ahmad Shah had followed
the army of Jahan Khan at a slow pace. He arrived near
Mathura on the 15th of March, wisely crossed over to the
other side of the Jamuna and encamped at Mahaban, six
miles to the south-east of the town. From here he detached
a force for the plunder of Gokul, lying at hand at a distance
of about two miles from his camp. The latent martial spirit
of the sturdy North-Indian Nanga Sadhus of the Bairagi cult
was roused in defence of their monastry and four thousand
of these ‘naked ash-besmeared warriors’ issued out of the town
to oppose the advance of the Afghans. A desperate struggle
ensued. Two thousand of them fell dead on the scene of
action along with as many of the Afghans. Jugal Kishor,
the vakil of Bengal, who was then in the Shah’s camp, told
him that Gokul was only a hermitage of the naked recluses
and that there was not much money to be had there. The
Shah, therefore, recalled his detachment and Gokul was
saved. 15
JAHAN KHAN AT AGRA
The Shah’s next objective was Agra (Akbarabad). The
influx of rich refugees from the devastated areas into this
place excited his cupidity. He called back Jahan Khan and
Najib-ud-Daulah from their roving expeditions and ordered
14. Samin, Halat-i~Ahmad Shah Abdali (Irvine’s trans., Ind. Ant,
vol. xxxvi, 62), Qanungo, 104-5; Sarkar, ii. 120-21.
15. Samin, Indian Antiquary , xxvi, 61, Sarkar, ii. 121-22; Rajwade,
i. 63. According to Krishna Joshi’s letter of the 12th of Raj jab, 1170
A.H., April 2, 1757, Ahmad Shah sent the force against Gokul from
Mathura. Samin is more reliable in this respect. Also see Sarkar, ii,
121, foot-note. “All the Bairagis perished,” says the Marathi letter,
“but Gokul-Nath [the idol] was saved ”
WUIST/fy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
upon the city of Akbar the Great.
[ sawars Jahan Khan arrived at its gates on
the morning of the 21st of March. The news of the dreadful
massacres at Mathura and Brindaban must have preceded
him. The leading residents came out to meet the raider and
promised to pay five lakhs of rupees as ransom. But as they
found it difficult to raise the money during the stipulated
time, the Afghans entered the city and subjected it to plun¬
der and massacre. Jahan Khan, however, failed to take the
fort. He made several attempts which were all foiled by the
energetic defence put up by Mirza Saifullah, who directed
the fire of the fort-guns so well that it became impossible for
the Afghans to approach it and carry it by assault. Jahan
Khan stayed at Agra for a week in the hope of realizing the
promised ransom. But it was with great difficulty that the
officials could raise one lakh of rupees from Samaldas, the
gumashta or agent of Jagat Seth of Bengal, and pay it to
Jahan Khan. On the 23rd of March he received urgent
orders from the Shah to repair to his presence. He could
no longer, therefore, stay at Agra to realize the ransom in
full and left it on the 24th, joining the Shah near Mathura. 16
CHOLERA IN AFGHAN CAMP
The Shah had made up his mind to return home im¬
mediately. Outraged nature had risen up in wrath against
him. Cholera had broken out in his camp at Mahaban and
the Afghan soldiers were dying at the rate of about 150 a
day. It was but natural. Mahaban was situated thirteen
miles downstream from Brindaban. “The river,” in the words
of Sir Jadu Nath Sarkar, “its level now very low at the height
of the dry season, was choked with the half-burnt and un-
burnt bodies of suicides and slaughtered persons; and in three
weeks’ time the Indian sun did its work. The water reached
Abdali’s camp after washing Vrindavan, Mathura and other
places, all upstream, which had been turned into slaughter¬
houses by his order.” Cholera was the inevitable result.
“There was no remedy, no medicine available; it cost Rs. 100/-
16. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani , 109a; Raj wade, i. 163; SPD , xxi. Ill,
xxvii, 146, 152, 155; Tarikh”i~Muzaffari f 542,
fern to march
fifteen thousand
Ml wsr/ty.
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE JATS
<SL
a seer of tamarind, a drink made of tamarind being
^prescribed with benefit ” The loss of horse-flesh was equally
heavy in the Afghan army. The surviving soldiers clamoured
for returning home. Abdali’s hands were forced.” 17 He had,
therefore, no alternative but to return home.
SHAH’S MESSAGE TO ALAMGIR
On the 26th of March, 1757, Rajjab 5, 1170 A.H., Ahmad
Shah despatched his envoy Qalandar Khan to inform the
Mughal Emperor Alamgir II at Delhi (March 28) that he had
dropped the idea of a campaign against the Jats and that he
had moved towards Delhi. At the same time his prime minister
Shah Wall Khan’s letter conveyed to him the heart-rending
proposal that the Shah wished to take in marriage the hand
of Princess Hazrat Begam, the maiden daughter of the late
Emperor Muhammad Shah. This was too severe a wrench for
the Dowager-empresses, Malika-uz-Zamani and Sahib Mahal,
who wept and cried saying, “We will rather put Hazrat Begam
to death and kill ourselves than give her to the Afghan” But
it was all in vain. The Emperor was helpless. 18
SURAJ MALL’S REPLY TO THE SHAH
On his arrival at Shergarh, about nineteen miles north of
Mathura, the Shah made a last despairing effort to extort what¬
ever was possible from Suraj Mall Jat. He sent to him two
envoys Jugal Kishor of Bengal and an Afghan officer, with a
threatening letter to say that if he continued to persist in his
evasion to pay the tribute, his three forts of Dig, Kumhir and
Bharatpur would be razed to the ground and levelled with
the dust, and the responsibility for what might befall him
and his country (like Mathura and Brindaban) would be
entirely his. But the Jat was not to be frightened. He wrote
back to the Shah in flattering, but bold, terms:
I have no important position and power in the empire
of Hindustan. I am one of the zamindars living in the
desert, and on account of my worthlessness not one of the
emperors of the age thought it worthy of him to interfere
17. Fall of the Mughal Empire, ii. 125-6.
18. Tarikh-i~Alamgir Sani, 109b-110a,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
m.
with my affairs. Now that a powerful emperor like Your
Majesty, determined on meeting and opposing me face
fco face in the field of battle, would draw his armies
against this insignificant person, that action alone would
be discreditable to the dignity and greatness of the Shah
and would help in the elevation of my position (in the
public estimation) and would be a matter of pride for
my humble self. The world would say that the Emperor
of Iran and Turan had, out of extreme fear, marched his
armies upon a penniless nomad. These words alone
would be a matter of great shame for Your Majesty,
the bestower of crowns. Moreover, the ultimate result
is not altogether free from uncertainty. If, with all this
power and equipage, you succeed in destroying a
weakling like myself, what credit will there be gained?
(About me) they will only say, ‘what power and position
had that poor man?* But if by divine decree, which is
not known to anyone, the affair takes a different turn,
what will it lead to? All this power and preponderance
brought about by Your Majesty’s gallant soldiers during
a period of eleven years will vanish in a moment.
“It is a matter of surprise that your large-hearted
Majesty has not given thought to this small point, and
with all this congregation and huge multitude (army)
has taken upon yourself the trouble of this simple and
insignificant expedition. As to the threatening and
violent order issued for the slaughter and devastation of
myself (and my country), warriors have no fear on that
score. It is well known that no intelligent man has any
faith in this transient life. As for myself, I have already
crossed fifty of the stages (of life) and know not anything
about the remaining. There shall be no greater blessing
than that I should drink the draught (of martyrdom),
that has to be taken (sooner or later) in the arena of
warriors and in the field of battle with valiant soldiers,
and leave my name, and that of my ancestors, on the
pages of (the book of) the age to be remembered that
a powerless peasant breathed equality with such a great
and powerful emperor as had reduced mighty kings to
subjection, and that he fell fighting. And the same virtu-
MIN/Sr^
1 EXPEDITION AGAINST THE JATS
L
intention lies at the heart of my faithful followers
and companions. Even if I wish to make up my mind
to attend at the threshold of your angelic court, the
honour of my friends does not permit me. Under such
circumstances, if Your Majesty, the fountain of justice,
forgive me, who is as weak as a straw, and turn your
attention to expeditions of greater importance, no harm
shall come to your dignity and glory.
“The truth about the three forts, belonging to (me),
the object of your wrath, which have been regarded by
Your Majesty’s chiefs as (weak as) a spider’s web, shall
be tested only after an actual contest. God willing, they
shall be (as invincible as) Alexander’s Rampart .” 19
But with the terrible loss of life on account of the pre¬
vailing epidemic of cholera and the daily increasing heat of
the Indian summer, the Shah could no longer stay in the
country to translate his threats into action. He continued
his march towards Delhi. But as the Shah’s real intentions
were not known, Suraj Mall’s envoys continued the negotia¬
tions and kept him amused with the promise of ten lakhs of
rupees. At Delhi, however, it became clear that he was
returning home. Fast camel-riders conveyed the news to
M. TazkiraJi-i-hnad-xil-Mulh, 243-45; Qudratullah, Jam-i-Jahari
Nwna 3 L 503, ii. 118,
Qudratullah in his Jam-i~Jahan Numa. has thus summarized the
negotiations between Suraj Mall Jat and Ahmad Shah Durrani:
*Qn account of a rich treasury, strong forts, a numerous army and
large quantities of war material, Suraj Mall did not leave his place
and prepared himself for war. He told the envoys of the Shah, “You
have not conquered India as yet. If you have taken hold of an inex¬
perienced child (knad-ul-MuUk Ghazi-ud-Din) who held Delhi, what
is there (to be proud of)?” If you have any pretensions, why this
delay (in attacking me)? However conciliatory the Shah became, the
pride and arrogance of the Jat increased. And he said, “I have spent
large sums of money on this fort. The Shah can be kind to me by fight¬
ing with me, so that the world may remember in future that a badshah
came from vilayat and conquered Delhi, but was helpless against an
insignificant zamindar.” Fearful of the strength of the Jat forts, the
Shah went back, and, taking in marriage at Delhi the hand of the
daughter of (Emperor) Muhammad Shah for himself, and of the
daughter of (Emperor) Alamgir II for his son, returned to Qandahar.
MIN/Sr^
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
iucui, wuu „^^remoniously turned (out the Shah’s
envoys without paying them a single penny. 20
iuraj Mall, who uneere
EXPEDITION TO OUDH FAILED
The Shah, as we know, had promised Sayyad Sher Andaz
Khan, the envoy of Ahmad Khan Bangash, to send an army
along with him against Shuja-ud-Daulah of Oudh. He had
sent for his general Jangbaz Khan and also for two princes
from Delhi near his camp at Mathura. The Shah formally
honoured them on the 27th of Rabi-us-Sani, 1170 A.H.,
March 19, 1757, and on the following morning despatched
them to Oudh and Bengal via Farrukhabad, accompanied by
Jangbaz Khan at the head of a miscellaneous force of about
three thousand men. Muhammad Hidayat Bakhsh, son of
Emperor Alamgir II, and Mirza Baba, the nephew and son-
in-law of the Emperor, were appointed governors of Bengal
and Oudh respectively. The expedition of the princes, it may
be mentioned, was a dismal failure. As it does not fall with¬
in the scope of our subject, we leave it here and return to
Ahmad Shah at Delhi, preparing himself for his homeward
journey to Afghanistan. 21
On the 10th of Rajjab, 1170 A.H., March 31, 1757, the
Shah was encamped near Sarai Basant Khan and Sarai
Suhail in the suburbs of Delhi and paid a visit to the mauso¬
leum of Khwajah Qutb-ud-Din Bakhtiar Kaki. In spite of the
orders of the Shah to the contrary, some of the Afghans
rushed into the city and plundered some places. On the 11th
Rajjab, April 1, the Shah moved his camp in the direction of
Wazirabad and Badli and stayed there for three days. It was
20. SPD. ii. 72; Sarkar, ii. 126; Qanungo, i. 106.
21. For the expedition of the Mughal princes, see Tarikh-i-Alamgir
Sani , 106b, 109a, 117b-118b, 127b; SPD. xxi. iii-138, xxvii. 146, 160-190,
xxix. 71; Tazkirah-i- Imad, 246-49, 285-97; Sarkar, ii. 130-6; Tankh-i-
Muzaffari, 542-3; Munna Lai, Shah Alain. Namah, 11-3; Khazanah-i-
Amira, 53-4; Jam-i-Jahan Numa, ii, 75-7; Harcharan Dass, Chahar Gul-
zar-i-Shujai, 217-18.
According to the Gulistan-i-Rahmat, 104-5, the Shah wrote to
Hafiz Rahmat Khan, whose envoy Yaqub Ali Khan was then present in
die Shah’s camp, to help Jangbaz Khan and Ghazi-ud-Din in this
expedition.
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE JATS
at the tank of Maqsudabad that Emperor Alamgir
Accompanied by his eldest son, Shah Alam, Najib-ud-Daulah
and Majid-ud-Daulah, paid his farewell visit to the Shah on
the 12 th of Raj jab, April 2. Prince Taimur, with Shah Wall
Khan and Jahan Khan, went out to receive his father-in-law.
In the course of conversation the Emperor requested the Shah
to order the release of all captives taken by the Afghans from
Delhi, Mathura and other places. The Shah was pleased to
grant this request. Several thousand of them, both male and
female, returned with the Emperor to Delhi, and were restor¬
ed to their relatives the next morning; the friendless were
allowed to go wherever they liked. Under instructions from
the Shah the office of the prime minister was again given to
Imad-ul-Mulk Ghazi-ud-Din, while Najib-ud-Daulah was
appointed his supreme agent in India. 22
The Dowager-empresses Malika-uz-Zamani and Sahib
Mahal had vehemently resented the proposal of the Shah for
the hand of Hazrat Begam, daughter of Emperor Muhammad
Shah. But as they were helpless against his order and could
not, at the same time, bear the wrench of her separation,
they also decided to accompany her to Afghanistan and
arrived with her in the Shah’s camp on the 5th of April.
Sahib Mahal, the mother of Hazrat Begam, who had gone to
Delhi for a farewell visit to her mother and to remove her
belongings, left Delhi on the 10th of April and followed the
Shah’s camp which had, that day, moved to Sonepat. 23
Besides the two princesses — Hazrat Begam, also called
Badshah Bibi (daughter of Muhammad Shah), married to
himself, Gauhar Afroz Begam (daughter of Alamgir II)
married to his son, the Dowager-empresses, Iffat-un-Nisa
Begam (daughter of Dawar Bakhsh and great-grand-daughter
of Aurangzeb) married to Nadir’s son, Nasrullah, in 1739, and
taken into his own haram by Ahmad Shah after Nadir’s death,
and Muhtaram-un-Nisa (a daughter of the late Ahmad Shah
and a nursling of Malika-uz-Zamani), there were sixteen
22. Tarikh-i~ Alamgir Sani, llla-112b, 115b. Cf. Tazkirah-i-Imad,
254; Sarkar, ii. 129-30; Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, 543-4.
23. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 109b-112a, 113a, 114b, 115a-b. Cf. Taz-
kirah-i-Imad, 253-55; Tarikh-i-Muzaflari, 543,
G 24
AHMAD SHAH DURBAN!
other ladles of the Delhi haram in the Shah's camp. There
were also four hundred maid-servants ‘who were being
dragged away with their mistresses, but many of them escaped
on the way and returned to their homes/ 24
In addition to the above, Ahmad Shah's booty of this
invasion of India has been valued at three to twelve (even
thirty) karors of rupees by contemporary writers. As many
as twenty-eight thousand elephants, camels, mules, bullocks
and carts were loaded with the property of the Shah. Of
his eighty thousand horse and foot, every one was carrying
the spoils that fell to his share. ‘His cavalry returned on
foot, loading their booty on their chargers. 9 To this may be
added two hundred camels carrying the property of the
Dowager-empresses, 25
HOMEWARD MARCH
Leaving Sonepat, the Shah’s camp arrived at Taraori on
the 13th of April, 1757. Inayat Khan of Kunjpura paid a
tribute of twenty lakhs. Here, Jahan Khan returned un¬
successful from his tribute-collecting mission to the Baluchi
zamindars of Rohtak and was ordered to move in advance
along with Prince Taimur to Lahore. 26
MUGHLAN1 BEGAM DEJECTED
In appreciation of her services during this campaign, the
Shah had bestowed upon Mughlani Begam the territories of
Doaba Bist Jullundur, Jammu and Kashmir. The Begam
appointed Adina Beg Khan, then residing in the hills, the
24. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, lllb-112a, 113a-115b,
25. SPD. ii. 71.
According to Lakshman Appaji (SPD. xxi. 98) the Shah recovered
cash, jewels, etc., worth 3 to 4 karors of rupees. In the plunder of Delhi,
says Shivram Nayak Bhide, the Shah got 10 karors ( SPD . xxi, 118).
Khan-i-Khanan’s house contained property worth 4 karors, Ghazi-ud-
Din’s house yielded one karor; seven karors were taken from the money¬
lenders of Delhi—in all 12 karors were taken by Abdali (SPD. xxvii.
152). Shakir Khan, in his Tazkirah , 75, says that the Shah confiscated
10-12 karors in cask and kind from the house of Khan-i-Khanan alone.
Krishan Joshi (Rajwacle, 1. 63) estimates the total booty at 30 karors
of rupees.
26. Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, ii. 127.
M mr#y
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE JATS
ior of the Doaba, retained Raja Ranjit Dev in Jammu
and sent Khwaja Ibrahim Khan, a relative of hers, to Kashmir.
But the grant to the Begam was soon cancelled. In the new
arrangements for the administration of his Indian territories,
including Sirhind (beginning with Gharaunda in the
parganah of Karnal), Doaba Bist Jullundur, Lahore, Kashmir,
Thatta and Multan, the Shah appointed his son Taimur
viceroy with the title of Shah and Sardar Jahan Khan his
naib at Lahore. Abdus Samad Khan Muhammadzei of Hasht
Nagar was appointed to the government of Sirhind, Sarfraz
Khan to that of the Doaba Bist Jullundur and Buland Khan
Saddozei of Multan to Kashmir. This was distasteful to the
Begam, who accompanied him as far as the river Jhelum,
imploring him to allow her to retain the promised fief. But
in the interest of a strong government in the Pan jab under
his son, a woman of the type of Mughlani Begam ‘could not
be allowed to hold the Jalandhar Doab and thus interpose
a break between Lahore and Sirhind, nor could the Panjab
province be shorn of its northern hill territories, Jammu and
Kashmir. The Shah said to her, “Now that your brother,
Taimur Shah, is the ruler of the place, what will you do
with the provinces? You stay in Lahore and receive from
the government of Taimur Shah an annuity of thirty
thousand rupees.” But the Begam refused this offer. The
Shah desired Shah Wali Khan and Jahan Khan to persuade
her to accept the jagir in cash and settle down to a peaceful
life. But she was adamant and returned to Lahore dejected,
to live in poverty and misery. 27
While the Shah’s van under Taimur and Jahan Khan
was on its way to Lahore with the booty of the campaign,
the Sikhs found a favourable opportunity to attack it. Sardar
Ala Sintrh of Patiala (popularly called Ala Jat) and some
other Sikhs collected at Sirhind, attacked the prince and
carried away his treasury. A second attack was made at
Maver Kot (? Maler Kotla) and the Afghan army was
harassed and plundered. Such was the terror created by
the successes of the Sikhs that even Prince Taimur was
27. Tahmas Namah, 66a-70a; Husain Shahi, 32; Tarikh-i-SultanL
132; Khushwaqt Rai, 74.
MINIS
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
toured, of course wrongly, to have been captured and
killed by them. 28
<SL
SACK OF KARTARPUR
On their way to Lahore, the first thing that Prince Taimur
and Jahan Khan did on their arrival in the Jullundur Doab
was to sack the Sikh town and temple of Kartarpur, about
ten miles to the north-west of Jullundur. It was an open
town with no moat or fortifications, and its importance lay
in its Gurchvaras , or Sikh temples, sacred to the memory of
the fifth and the sixth Sikh Gurus, Arjun and Hargobind.
Sodhi Wadbhag Singh, the pontiff of the place, was a man
of considerable influence, but he was not then at Kartarpur.
The Afghans, guided by Nasir Ali Khan of Jullundur, at¬
tacked the unsuspecting residents, all of a sudden, and sub¬
jected them to an indiscriminate massacre and plunder. The
Gurdwaras were set on fire and their buildings, including the
historical pillar, called the Thamm Sahib , were all reduced
to ashes and desecrated with the blood of slaughtered cows. 29
SACK OF AMRITSAR
On his arrival at Lahore, the Shah stayed there only for
a short time. He sent out a detachment against the Sikhs at
Amritsar. The city was sacked, the buildings were razed
to the ground, the tank was desecrated and a number of Sikhs
were killed.
28. SPD. xxi. 116; xxvii. 148. Cf. xxi. Ill; Sarkar, ii. 71-2. With¬
out referring to the original Marathi letter, H. R. Gupta in his History
of the Sikhs (1739-68), 100, has quoted Rajwade, vol. I. p. 85, as his
authority for the above, although it makes no mention of it.
of SPD . xxi. 116 (p. 135) is Sinand, as Sirhind is sometimes called by the
illiterate, and not Sanawar. Maver Kot cannot be taken for Malerkot
(or Maler-kotla) as Taimur Shah was not travelling by that route.
29. Nizam-ud-Din, Shah Namah-i-Ahmadiya, 210-23; Bute Shah
Tawarikh-i-Panjab, 477; Purser, Jullundur Settlement Report, 29; Pra~
chin Panth Prakash, 413; Shamsher Khalsa, 121, Panth Prakash, 721-22.
According to the Prachin Panth Prakash, 413, Sodhi Wadbhag Singh was
then in the hills (village Mairi in the district of Hoshiarpur), while, ac¬
cording to other authorities, he fled to the hills at the time of the mas¬
sacre and saved his life, Ordinarily, the Prachin Panth Prakash is more
reliable.
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE JATS 1
TAIMUR INSTALLED AT LAHORE
He then installed his son, Taimur Shah, as the viceroy of
the Panjab, including all his Indian possessions, and appoint¬
ed Sardar Jahan Khan as his naib, minister as well as the
commander-in-chief. An army of ten to fifteen thousand
horse and foot with artillery was left at their disposal. To
these, in due course, were added contingents raised in the
country. With a view to winning over Ranjit Dev of Jammu
to the side of Taimur and securing the north-eastern hills
against any rebellion, the Shah bestowed on him the
parganahs of Zafarwal, Sankhatra and Aurangabad of the
present district of Sialkot. 30
THE SHAH HARASSED BY CHARHAT SINGH
Having made these arrangements, the Shah left for Pesha¬
war on his way to Qandahar via Kabul, Sardar Charhat
Singh Sukkarchakkia (grandfather of Maharaja Ranjit
Singh), who had established himself at Gujranwala, was at
this time found to be very active in harassing the Shah.
With his picked Sikh sawars, he would pounce upon the
Afghans in the evening, when they were pitching their tents
for the night’s halt, fight for some time and then disappear
in the darkness with whatever he could lay his hands on.
The Shah had to keep his men alert the whole night. But
he would come up again at odd hours in the morning when
they were packing and loading their baggage for the day’s
march. He kept lurking about the camp at some distance
during the day to avoid a pitched battle. The Shah wished
to fight a decisive battle with him, but Charhat Singh gave
no such opportunity and kept on harrying him in this vexing
manner day after day, till he had got to the river Indus and
crossed it. 31
30. Husain Shahi, 32; Tarikh-USultani, 132-33; Tahmas Namah,
66a-70a; Khazancih-i-Amira, 100; Sialkot District Gazetteer > 10.
31. Haqiqat-i-Bina-o~Aruj-i~Firqa~i-Sikha7i, 36.
MIN/Sr#
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
^r^Mmoured, of course wrongly, to have been captured and
killed by them. 28
SACK OF KARTARPUR
On their way to Lahore, the first thing that Prince Taimur
and Jahan Khan did on their arrival in the Jullundur Doab
was .to sack the Sikh town and temple of Kartarpur, about
ten miles to the north-west of Jullundur. It was an open
town with no moat or fortifications, and its importance lay
in its Gurdwaras, or Sikh temples, sacred to the memory of
the fifth and the sixth Sikh Gurus, Arjun and Hargobind.
Sodhi Wadbhag Singh, the pontiff of the place, was a man
of considerable influence, but he was not then at Kartarpur.
The Afghans, guided by Nasir Ali Khan of Jullundur, at¬
tacked the unsuspecting residents, all of a sudden, and sub¬
jected them to an indiscriminate massacre and plunder. The
Gurdwaras were set on fire and their buildings, including the
historical pillar, called the Thamm Sahib, were all reduced
to ashes and desecrated with the blood of slaughtered cows. 29
SACK OF AMRITSAR
On his arrival at Lahore, the Shah stayed there only for
a short time. He sent out a detachment against the Sikhs at
Amritsar. The city was sacked, the buildings were razed
to the ground, the tank was desecrated and a number of Sikhs
were killed.
28. SPD. xxi. 116; xxvii. 148. Cf. xxi. Ill; Sarkar, ii. 71-2. With¬
out referring to the original Marathi letter, H. R. Gupta in his History
of the Sikhs (1739-68), 100, has quoted Rajwade, vol. I. p. 85, as his
authority for the above, although it makes no mention of it.
of SPD. xxi. 116 (p. 135) is Sinand, as Sirhind is sometimes called by the
illiterate, and not Sanawar. Maver Kot cannot be taken for Malerkot
(or Maler-kotla) as Taimur Shah was not travelling by that route.
29. Nizam-ud-Din, Shah Namah-i-Ahmadiya, 210-23; Bute Shah
Tawarikh-i~Panjab, 477; Purser, Jullundur Settlement Report, 29; Pra-
chin Panth Prakash, 413; Shamsher Khalsa, 121, Panth Prakash, 721-22.
According to the Prachin Panth Prakash, 413, Sodhi Wadbhag Singh was
then in the hills (village Mairi in the district of Hoshiarpur), while, ac¬
cording to other authorities, he fled to the hills at the time of the mas¬
sacre and saved his life. Ordinarily, the Prachin Panth Prakash is more
reliable.
misr/ty.
189
EXPEDITION AGAINST THE JATS
TAIMVR INSTALLED AT LAHORE
He then installed his son, Taimur Shah, as the viceroy of
the Panjab, including all his Indian possessions, and appoint¬
ed Sardar Jahan Khan as his naib , minister as well as the
commander-in-chief. An army of ten to fifteen thousand
horse and foot with artillery was left at their disposal. To
these, in due course, were added contingents raised in the
country. With a view to winning over Ranjit Dev of Jammu
to the side of Taimur and securing the north-eastern hills
against any rebellion, the Shah bestowed on him the
parganahs of Zafarwal, Sankhatra and Aurangabad of the
present district of Sialkot. 30
THE SHAH HARASSED BY CHARHAT SINGH
Having made these arrangments, the Shah left for Pesha¬
war on his way to Qandahar via Kabul. Sardar Charhat
Singh Sukkarchakkia (grandfather of Maharaja Ranjit
Singh), who had established himself at Gujranwala, was at
this time found to be very active in harassing the Shah.
With his picked Sikh sawars, he would pounce upon the
Afghans in the evening, when they were pitching their tents
for the night’s halt, fight for some time and then disappear
in the darkness with whatever he could lay his hands on.
The Shah had to keep his men alert the whole night. But
he would come up again at odd hours in the morning when
they were packing and loading their baggage for the day’s
march. He kept lurking about the camp at some distance
during the day to avoid a pitched battle. The Shah wished
to fight a decisive battle with him, but Charhat Singh gave
no such opportunity and kept on harrying him in this vexing
manner day after day, till he had got to the river Indus and
crossed it. 31
30. Husain Shahi, 32; Tarikh-i-Sultani, 132-33; Tahmas Namah }
66a-70a; Khazanah-i-Amira, 100; Sialkot District Gazetteer , 16.
31. Haqiqat-i-Bina-o-Aruyi~Firqa-i-Sikhan ) 36.
Chapter XV
TAIMUR SHAH IN THE PANJAE
May 1757-April 1758
The first thing that Prince Taimur Shah had to attend
to was the establishment of peace and order in the disturbed
province of the Pan-jab. Khwaja Ubedullah Khan and his
deputy, Mirza Jan Khan, who had been reinstated in the
government of Lahore in the end of November, 1.756, were
given military posts and retained on the personal staff of
the Prince as advisers on administrative matters. 1
ADINA BEG AS FAVJDAR OF JULLUNDUR
It is true that Ahmad Shah had ordered the appoint¬
ment of Sarfraz Khan to the government of Doaba Bist Jul-
lundur. But that arch intriguer, Adina Beg Khan, was still
there lurking in the Shivalik hills ready to come down upon
the plains in concert with the Sikhs as soon as an opportunity
offered itself. Moreover, he had been confirmed in the gov¬
ernment of the Doaba by Mughlani Begam to whom the
territory had been originally given by the Shah. Taimur,
therefore, decided to keep him there, provided he agreed to
fall in line with the new government. Taimur wrote to Adina
Beg saying, “Ahmad Shah Durrani had at first decided to
march upon the Deccan and had, therefore, granted this
country to the Begam. Now that the intention of going to
the south has been abandoned, the government of this king¬
dom up to the ( southern) boundary of Sirhind, has been
assigned to us. You should, therefore, present yourself at
our court. In the case of disobedience to this order, the en¬
tire Doaba shall be overrun and devastated and the war shall
be carried on to the hills also.”
These were the days when the Begam had accomranied
the Shah as far as the Jhelum in the hope of regaining the
1. Tazklrah-l-lmad-ul-Mulk, 860-7.
MiNisr^
PRINCE TAIMUR SHAH DURRANI
Son and Successor of Ahmad Shah
misTfy
TAIMUR SHAH IN THE PANJAB
191
Sl
lories. , Tahmas Khan, the Begam’s confidant, who had
delivered the khilat to Adina Beg, was at this time with him
in Gfiati Balwan. Adina Beg was in a state of suspense.
Tahmas suggested that a petition, together with a copy of
the -above farman, bei sent to the Begam and that the messen¬
gers of Taimur Shah and Jahan Khan be kept dilly-dallying
till a reply came from her. And he offered to go to the
Begam himself. But on his arrival at Ravi, eight kos from
Adina Nagar (now called Dinanagar), to which place Adina
Beg had, in the meantime, shifted his camp, Tahmas came to
know that the Begam had returned disappointed from the
Shah’s camp to Sialkot and thence to Lahore, where she
lived in dilapidated quarters of the Sarai Hakim near the
chauk. Here Dila Ram, the agent of Adina Beg Khan en¬
tered into negotiations with Taimur Shah and succeeded in
obtaining for his master the faujdari of the Jullundur Doab
and exemption from personal attendance at Lahore on under¬
taking to pay thirty-six lakhs of rupees annually. Dila Ram
stayed in Lahore as a personal surety for the payment of the
tribute. Adina Beg Khan accepted the arrangements and
regularly remitted his monthly instalments. 2
Adina Beg Khan thus befriended, there was peace in the
country, ‘justice was done in the capital and the districts,
and the roads became safe for traffic once more.’ 3
' ATTACK ON AMRITSAR
Not long afterwards, intelligence was received by Jahan
Khan that the Sikhs were assembling in large numbers at
Chak Guru (Amritsar) for a bath in the sacred tank and
were causing disturbance and that the forces of Taimur Shah
with Sardar Haji Atai Khan and others, which were out sub¬
jugating the country and settling other affairs, ‘were upon
their heads . Jahan Khan wrote to Haji Atai Khan to rush upon .
Chak Guru with all his troops on a certain day and said that
he would himself be there on the same day to crush the Sikhs.
2. Tahmas Namah, 67b-69b, 78a; Ali-ud-Din, 253; Khatanah-i-
Amira , 100; Sarkar, ii. 67.
3. Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal Empire, ii 67.
miST/fy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
According to the practice in Afghanistan, he proclaimed the
Jihad against the Sikhs by the beat of drum in the city of
Lahore and called upon everyone possessing a horse, irrespec-
tive of his being a servant of the state or not, to accompany
him to the field of battle. Even the Begam, who had only
twenty-five sawars in her service, had to send them all under
Tahmas Khan. Qasim Khan also joined them. This force
numbered about two thousand sciwavs. Leaving Lahore in
the afternoon, they arrived at Sarai Khan-i-Ivhanan at .a
distance of six kos, and spent the night there. The next d^r
they reached a place two kos from Amritsar. Jahan Khan
was surprised to find that in spite of urgent orders, Haji
Atai Khan had not as yet arrived.
The Sikhs had, in the meantime, received the intelli¬
gence of the march of the Lahore force against them. They
rushed from all sides and the fighting began. The Lahore
force was surrounded and attacked all at once. So heavy
was the pressure of the Sikh attack that many of the Lahore
troops were stricken with terror and took to their heels.
Jahan Khan at this stage rushed forward furiously and
firmly to save the situation. Tahmas Khan was then in
attendance upon him with two hundred sawars. But as the
Sikhs had left no opening for the flying people, they came
back and joined their force. Jahan Khan unsheathed
his sword in anger and hit some of the renegades crying
out, “Why did you run away?” However, they all gathered
together again, and began fighting steadily. But they were
exhausted. At this stage Haji Atai Khan appeared on the
scene with a fresh force and a park of artillery and turned
the tables upon the Sikhs. It was impossible for them to
stand against the ruthless fire of the guns and they sought
safety in flight. The victorious force pursued the Sikhs as
far as Chak Guru (Amritsar), and entered the precincts of
the Sikh temple, where they cut down five Sikh foot-guards
standing at the door. Mir Ni'mat Khan, one of the Lahore
chiefs, was killed here in the struggle with the defenders.
The victors then fixed their camp at Amritsar and after a
few days’ stay, Jahan Khan returned to Lahore. 4
4. Tahmas Namah , 76a-77b.
MINISr^
TAIMUR SHAH IN THE PANJAB
DENT OF KOT BUDDHA R AMD AS
This attack of Taimur’s forces upon the holy temple and
city of the Sikhs added fuel to the fire of the Sikh fury
against the Afghans. Then came another incident which
further aggravated the situation. Two Afghan troopers com¬
ing from Sirhind were, by chance, killed in the territory of
Kot Buddha Ramdas. On receipt of this information, Jahan
Khan despatched a few mounted bailiffs to the Chaudhri of
the place, evidently to compel him to produce the culprits.
Following the custom of their own country, they tortured
the Chaudhri and had nearly killed him. He, however,
managed to fly away and saved his life. As he was an
important and well-known Sardar of the Sikhs, “the entire
Sikh community felt insulted at this outrage.” “From that
very moment/’ says Tahmas Khan, “the peace and order
that had been established in the country was upset, and the
Sikhs rose in rebellion on all four sides.” 5
CHANGE OF ATTITUDE TOWARDS ADINA BEG
But the situation was worsened by Jahan Khan’s un¬
statesmanlike attitude towards Adina Beg Khan, the faujdar
of the Jullundur Doab, which was then the favourite resort
of the Sikhs. Adina Beg, as we know, had agreed to pay
thirty-six lakhs of rupees annually on the definite under¬
standing that he should be exempted from personal atten¬
dance at the court of Taimur Shah, that he would regularly
remit his instalments of the revenue and that his Vakil, Dila
Ram, would stay permanently at Lahore to transact the poli¬
tical business of the Doaba and to look to the payment of
money. 6
But in spite of it, some interested people instigated
Taimur Shah against him, evidently, under a false sense of
prestige and under pressure for money required to run the
administration of the country. “Adina Beg Khan has pro¬
perty worth lakhs,” said they, “and he intentionally avoids
attendance at the royal darbar. If he is sent for, he would
5. Tahmas Namah * 77b-78a.
6. Tahmas Namah , 78a; Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah , 253-54.
G. 25
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
(at
rtainly not come. Having arrested and imprisoned him
^that fault (of disobedience), countless money may be had
of him, and satisfactory arrangements will also be made for
the country.” The suggestion appealed to the inexperienced
and needy prince and he issued the necessary orders to Jahan
Khan,
Jahan Khan sent his messengers to Adina Beg Khan
demanding his presence at Lahore. Adina Beg, on the other
hand, had come to know about the real intentions of
Taimur. He detained the messengers under the false pro¬
mise of making arrangements for the journey, and, in the
meantime, completed his arrangements for a flight into the
innermost and inaccessible recesses of the Shivaliks. Not
receiving any favourable reply from Adina Beg Khan, Jahan
Khan threw his agent, Dila Ram, into prison. Mughlani
Begam stood personal surety for the payment of six lakhs of
rupees, secured his release and contrived his escape to his
master’s place, asking him to make immediate arrangements
for the payment of the money. For this purpose, she had
already sent to him some of her jewels so that he might
raise the required funds against them and absolve her from
her personal obligations. Jahan Khan was highly enraged
on receipt of this intelligence and ordered the arrest of the
Begam. But she had already gone to his ladies’ apartments,
where the furious Khan himself beat her with a stick. The
Begam promised to pay up the amount in jewels. Jahan Khan
was not satisfied with this. Under his orders the Begam’s
residence was ransacked and all her property was confis¬
cated. 7
Jahan Khan then turned his attention to Adina Beg
and resorted to trickery. He detailed Mirzada Ghulam
Husain, who was looked upon by Adina Beg with reverence,
to persuade him, while he himself began military prepara¬
tions to fall upon him unawares. Adina Beg despatched his
agents to Lahore with presents for the prince to secure
exemption from personal attendance at Lahore. He pleaded
his inability to leave his territories at that time. The Sikhs,
he said, were waiting for an opportunity to pounce upon the
7. Talmas Namah, 79b-80a.
f MINfSr/?,,
TAIMUH SHAH IN THE PANJAB
395
<SL
and would, as soon as he left his headquarters,
create a disturbance which would be impossible to suppress.
But it was all in vain. The prince insisted upon his presence
in Lahore. In the meantime, the ever-vigilant. harkaras of
Adina Beg warned him of the impending attack and he
slipped into the hills of Nalagarh. 8
MIRZA JAN JOINED ADINA BEG
At this time Mirza Jan Khan also left Jahan Khan and
joined Adina Beg Khan. Mirza Jan had found it difficult to
get on with the Afghan minister, who openly accused him of
intriguing with the Sikhs. Jahan Khan evidently harboured
some personal grudge against him and, with a view to dis¬
gracing him publicly, called upon him to appear at the office
of the diwan and submit the accounts of the period when he
held the country during the Shah’s absence in Hindustan.
Mirza Jan Khan sent back word to say: “If the object of the
Khan by these preliminaries is to take possession of my
property, I am ready. I have, in fact, no attachment to it.
It may be taken away just now. But if it is intended to
insult and disgrace this well-wisher of the state, I shall not
submit to it.” At the same time he knew of the greedy
nature of the Khan. Therefore, he sent to him a pair of
Turkish horses with gold and silver trappings, a few pieces
of fine silk and some money as presents to ward off the
danger. But this failed to appease him. He took possession
of the presents and ordered his bailiffs to proceed to Mirza
Jan’s residence and produce him, willing or otherwise, in
the diwan’s court. He, then, realized the seriousness of the
situation, purchased the goodwill of the bailiffs and sent
them back with the promise that he would appear in the
diwan 9 s court the next morning. He had no alternative other
than flying for his life. He could either go to Sukh Jiwan
in Kashmir or to Adina Beg Khan in the Shivaliks. But as
Sukh Jiwan was then known to be a faithful servant of
Ahmad Shah and was also a non-Muslim, the choice fell on
Adina Beg, and at midnight Mirza Jan Khan left for the
8. Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah , 254; History of the Panjab (Allen
& Co.), i. 204; Kanhaiya Lai, Tarikh-i-Partjab , 80.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
"^Kivaliks. Nothing could have been more welcome to
Beg at this time than the defection of Mirza Jan Khan from
the Afghans and his arrival in his own camp. 9
MURAD KHAN LEADS AN EXPEDITION AGAINST ADINA BEG
The escape of Mirza Jan to the camp of Adina Beg and
the shelter given to him afforded another cause to Jahan
Khan to march an army against him. Hearing of the distur¬
bances in the Panjab, Ahmad Shah had ordered Murad
Khan, the governor of Multan, to proceed to Lahore with
an army of ten thousand horse to assist Jahan Khan in his
military operations against the Sikhs. Jahan Khan gave the
command of this expeditionary force against Adina Beg Khan
to Murad Khan with Sarfraz Khan, the faujdar -designate of
the Doaba, and Buland Khan as his deputies. Crossing the
Beas, the Afghans took to south-easterly direction, as Adina
Beg was then known to be lurking about the river Sutlej
near Jaijon in the Hoshiarpur District, 10
Adina Beg Khan had, in the meantime, entered into
negotiations with Sodhi Wadbhag Singh and Sardar Jassa
Singh Ahluwalia, The Sikhs were already burning with
rage against the Afghans *at the massacres at Kartarpur and
Amritsar and the desecration of their Gurdwaras. To them
this was a God-sent opportunity and they availed themselves
of it with great eagerness. Adina Beg also won over Sidiq
Beg, the Deputy Governor of Sirhind, and Raja Bhup Singh. 11
AFGHANS WORSTED IN THE BATTLE OF MAHILPUR
With an army of twenty-five thousand sawars , he issued
forth from the hills to meet the Afghans advancing towards
him. The two armies grappled with each other near the
town of Mahilpur in the district of Hoshiarpur, and a sangui¬
nary battle ensued. As it was difficult for the Sikhs to
distinguish between the Muslim soldiers of Adina Beg and
those of the Afghans, it was arranged that the soldiers of
Adina Beg should wear tufts of grass on their heads. In
9. Tazkirah-i-Imad , 372.
10. Tazkirah-i-Imad, 365; Khazanah-i-Amira, 100; Ghulam All,
Shah Alam Namah } 55-6.
11. Shah Alam Namah , 55-6; Shah Namah-i-Ahma,diya, 237,
MINIS r/jy
TAIMUR SHAH IN THE FANJAB JHF
e of the Afghans being equipped with light pieces of
artillery, they could not stand against the furious attacks of
the Sikhs and were put to flight. Karam Singh of Paijgarh,
belonging to the dera (battalion) of Shyam Singh, distin¬
guished himself by his bravery in this battle. Buland Khan
died fighting in the field. Murad Khan fled in panic to
Lahore, leaving all his equipage to fall into the hands of
the Sikhs. The victorious Sikhs then rushed upon the city
of Jullundur and wreaked their vengeance upon it. Sa’adat
Khan Afridi was defeated in a skirmish and the city lay
prostrate at their feet. Sodhi Wadbhag Singh egged them on
to a general plunder and was personally responsible for some
of the excesses committed by them. The dead body of Nasir
Ali, who had been responsible for the wholesale slaughter at
Kartarpur and for burning the Thamm Sahib Gurdwara,
was dragged out of his grave and subjected to indignities. In
this general melee and confusion, the adventurous people of
the village of Dhogri and its neighbourhood also rushed into
Jullundur and shared in the loot. Adina Beg, at last, came
to its rescue and paid to the Sikhs a tribute of a lakh and
a quarter of rupees to purchase their good-will. 12
THE SIKHS RANSACKED THE JULLUNDUR DOAB
Flushed with victory, the Sikhs grew bolder still. They
ransacked the whole of the Doaba and pushed on to the
neighbourhood of Lahore, while Adina Beg Khan returned
to his own headquarters. “Thousands of Sikhs raided the
city (of Lahore) every night and plundered the outlying
suburbs, but no one dared come out of the city to repel
them/’ says Tahmas Khan, an eye-witness. “Rather, the
gates were ordered to be closed at about 10 o’clock at night.
The situation became worse day by day, and the administra¬
tion of the state was all upset.” 13
12. Khazanah-i-Amira, 100; Tahmas Namah, 78a; Ahwal-i-Adina
Beg, 19; Husain Shahi, 33; Tarikh-i-Muzafiari, 547; Siyar-ul-Muta-
kherin, 908-9; Shah Alam Namah, 55-56; Ali Ibrahim, 18; Chahar Gul-
shan-i-Panjab, 132; Prachin Panth Prakash, 413-22; Panth Prakash
(Gian Singh), 721-30; Purser, Jullundur Settlement Report, 29.
13. Tahmas Namah, 78a, b; Ahmad Shah Batalia, Tarikh-i-Hind,
872 (326).
Ml HlSTfiy.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
According to a Marathi despatch of the 25th of Rabi-ul-
Akhir, 1171 A.H., January 6, 1758, based on the letters of
Adina Beg and Dila Ram, Sa’adat Khan Afridi, after his
defeat in Jullundur, had run away to the hills, and the
Sikhs began to collect tribute from the people of the Doaba
in the name of karah prasad (a consecrated sweet pudding
made of flour, ghee and sugar). The subedar of Lahore sent
an army of twenty-five thousand horse and foot under
Khwajah Ubaid (Ullah) Khan to fight the Sikhs, the
despatch continues, ‘‘but the said Khan was defeated in battle.
Many of his captains were killed and his carnp and baggage
were plundered. All the artillery that the Shah had left
behind was taken away.”
The Sikhs then crossed into the Bari Doab and extended
their raids to the neighbourhood of Batala and Kalanaur, and
also to the suburbs of Lahore, as mentioned above. 14
Jahan Khan was all fury to hear of the disastrous defeat
of Murad Khan and the extension of the power of the Sikhs.
He hurriedly moved from Lahore and met the retreating
force at Batala. On seeing Murad Khan at the talab (Tank)
of Shamsher Khan, he flew into a rage and ordered him to
be publicly flogged. But it was all in vain. The position lost
in the Jullundur Doab could not be regained. 15
At the same time came the sad news of the defeat of
Zafran Khan, who had been sent to take charge of the
government of Kashmir. 16 But that was not all. The worst
that resulted in the flight of Jahan Khan himself, together
with Prince Taimur Shah, had yet to come. And that was
14. SPD. ii. 83; Ahmad Shah Batalia, Tarikh-i-Hind, 872.
15. Ahmad Shah Batalia, Tarikh-i-Hind, 872. According to this
writer, Murad Khan fought only half-heartedly, and as he had been
won over by Shah Wali Khan, who was an enemy of Jahan Khan,
he fled from the field without making any serious effort. The author
further states that even the disturbances in the Doaba Bist Jullundur
had been created by Adina Beg Khan at the instigation of Shah Wali
Khan. Nizam-ud-Din Ishrat, in his Shah-Namah-i-Ahrriadiya , also
supports the view of Ahmad Shah in respect of Murad Khan's half¬
heartedness owing to his ‘narrow-mindedness’ towards Sarfraz Khan
(Vide p. 239-41).
16. Tahmas Namah, 78a,
MIN/Sr/?,,
TAIMUR SHfAH IN THE PANJAB
Combined and sweeping raid of the Marathas and the
i, who carried everything before them..
<SL
FEARS OF ADINA BEG
Adina Beg Khan had, no doubt, repelled the attacks of
Sarfraz Khan and Murad Khan on the Jullundur Doab. But
he knew he could not face the stronger forces of Jahan Khan,
much less oppose, with success, the superior and better
equipped armies of His Afghan Majesty Ahmad Shah
Durrani who might come down any time to retaliate the
affront offered to his son and representative in the Panjab.
As for the Sikhs, they had their own aspirations. They could
not always be expected to fight his battles. They had not
as yet forgotten the days of their independent rule under
Banda Singh, and they eagerly looked forward to the day
when “the Khalsa shall rule and no refractory shall exist
(Raj Karega Khalsa Yaki Rahe Na Koe).” They had already
embarked on a career of conquest, and now might, at any
time, turn upon him and convert his territories 17 into their
own, and then raise, on the ruins of the Afghan dominions
in the Panjab, the structure of their own independent
kingdom as it actually came to be a living fact six years later
(1764). Fertile in imagination and political sagacity, Adina
Beg Khan tapped a more fruitful source and opened negotia¬
tions with the Marathas.
ADINA BEG CALLS IN THE MARATHAS
Balaji Rao Peshwa’s brother, Raghunath Rao, was then
stationed in the neighbourhood of Delhi with a vast army.
He had arrived there with Malhar Rao Holkar in August,
1757, and had since driven out Najib-ud-Daulah from Delhi
and Saharanpur. This had alarmed Abdus Samad Khan
Muhammadzei, the Afghan governor of Sirhind, and he
raised a large force to meet them. But the Marathas did not
move towards Sirhind and there was no conflict. It was
during these days, before the 6th of January, 1758, that Har
Lai and Sidiq Beg, the envoys of Adina Beg Khan, opened
negotiations with Raghunath Rao, inviting the Marathas to
17. Prachin Panth Prakash, 415-16; Tahmas Namah , 78b.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
the Panjab and offering to pay one lakh of rupees per day
when they were marching, and fifty thousand when halting.
SACK OF S1RHIND
Raghunath Rao readily accepted the offer and marched
with the Maratha army to Sirhind towards the end of
February, 1758. Passing through Ambala, Mughal-di-Sarai,
Rajpura and Sarai Banjara, he arrived in the neighbourhood
of Sirhind on the 30th of Phagan, 1814 Bk., March. 9, 1758.
As previously arranged, Adina Beg Khan and his Sikh allies
also joined the Marathas there. The Sikhs were particularly
furious against the city of Sirhind. It was here that the
younger sons of their Guru Gobind Singh had been butchered
to death. They had, therefore, taken a promise from Adina
Beg that they should be allowed to enter the city first of all
and sack it. 19
Abdus Samad Khan had started his fortifications as early
as the second week of January, 1758, when he had returned
from, his invasion of Sunam in the territory of Sardar Ala
Singh of Patiala. But Sirhind could not stand the siege for
long and was captured on the 21st of March, 1758. The
Sikhs were the first to enter it and they subjected it to a
wholesale plunder. Abdus Samad Khan and Jangbaz Ivhan
tried to fly away but they were overtaken and captured along
with some other Afghan captains. Raghunath Rao, however,
treated them well. The Marathas were the next to plunder
the town, and, on the third day, even the people of the
neighbouring villages rushed in and carried away whatever
they could lay their hands on. ‘Even the mansions of rich
18. Tahmas Namah, 78b~79a; Khazanah-i~Amira, 100; Siyar-uL -
Mutakherin , 909; Tazkirah-i-lmad, 373-74; Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sant,
164b; Ahwal-i-Adina Beg , 11.
Kararrt Singh, Maharaj Ala Singh, 174-6 (Ladha Mall's letter to
Ala Singh, 29th of Phagan, 1814 Bk.). Abdus Samad’s force besieged
Malhar Rao’s women in Shahabad in the middle of January, 1758,
when they were on a visit to Thanesar and Kurukshetra. But the
Maratha escort succeeded in not only extricating the ladies from the
Afghan encirclement, but also in beating the Afghans back and cap¬
turing some of their horses. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 150b~151a.
19. Prachin Panth Prakash , 422-23; Karam Singh, Maharaj Ala
Singh, 176-77.
MIN/Sr^
TAIMUR SHAH IN THE PANJAB
J§L
people were razed to the ground and their timber taken
away; their floors were dug up and all that was recovered
was removed/ 20
The Marathas were naturally jealous of the Sikhs, who
had had the lion’s share in the loot of Sirhind. A skirmish
took place between them but peace was soon brought about
by Adina Beg Khan. It was then agreed that, as there was
a fear of a collision between the two warrior peoples, the
Sikhs, who numbered about fifteen thousand, should always
keep two stages ahead of the Marathas in their march upon
Lahore. 21
ADINA BEG WRITES TO JAHAN KHAN
It will be interesting to know that even in this open
secret of his invitation to, and alliance with, the Marathas,
Adina Beg tried to play a double game. He wrote to Jahan
Khan at Lahore that the Marathas from the Deccan had
sprung a surprise upon the Pan jab and that he was joining
their camp as a matter of time-serving policy. As his faithful
servant, he said, he was writing to inform Jahan Khan that,
as the Deeccinis were marching at a rapid speed (of one
hundred kos a day!), he should, without a moment’s delay,
advance to oppose them. Adina Beg’s object in writing this
to Jahan Khan evidently was to dupe him into the belief
of his loyalty to the Afghan government and to keep the
door of negotiations open. 22
20. Tarikh-i~Alamgir Sani, 164b, 165a; Tazkhirah-i-Imad, 376-79;
Tahmas Namah, 79a, 81a; Tarikh-i~MuzajJari, 547; Cunningham, His¬
tory of the Sikhs, 106.
For a detailed study of Abdus Samad Khan’s invasion of Sunam,
see Tazkirah-i-Khandan-i-Maharaja Karam Singh, 61-62; Karam Singh,
Maharaj Ala Singh, 172-73.
Ala Singh had at that time in the camp of the Marathas, a vakil,
whose letter dated the 29th of Phagan, 1814Bk., addressed to his
master, contains the details of the march of the Marathas to Sirhind—
Vide Kaghzat-i~Bhagwant Rai, referred to in Karam Singh’s Maharaj
Ala Singh, 176, footnote.
Ala Singh was then at Anandpur-Keso. Raghunath Rao sent for
him, but Ala Singh sent his representative, Biram Dhillon, to Ladha
Mai Vakil for mutual consultations.
21. Tazkirah-i-Ima&, 379-80; Prachin Panth Prakash, 423-4.
22. ToJvnias Namah, 11-12. [Continued on p, 202
G. 2$
MIN ISTfff
V\
h AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
HAN KHAN MOVED OUT AGAINST THE SIKHS AND
MARATHAS
On receipt of the intelligence of the siege of Sirhinrl,
Jahan Khan, mobilized all his army for the reinforcement of
Abdus Samad Khan and moved out of the city of Lahore.
Mughlani Begam was imprisoned in the palace of Taimur
Shah in the fort, and her confidant, Tahmas Khan, was
ordered to join his camp. The whole army moved up to
Batala. From there Yusaf Khan, superintendent of the
Prince's court (darogha-i-diwan khana ), was sent with an
advance guard, evidently, to watch the fords of the Sutlej.
It was suggested to Jahan Khan that his advance guard was
no match for the seasoned soldiers of the Marathas and the
Sikhs, nor was it well-provisioned. In reply he turned round
and said, “The ripe crop of wheat, barley and other corn is
there in plenty in the country. Why do they want any
expenses ? God willing, they shall be demobilized in ten
to fifteen days.” The advance guard moved into the Hoshiar-
pur district, where they roamed about for a few days. In
the meantime, Sirhind was captured by the enemy. No
sooner did they receive this news than they recrossed the
Beas at the ferry of Rahila. With all his force Jahan Khan,
then, moved to the town of Jalalabad, to bar the passage
of the invaders. He stayed there for eight days. In the
meantime they had crossed into the Doaba and were moving
up by a different route. Jahan Khan found his position risky
at Jalalabad and hurried back to Lahore. 23
PRINCE TAIMUR AND JAHAN KHAN LEFT LAHORE
With the arrival of the combined forces of the Mara¬
thas, Adina Beg Khan and the Sikhs in the neighbourhood,
According to Ali-ud-Din’s Ibrat Namah, Adina Beg Khan sent
the following message to Jahan Khan: “Having conquered the whole
of India, the Marathas have invaded the Pan jab. If you are strong
enough to oppose them, mobilize your army and come out to fight.
If not, I can be of service to you in keeping them engaged in the
bandobast of the hill territories and you may (in the meantime) con¬
veniently remove the Prince and the ladies to Afghanistan. Do not
blame me afterwards that I did not inform you of this sudden calamity”
Vide , p. 254-5.
?3, Tahmas Namah. 80a-81b,
MIN IST/fy
taikuh sham in the Hanjab
tie impossible for Jahan Khan to stay in Lahore. Tt_
„ _ w s out of r epa^ and, as the harvesting had not as yet
begun, it was not sufficiently provisioned for any long-drawn
siege. Moreover, he had no heavy pieces of artillery to keep
the besiegers away for long. Friends and allies from amongst
the aristocracy he had hardly any, and the enemies he had
in plenty. He had alienated the sympathies of the Sikh
population, who were only waiting for a chance to drive him
away. His Afghan and Persian troops numbered only a few
thousand, and there was no hope of reinforcement from the
Shah, who was himself busy with the affairs of state at home.
In these circumstances Prince Taimur was not free from
danger. Jahan Khan was then left with the only alternative
of flying away to Afghanistan before the arrival of the inva-
ders 24
On or about the 17th of April, 1758, the day following
us return to Lahore, Jahan Khan set up a temporary camp
on the other side of the river Ravi, and sent out, first of all,
the mother of Prince Taimur and his own relations. The
other sardars of the army also carried their belongings to
the camp. As the number of animals for transport was not
sufficient, two or three trips had to be made to carry the
baggage and property across the river. When it was report-
ec to Jahan Khan that some of his soldiers were hiding them¬
selves m the city, he dragged them out and executed them
m the Chuuk. 2 *
24 Husain Shahi, 34-5; Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, I65a; Siyar-ul-
Mutakherin, 909; Tazkirah-i-Imad, 381-2; Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal
Empire, n. 73-74; Siraj-ut-Tawarikh, 20.
ImaT 381 * mkh " i ~ MuzaifaTi > 547 > Tahmas Hamah, 8lb; Tazkirah-i -
e , xact dat f of Taimur Jahan Khan’s departure is not
So r -if r Z a ln any ° f the extant Persian '™d Marathi works,
lire Tankh~i-Muzaffari has placed it (dar ashra-i-awwal-i-Sha’-
ban-ul-Azam) in the first ten days of Sha’ban, 1171, Hijri, ending
A 1 I 58 -, The laSt day ° f the *** l«hrf
Shaban, April 19) has, therefore, to he taken as the day of the final
departure. According to the Tazkirah-i-Imad-ul-Mulk, 381, the Mara-
thas crossed the Sutlej into the Doaba at Ludhiana (dar-awail-i-mah-i
m T * he beginning (on the 2nd or 3rd) of Sha’ban (April
or 12). Jahan Khan must have received this intelligence at Jalala-
Ahmad shah durrANI
Jsl
ughlani Begam was released from the fort with ox
send all her sawars and footmen, fully equipped, to the
camp. While her sawars were pleading poverty, four saza -
wals, or bailiffs, carried urgent orders from Jahan Khan to
the Begam, desiring her to appear at his residence with her
younger daughter called Sahibzadi. This stupefied the Begam,
who asked Tahmas Khan to take the girl to the Afghan as
desired. When he remonstrated with her on the advisability
of sending the girl in that disgraceful way, she said, “The
daughter is not dearer than my life.” “Quite,” said Tahmas,
“but the object of sending for you, as far as I can under¬
stand, is to keep you under surveillance as long as they are
crossing the river. As you have been the subadar of the
place, he is afraid lest, now when his army is about to fly
away, you should close the gates and stop his men from
carrying away their belongings. Beyond this, he has no other
intention. Keeping your eyes on the grace of the divine
Protector, you should ride and go/’ The Begam at once fell
down at his feet and said, “I now know that by such deceitful
words, you wish to send me away.” Tahmas Khan, however,
ultimately succeeded in persuading her. Accompanied by
Tahmas Khan and two other men, Shaikh Azim and Ali Quit,
she went to the Zanana (ladies’ apartments) of Jahan Khan
and spent the night there. News arrived on the following
morning, April 18, that Adina Beg Khan and the Maratha
vanguard under Manaji Paygude and two other captains had
crossed the river Beas and arrived at a distance of twelve
miles from Lahore. At noon Prince Taimur left his capital
bad on the 4th of Shaman, April 13. Tahmas Khan tells us (in Tahmas
Namah, 81b) that Jahan Khan arrived at Lahore in four days, that
is, on the 16th of April
The 17th of April, therefore, may be taken as the safest date, on
which Jahan Khan set up his camp on the other side of the river
Ravi, the 19th being the date of his final departure for Afghanistan.
Hari Raghunath Bhide’s letter written from Lahore on, or a day after,
Chaitra Sudi 13, 1815 Bikrami, April 21, 1758 ( SPD . XXVII. 218),
giving details' of the happenings on the east bank of the Chanab,
would seem to slightly upset this, chronological arrangement. It can,
however, be reconciled on the presumption that this letter was written
immediately after the receipt of news through some fast despatch-
riders,
MIN/Sr^
AIM UK SHAH IN THE PANJAB
bssed over to the other side of the Ravi, followed byt
__ Khan. The unnecessary and cumbersome baggage
was set on fire and the ladies of the haram were sent away
with the eunuchs. The Begam and her daughter, Sahibzadi,
then returned to Lahore, and heaved a sigh of relief. Early
in the morning of the 19th, Taimur and Jahan Khan also rode
away, leaving a small force under Mir Hazar Khan to cover
their rear/ 26
THE AFGHANS PURSUED AND HARASSED
Jahan Khan halted in Kachi Sarai at Eminabad but was
overtaken by the Marathas and the Sikhs with Khwaja Mirza
Jan. But in the absence of artillery and other material, he
could not be surrounded and captured. He successfully
slipped out of their hands and safely crossed the river Chanab
near Wazirabad with his Durrani tribesmen. As the river
was in high flood, the pursuers could not follow him up. But
they had their hands full on the eastern bank. On crossing
the river Ravi, Mirza Jan had defeated and driven away Mir
Hazar Khan and had then fallen upon the retiring force of
Jahan Khan. Most of his Uzbak, Qizzilbash and Afghan
troops and the camp and baggage were left behind for want
of boats, etc., and they all fell into the hands of the Marathas
and the Sikhs. The leading Sikh sardars, who took part in
26. Tahmas Namah , 81b-82b, 83b; SPD. XXVII. 218, dated Chaitra
Sudi 13, April 21, 1758. There may be a difference of a day or two
in the dates given above in the text.
At about 9 o’clock on April 19, Ashur Ali, with the advance guard
of 500 Marathas and 100 of Mirza Jan’s sawars, arrived at the Delhi
Gate of Lahore and produced letters from the authorities. Tahmas
Khan, who had been patrolling the streets during the night and re¬
cognized Ashur Ali Khan, opened the gate and placed the city into
their hands. Early in the following morning, Mirza Jan Khan arrived
at the Ravi, crossed the river, defeated Mir Hazar Khan and hastened
forward against Jahan Khan. Adina Beg Khan and the main Maratha
and Sikh armies came soon afterwards and occupied Lahore.— Tahmas
Namah .
Ali-ud-Din tells us that on their arrival at Amritsar, the Mara¬
thas paid a reverential visit to the Sikh Temple and that the Sikh
chiefs came and visited the Southerners and were honoured, lb)at
Namah, 255,
MiNisr*.
campaign with ten to fifteen thousand Sikh Sawars, were
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Gharhat Singh Sukkarchakkia, Tara Singh Ghaiba, Jassa Singh
Ahluwalia, Jassa Singh Ramgarhia, Han Singh, Lehna Singh,
Gujjar Singh and Jhanda Singh Bhangi, The Afghan cap¬
tives were carried by the Sikhs to Amritsar, where they
were forced to clean the sacred Sikh tank which Ahmad
Shah and Jahan Khan had desecrated and filled up with rub-.
bish. 2 *
27. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 165a; Tahmas Hamah f 83b; Tazkirah-i -
Imad, 382; Husain. Shahi, 35; Tarikh-i~Sultani, 134; Risalah-i-Nanak
Shah j 128b; Waqiat-i-Durrani , 11; Elphinstone, Caubul, 290; Tarikh-i
Gujranwalci, 19; Haqiqat~i~Bina-o~Aruj~i~Firqa™USikhan, 37,.
The last authority gives the number of the Afghan captives as
two hundred.
Chapter XVI
REBELLION OF NASEER KHAN OF KALAT (1759 A.D.)
On his return to Afghanistan from his fourth Indian
invasion, Ahmad Shah Durrani busied himself with ad¬
ministrative affairs of state. The news of the distur¬
bances caused by the Sikhs either with the connivance of, or
in alliance with, Adina Beg Khan began pouring in towards
the end of the year 1757. But his peaceful life was disturbed
bv the affront offered to his son and viceroy by Adina Beg
Khan with the help of the Sikhs, who had not only defeated
Sarfaraz Khan, the governor-designate of Doaba Bist Jullun-
dur, and killed Buland Khan in the battle of Mahilnur, but
also sacked the town of Jullundur. Added to this was
the news of the advance of the Marathas unon the Panjab.
Abmnd Shah was preparing to march to India when he re¬
ceived the disquieting news of the rebellion of Naseer Khan
in Baluchistan.
EARLY HISTORY OF NASEER KHAN
Naseer Khan is known to history as one of the most
popular Brahui chiefs of Kalat, Baluchistan. He was the
third and the youngest son of Mir Abdullah Khan Brahui
by Bibi Maryam of the Altazei clan, the other brothers being
Altaz Khan, also known as Haji Muhammad Khan, from the
same mother, and Muhabbat Khan from Jatgal. On the
death of Mir Abdullah Khan, Mir Muhabbat Khan succeeded
his father and established himself at Kalat, giving Mastung
to Haji Muhammad Khan. But the Haji proved faithless to
his brother. After two years, Haji Muhammad Khan bribed
the gate-keepers of Kalat and entered that city during one
Id night. He imprisoned Mir Muhabbat Khan and became
the master of Kalat. However, Muhabbat soon managed to
escape from the prison and roamed about for some time in
the hope of securing help from some Baluch tribes to regain
his lost position. Disappointed from all sides, he ultimately
AHMAD SHAH DUEEANI
'SL
^turned to his brother at Kalat and was given Mastung.
Wlien the forces of Nadir Shah under Pir Muhammad and
Asilmas Khan marched into Baluchistan by way of Bandar
Abbas and the Makaran coast, Muhabbat Khan tried to
check their progress but was defeated. Nadir Shall had, in
the meantime, conquered Qandahar. Giving up resistance,
Mir Muhabbat Khan and Haji Muhammad Khan (Mir Altaz
Khan) went to Qandahar and submitted to him. As Haji
Muhammad Khan had proved himself to be a tyrant and had
abandoned himself to the most licentious way of life, he had
become very unpopular with the Brahui chiefs, who unani¬
mously declared in favour of Mir Muhabbat Khan and ap¬
pealed to the Persian conqueror to confirm him in the gov¬
ernment of Kalat. Nadir Shah threw the tyrant in prison
and appointed Mir Muhabbat in his place. Naseer Khan, who
was then a minor, his mother, Bibi Maryam, and Murad Ali,
son of Haji Muhammad Khan, were carried away as hostages
for the good behaviour of Muhabbat Khan. 1
On the death of Nadir Shah, Naseer Khan gained his
liberty and accompanied Ahmad Shah Durrani to Qandahar.
He represented the Brahui tribe at the election of Ahmad
Shah to the- throne of the independent kingdom of Afghanis¬
tan and voted in his favour, thus acknowledging him as his
suzerain. Muhabbat Khan, Naseer Khan’s brother, soon lost
the confidence of the Durrani king by taking part in Luqman
Khan’s rebellion and was displaced by Naseer Khan by his
command in 1749. Naseer Khan became one of the most
favoured generals of Ahmad Shall, n£xt only to Sardar Jahan
Khan, and followed his suzerain into the field. He accom¬
panied the Shah on his expeditions to Khurasan and the
1. Akhund Muhammad Siddiq, quoted by Rai Bahadur Hattu
Ham in his Tarikh-i-Baluchistan, 187-93; Lockhart, Nadir Shah, 117;
Elphinstone, Cauhul , 290. According to Elphinstone, it was ‘Haji
Khan who was ruling at Kalat at the time of Luqman Khan’s rebellion
and it was he who was displaced by Naseer Khan. Pottinger, however,
gives a different story. Encouraged by Nadir Shah and hailed by the
dissatisfied citizens of Kalat, Naseer Khan “one day entered his apart¬
ments when alone, and stabbed him (Haji Muhammad Khan) to the
heart.” Vide Pottinger’s Travels, 280-1,
MIN/Sr^
REBELLION OF NASEER KHAN
209
ree campaigns in India, and performed his part loyally
and bravely. Never had any thing been noticed in his at¬
titude and behaviour which could at any time be interpreted
as dissatisfaction with the Shah’s suzerainty. “Possibly
all this time,” says Malleson, “he was watching his oppor¬
tunity.” Naseer Khan, in that case, must have been a very
shrewd man indeed. In quietly acknowledging Ahmad Shah
as his overlord, “he seems to have been actuated,” according
to Henry Pottinger, “by a consideration of that (Afghan)
kingdom to his dominions, and a wish to avoid a war.” 2
But now when Ahmad Shah’s armies in India had been de¬
feated, his son and viceroy, Prince Taimur Shah, had been
driven out of the Panjab, his ablest general, Jahan Khan,
had been rendered helpless and forced to fly away, and his
highly placed officers like Abdus Samad Khan and Jangbaz
Khan had been taken prisoners by the Marathas and the
Sikhs who had become the undisputed masters of his erst¬
while Indian empire. Naseer Khan could, as well, throw off
the Durrani yoke and strike a blow for his independence.
NASEER KHAN DECLARED HIS INDEPENDENCE-SHAH
DESPATCHED AN ARMY AGAINST HIM
This decided, Naseer Khan declared himself indepen¬
dent. Ahmad Shah had, therefore, to suspend his prepara¬
tions for an expedition to India. But he could not be easily
persuaded to lead an army against Naseer Khan, whom he
had always looked upon as an esteemed friend, a devoted
ally and a brave soldier. He tried every means of conciliation
to induce him to return to his alliance and agree to pay his
usual tribute. Naseer Khan treated the advances of Ahmad
Shah with contempt and sent to him, in reply, a register of
the Baluch army which exhibited an aggregate of two hundred
and fifty thousand armed men ready to take up arms against
him. Left with no alternative, the Shah had to despatch
an army against Naseer Khan under the command of his
prime minister, Shah Wali Khan.
<SL
2. Malleson, History of Afghanistan, 284-5; Ferrier, History of
the Afghans, 84; Elphinstone, Caubul, 290; Pottinger, Travels , 282.
G. 27
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI VV I
The Tarikh-i-Mirat-i-Dauldt-i-Abbasi (a’.history of the
Daudpotras of Bahawalpur) by Daulat Rai, however,' gives
a different reason for the inarch of the Afghan troops against
Naseer K han. According to him, Naseer Khan was guilty
of interfering with the authority of the Shah in the affairs
of Sindh. On the death of Nur Muhammad Kalhora of
Sindh, he was succeeded by his son, Muhammad Murad
Khan, who continued in the enjoyment of absolute authority
for nearly five years. Rut he was. a man of violent natuie
and was, therefore, put in confinement by his nobles who
invited his brother, Mian Ghulam Shah, and raised him to
the throne. In the meantime, the third brother, Atar
Khan, secured his nomination by Ahmad Shah Durrani and
arrived at Shikarpur with an Afghan army under the com¬
mand of Haji .Atai Khan. The Haji installed the nominee of
the Shah on the throne of Sindh and returned to Qandahar.
Mian Ghulam Shah had fled to Jaisalmer in Rajputana. The
exile then entered into negotiations. with Amir Muhammad
Mubarak Khan Abbasi of Bahawalpur and besought his help
in regaining his lost throne. The Bahawalpur chief sent an
army under the command of his own brother, Muhammad
Fateh Khan, to reinstate Mian Ghulam Shah. Atar Khan
and his brother, Ahmad Yar Khan, marched out to oppose
the Daudpotra army but were worsted and driven out. They
fled towards Gunjaba and Kalat on their way to the capital
of Ahmad Shah Durrani. On arrival at Kalat, they were
captured by Naseer Khan and thrown into prison, for rea¬
sons not known to history. Diwan Gidu Mall, the ambassa¬
dor of Sindh at the court of the Shah since the days of Mian
Khudayar Khan represented this act of Naseer Khan,
in laying his hands upon the nominee of the Shah, as
an affront to the Shah himself. On account of this provoca¬
tion, the troops of Ahmad Shah marched against Naseer Khan
under the command of his minister, Shah Wali Khan. 3
3 Tarikh-i-Mirat-i-Daulat-i-Abbasi, 46-51 (107-110). Cf. Shaha-
mat Ali, Picturesque Sketches in India (The History of Bahawalpur),
43-5,
MIN/Sr^
REBELLION OF MASEEH KHAN
AU KHAN WORSTED
21
Naseer Khan was not frightened at the approach of the
Afghan army. He levied his feudal troops, and as soon as he
was informed of the arrival of Shah Wali, he issued forth
from Mastung 4 to meet him. The battle was fought near the
village of Pringuez (Fring'owadh, of Pottinger’s Travels ).
The troops of Shah Wali Khan were worsted and forced to
retire to a distance of thirty miles from the field of action,
NASEER KHAN DEFEATED BY THE SHAH
Despatch-riders were immediately sent to inform the
Shah of the deieat surrered uy me Afghans at the hands of
the Baluch chief and to request him to arrange tor an early
reinforcement of his dejected army. Although this check
was of little consequence in itself, the Shah feared lest it
should acquire larger importance from the exaggerated man¬
ner in which it might be represented to the other tribes. He,
therefore, placed himself at the head of his remaining troops
and hastened to the support of his discomfited premier. The
very presence of the Shah with his troops changed the situa¬
tion. In the battle that ensued near the camp of Mastung,
three miles and a half from the former field of action, Naseer
Khan was defeated and he retreated in all haste to his
stronger position in Kalat. This place he had placed in
good defence ready to receive his Afghan assailants.
Unlike Naseer Khan, Ahmad Shah followed up his victory
and chased the Baluch chief to his fortifications and laid siege
to them,
SIEGE OF KALAT
“Dashing troops, when well led, in the open field,” say 3
Colonel Malleson, “the Afghans have always proved indif¬
ferent soldiers when engaged in sieges. It is not the sort of
work in which horsemen and mountaineers excel. It proved
on this occasion, as it had proved before, and has proved
4. Mastung is the second important town of the Kalat State and
lies about seventy miles to the north of Kalat on the road to Quetta,
v\
\
jjJ ] AHMAD SHA3H DURRAKt
Si nce . After a protracted cannonade, breaches were
in the wall, and five different assaults were delivered in suc¬
cession. They all failed.” Barkhurdar Khan, on one occa¬
sion, delivered an assault upon Kalat in which two important
Brahui chiefs, Qasim Khan and Amir Khan of the Muham¬
mad Hasani tribe, were killed. This was the fifth assault
and, as usual, it failed, as mentioned above, to make any
impression upon the fortifications of Naseer Khan. It has
been urged in excuse for these failures that the Afghan
chiefs in the army of the Shah were not wholly in favour
of the reduction of Kalat. Baluchistan had served for the
discontented Afghans the purpose of a Cave of Adullam,
offering to them a safe asylum in times of distressful need.
According to Akhund Muhammad Siddiq, even Shah Wali
Khan was favourably disposed towards him and always
looked for a chance to bring about reconciliation between
Ahmad Shah and Naseer Khan. With the exception of Bar¬
khurdar Khan, all other Afghan Sardars were of the same
view as the premier, who “in particular, maintained a cor¬
respondence with Naseer,” says Elphinstone, “and encouraged
him to hold out by representing the disposition of the Doo-
raune lords, and pointing out the embarrassment which the
king would suffer from the advanced season.”
NEGOTIATIONS
“It is related as an anecdote of Naseer Khan s military
talents, and also one that tended to shorten the siege of
Kalat,” says Henry Pottinger in his Travels, “that he one
day observed Ahmed Shah saying his prayers on a carpet
spread in front of his tent: he instantly loaded and pointed
one of the cannons of the fort, and struck, with the ball,
the spot on which the king had just before prostrated him¬
self. The monarch, it is said, made immediate overtures for
i the negotiation, and afterwards complimented the Khan on.
! this proof of his skill in gunnery'.” The protracted siege con¬
tinued for forty days when the Shah became hopeless of storm¬
ing it, Naseer Khan, on the other side, seems to have been
tired of the independence that shut him up in his capital. At
MIN ISTfy
REBELLION OR NASEER' KHAN
213
£tage Shah Wall Khan sent a note to Naseer Khan saying,
“If you come and pay your respects to the Shah, I, as Wazir,
shall stand a security for you, as I have called you my own
son. But if you do not come, it will be very difficult for me,
the minister, to hold back the Badshah who is Zill-i-Allah,
the shadow or representative of God.” Naseer Khan availed
himself of this opportunity for negotiations and sent Akhund
Muhammad Hayat Khan as his envoy to the Afghan minister.
The wazir presented him to the Shah, who enquired of the
Akhund, “Why does not the Khan come in for the Salam?”
“He wants an assurance (for life) and respectful reception,”
replied the Akhund. “By what means can he be assured,
and what honour does he want?” said the Shah. “A pardon
for the past conduct,” Muhammad Hayat respectfully sub¬
mitted, “Granted,” the Shah was pleased to declare. “An
assurance on the Quran”, the Akhund further besought,
“and the honour that prime minister should himself call at
the Khan to conduct him to the presence of Your Majesty.”
The Shah accepted the proposals of Akhund Muhammad
Hayat Khan, sealed a copy of the holy Quran with the as¬
surance inscribed on it and sent Shah Wali with it to Naseer
Khan. The Baluch chief accompanied the bearer of the
Quran to the Shah, who was pleased to receive him with all
the honour due to his position and old friendship. During
the interview the talk turned to the complaints that a nephew
of the Khan, Sultan Qaim Khan ? and Adam Khan Wajuhani,
a Nam-bardar (a leading man) of the latter, had carried to
the Shah at Qandahar. The Shah handed over both of them
to the Khan. Naseer Khan humbly submitted, “I have done
nothing to deserve their complaints against me. In future
even if I admonish them for their actual wrongful conduct
and bring home to them their faults, they will, as a matter
of habit, every time, carry all sorts of tales to you. I have
no strength to stand the wrath of Your Majesty. Therefore,
this slave would rather come into your service at Qandahar.
And, Kalat may be bestowed on anybody Your Majesty
chooses to honour. You are the master.” The Shah had no
intention either to annex the territories of Kalat or to replace
Naseer Khan by anyone else of his own choice. He was
Ah Mad shah Durban!
y pleased with the humility of the Baluchi and s
“The Almighty God has bestowed' Kalat upon you.” 5
TREATY WITH NASEER KHAN
A treaty was then concluded between Ahmad Shah
Durrani and Naseer Khan Brahui with the following terms:
1 .
2 „
4.
Naseer Khan shall acknowledge Ahmad Shah Dur¬
rani as his suzerain.
Naseer Khan shall furnish a contingent of troops
whenever the Afghan monarch waged war be¬
yond the boundaries of his own kingdom of Af¬
ghanistan; in that case the Khan of Kalat shall
receive from the Shah of Afghanistan a sum of
money and munitions of war every time the
former took the field.
The Shah of Afghanistan shall not compel the Khan
of Kalat and his successors to furnish the Balucb.
contingent “for the sake of supporting this or that
Suddozye chief, or their successors of that or any
other tribe.” Further, the Khan of Kalat shall
not be obliged to take part in the internal quar¬
rels that may arise amongst the Afghans them-'
selves.
The Khan of Kalat shall not in future pay any tri¬
bute to the Shah of Afghanistan.
To make the treaty really effective and binding, Ahmad
Shah married a cousin of Naseer Khan’s. This settled, the
Shah returned to Qandahar with his new wife and some of
5. Akhund Muhammad Siddiq’s book quoted by Hattu Barn in
his Tarikh-i~Baluchistan, 1D3-94; Ferrier, History oj the Afghans, 84-5;
MaUeson, History of Afghanistan, 284-87; Elphinstone, Caubul , 290-91;
Pottinger. Travels , 282-83, 294. Atar Khan and Ahmadyar Khan were
released. The Sindh territories were, later on, so divided as to bring
about peace between the brothers. But it lasted only for a short time,
and Mian Ghulam Shah ultimately became the master of the ancestral
territories. Mirat-i~Daulat-Abbasi, 51-4 (110-112),
misTfy
.REBELLION OF NASEER KHAN
J§L
elations, After this escapade, as Naseer Khan probably
considered it, he was always loyal to His Majesty. 6
Imam-ud-Din Husaini, in his Tarikh-i-Husain Shahi, has
at this stage recorded another rebellion. Mir Khush
Durrani, a relative of the Shah, instigated by a darvesh P had
declared himself the King of Afghanistan, His rebellion,
however, could gather no momentum and was suppressed
without much effort on the part of the Shah. The rebel was
captured and his eyes put out, while his preceptor, the
darvesh , was put to the sword. 7
6. Ferrier, History of the Afghans , 85; Pottinger, Travels, 282-83;
Elphinstone, 291; Malleson, History of Afghanistan, 287.
7. Tarikh-i-Husain Shahi f 36. No further details of this rebel¬
lion of Mir Khush Durrani are available. Who this Mir Khush was
and how he was related to Ahmad Shall Durrani is also not traceable.
He may not, however, be confused with Luqman Khan (son of the
Shah’s elder brother Zulfiqar Khan), who revolted in the year 1748,
or with Abdul Khaliq Khan who raised the standard of rebellion
while the Shah was conducting military operations in India in 1760
during his fifth invasion of that country.
Chapter XVII
MINOR EXPEDITIONS TO THE PANJAB
Before we enter upon the expeditions of Ahmad Shah
Durrani into the Panjab after the flight of his son and vice¬
roy, Taimur Shah, and his general, Jahan Khan, from that
country, it is but necessary to acquaint the reader with the
happenings there since their departure. The Marathas and
the Sikhs had, as we know, occupied the Pan jab, arriving at
Lahore in April, 1758. They had not been able to pursue
Taimur and Jahan Khan beyond the river Chanab, as it was
then in high floods. But it could not permanently bar the
path of those sturdy soldiers of Maharashtra, who had come
about fifteen hundred miles from their homes and had
crossed half a dozen other rivers. Within seven months of
their first entry into the Panjab, we find a Maratha chief,
Tukoji Holkar, in Peshawar beyond the Indus in November,
1758. 1 *
ADINA BEG APPOINTED GOVERNOR OF THE PANJAB
Raghunath Rao, the Peshwa’s brother and the Com¬
mander of the expeditionary force, stayed at Lahore for less
than a month. He soon realized that it was not possible for
the Marathas to hold the Panjab with a Deccani garrison in
1. BIS Mandal Quarterly, xxiv-i (93), July 1943, p. 6. Khazanah-i-
Amira, 101, followed by Jam-i-Jcthan Numa, 120, says that the qara~
walan-i-ghanim (advance guard of the enemy) pursued the Afghans
as far as the bank of the river Jhelum. Evidently, this refers only
to a few detached parties. The main army, according to SPD. xxvii.
218, dated 21st April, 1758, could not cross the Chanab as the river
was in flood and was not fordable. Later on, however, Maratha de¬
tachments went as far as the bank of the Indus; some of them pene¬
trating into the Peshawar territories under Tukoji Holkar, Narsoji
Pandit and Sabaji Patil. Vide Husain Shahi, 35; Tarikh-i-Sultani, 134;
Tarikh-i-Ahmad, 25; Chahar Gulshan, 133; Ali-ud-Din, 255; Ahwal-iT
Adina Beg Khan, 12; Bakht Mall, Khalsa Namah, 41; Imad-us-Sa 3
adat, 74; Siraj-ut-Tawarikh } 20; BIS Mandal Quarterly, xxiv-i (93),
July 1943, 6 and 7. Cf. Manazal-u-Fatuh, 17,
misTfr
INOR EXPEDITIONS TO THE PANJAB 217
N. ^ j ‘ '
X$3Se^of the rising power of the Sikhs, who were then issuing
out of their hill recesses and spreading over the country in
all directions, with daily additions to their fold and ranks
from amongst the Jat peasants who predominated in the
rural population. The financial position of the central Mara-
tha government at Poona, at this time, was also not strong
enough to maintain their garrisons in the distant parts of
the province. Moreover, the Deccanis, born and brought up
in the mild climate of Poena and its neighbourhood, would
find it difficult to stand the rigours of the burning heat and
freezing cold of the Panjab. Raghunath Rao, therefore,
acted wisely in making over this dangerous frontier land to
Adina Beg Khan for an annual tribute of seventy-five lakhs
of rupees. Adina Beg Khan, in turn, appointed Khwaja
Mirza Jan Khan as his naib , or deputy governor, fixing his
own headquarters in the Doaba Bist Jullundur as usual.
Raghunath Rao left Lahore on the 2nd of Ramzan, 1171 A.H.,
ijfny 10, 1758, and marched towards Delhi, taking the S'ora-
wari Amavasya bath at Kurukshetra on Monday, the 5th
of* June. 2
PERSECUTION OF THE SIKHS
Adina Beg Khan lived to enjoy the governorship of the
Panjab for only four months after the return of the Mara-
thas. During this short tenure, he made desperate efforts to
extirpate his erstwhile allies, the Sikhs, for fear of their
becoming too strong for him. But forty years of continuous
persecution had seasoned them for a nomadic life of hard¬
ship and Adina Beg failed in his efforts to crush them. They
slipped away into the hills or jungles only to return with
added fury to wreak their vengeance upon their persecutors
after Adina Beg’s death, which took place on or about the 15th
of September, 1758. 3
2, Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sanl, 165a-b; Khazanah-i~Amira t 101; Taz-
.kirah-i~lmad-ul~Mulk, 465-66; Tahmas Namah, 84a; Tarikh-i~Muzaf -
ftari, 547; Ali Ibrahim Khan, Tarikh Bhau-o-Janko, 10; Saula.t-i~
Afghani, 247; Delhi Chronicle; Sarkar, ii. 76; Kashira j, 1-2.
A. Ahmad Shah Batalia, Tarikh-i-Hind, 981-82 (415-16); l/mda-
tu~Ttiwarikh , !. 147, 149; Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah , 256-57.
[Continued on p. 216
G. i 8
mt$T# y
y Jk MARATHAS IN THE PAN JAB
AHMAD SHAH DUKHAN!
On receipt of the news of the death of Adina Beg Khan
at Delhi, Wazir Ghazi-ud-Din proposed to send Sayyad Jamil-
tid-Din Khan and Ubedullah Khan Kashmiri to Lahore. At
this time, early in October, Antaji Manakeshwar and some
other Maratha sardars with an army from Raghunath Rao
and Malhar Rao Holkar (from the neighbourhood of Malwa)
arrived in the vicinity of the capital and demanded that, as
the Marathas had released the Panjab from the hold of the
Afghans and as Adina Beg Khan was their nominee, they
would appoint a man of their own choice to govern that
place. 4 Antaji stayed in Delhi, while his companions Tukoji
Holkar and Narsoji Pandit marched to Lahore.
While Khawaja Mirza Jan Khan was appointed at Lahore
in April, 1758, Raghunath Rao had detailed Jankoji Shinde
for duty towards the Indus and Ramji and Shamji to Multan.
But Jankoji seems to have returned from that side soon after¬
wards. About the end of September or the beginning of
October, 1758—after the death of Adina Beg Khan—some
Afghans and Gakkhars from beyond the Jhelum plundered the
parganah of Gujrat. Khwaja Mirza Jan Khan, who had
made up with the Sikhs after the death of Adina, collected
a large force of theirs and issued forth from Lahore. He
went as far as the Jhelum and defeated the Gakkhars and
Afghans and pushed them back. They, however, then col¬
lected a much larger force and returned to meet the Mirza
SPD . ii. 96, gives the date of the death of Adina Beg as the 12th
of Muharram, 1172 A.H. (September 15, 1758) and the FarhaUun «
Nazirin of Muhammad Aslam (Elliot, History of India, viii. 169) places
it a day earlier. The Ahwal-i~Adtona Beg Khan mentions the 15th of
Bhadon, 1815 Bikrami. According to the solar reckoning, it corresponds
to (about) the 25th of September. But if we follow the lunar reckon¬
ing and take it as the 15th (Sudi) of the bright half, it corresponds
to the 16th or 17th of September, 1758. I have followed the contempo¬
rary Marathi letter, and the Farhat-un-Nazirin. The Tarikh-i-Alamgir
Sani , 190b-191a, gives this date as the 10th of Safar. Evidently, the
writer has, by mistake, put down the then current month of Safari-
instead of Muharram. This would bring the date of Adina’s de^ath
earlier by a day than that given by the Farhat-un-Nazirin.
4. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani f 190b~191a; BIS Mandal Quarterly , ^July
1943, 6,
WIN ISTff
INfOR EXPEDITIONS TO THE PANJAB 2l|
licted a defeat upon him. But as the news of the
of the Marathas had at that time spread in the
country, they shrank from crossing to the east of the Jhelum. 5
On their arrival at Lahore, Tukoji Hoikar and Narsoji
Pandit pushed on to the north-west, evidently, to overawe
the country on that side. They seem to have crossed the
Indus and penetrated into the Peshawar territory, returning
from there about the middle of November, 1758, at the call
of Mirza Jan Khan and Mir Hasan Ali Khan. 6
Towards the end of Rabi-ul-Akhir, 1172 A.H., December,
1758 A.D., when Raghunath Rao and Malhar Rao Hoikar
were returning to the Deccan from Delhi, Jankoji Shinde
marched from Ajmer and Mar war, via Jaipur, and had an
interview with the Peshwa’s brother and arrived in the
neighbourhood of the Mughal capital, Wazir Imad-ul-Mulk
Ghazi-ud-Din humoured the Marathas with dresses of honour
and offered to pay them seven or eight lakhs of rupees if they
marched to Lahore and maintained peace and order in that
country. Jankoji arrived at the village of Barari, near Wazi-
rabad, on the 5th of Jamadi-ul-Awwal, 1172, January 4, 1759.
The negotiations between the Wazir and Jankoji' continued
for about a month, and an agreement was concluded between
the parties on the 2nd of Jamadi-us-Sani, January 31. Jan¬
koji marched northwards on the 1st of February and arrived
at Machhiwara, on the southern bank of the Sutlej, in March.
He seems to have sent Sabaji Patil in advance to Lahore, but,
as he found that the Sikhs were then virtually in possession
of Lahore and its neighbourhood, with huge forces at their
disposal, and as its capture and occupation would not be an
easy job, he decided not to cross the river. At Machhiwara,
Jankoji received the members of Adina Beg’s family (per-
§L
5. Tarikln-i-Alamgir Sani, 191b, Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah, 255.
6. Akhbar-i~Darbar-i-Mualla, dated 20th of December, 1758, con¬
taining the summary of a letter of 22nd of November, 1758 ( BIS
Mandat Quarterly , xxiv-i, No. 93, July 1943, 6-7). It appears from
Raja Kesho Rao’s letter to the Peshwa written on the 1st of Muharram,
1172 A.H., Bhadrapada Shudh 3, 1680 Shaka (1815 Bikrami), September
5, 1758, from Jhansi ( SPD. xxi. 163, 178-9), that the Marathas had gone
as far as the Attock in August, 1758. The names of the expeditionists
are not mentioned in the letter.
worn i°
. j220 AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
haps his widow and son) and other residents of Doaba Bist
Jullundur who paid him some money. Before his departure
from Delhi, the Maratha chief called back Sabaji Patil, who
appears to have pushed on to the Peshawar territory, and
entrusted the affairs of Lahore to Naro Shankar. Sabaji
returned from Peshawar to Lahore by the middle of April,
1759, and joined Tukoji Holkar, Khandoji Kadam and other
silahdars (cavalry officers) who were then stationed there.
On second thought, however, Sabaji was allowed to con¬
tinue in the Panjab, where he was assisted by three Pandits,
Bapu Rao, Dadu Rao and Sena. 7
Khwaja Mirza Jan Khan and his brother Khwaja Saeed
Khan were, at this time, very unpopular in the country.
While Khwaja Mirza Khan, as Mirza Jan Khan was popu¬
larly called, generally went out on military expeditions or
for the settlement of the outlying districts, his brother and
deputy, Khwaja Saeed Khan, attended to the administration
at the headquarters. Saeed proved to be a great tyrant. He
would daily’ hang one or two men with a view to
overawing the population into silent submission. He would,
not unoften, indulge in extortions from the people and sub¬
ject them to untold indignities. The worst enemies of the
7. SPD. ii. 100, xxi. 171.
Akhbar-i-Darbar-i-Mulla, 15th April, 1759 (BIST Mandal Quarterly ,
xxiv-i, No. 93, July 1943, 7); Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 192a~198b, 205b;
Ibrat Namah, 255-56; Umda-tu-Tawarikh, i. 146-47.
The names of the three Pandits are not given in full with their
surnames to enable us to identify them. Similarly Khandoji and
Narsoji Pandit are also unidentified. The Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani,
193a, mentions the names of three Pandits, Naroji Shankar, Gopal
Pandit and Parshotam Pandit, in connection with the negotiations of
Jankoji Shinde with Wazir Imad-ul-Mulk Ghazi-ud~Din in January,
1759, Narsoji Pandit could have been identified with Naroshankar or
Parshotam, if he were in Delhi in January, 1759, which is not im¬
probable.
According to the Panth Prakash of Gian Singh, Sahib Hao was
sent to Attock, Babu Rao to Rohtas and Jhelum, and Ramji and
Shamji to Multan, while Madho Rao was kept in Lahore and Narain
Rao in Sirhind (see p. 733); and Shamsher Khaha , 128 (491). Babu
Rao of the Panth Prakash may be Bapu Rao, and Dadu Rao of the
Ibrat Na77iah and the Umda-tu-Tawarikh may be Madho Rao of the
Panth Prakash .
: ■ I ‘
SARDAR CHARHAT SINGH SUKKARCHAKKIA
(grandfather of Maharaja Ran jit Singh)
A leading Sikh chief
misr/fy
INOR EXPEDITIONS TO THE PANJAB 2
ija brothers, however, were the Qizzilbash Afghan cap¬
tains of Prince Taimur’s army, who had been captured on
the bank of the Chanab and enlisted in his service by Mirza
Jan Khan. They conspired with the Maratha Pandits and,
with payments and promises of money, secured for themselves
the high offices of state; the subahdari of Lahore for
Mirza Ahmad Khan, and of Multan for Saleh Khan, Mirza
Jan Khan was thrown into prison, while Khwaja Saeed,
mounted on a donkey, was paraded through the streets of
Lahore where the aggrieved citizens flung dust and dirt upon
his head. Saeed was then produced before Sabaji Patil for
punishment. “You deserve some severe punishment for all
your horrible misdeeds/’ said Sabaji, “but I would give you
only this punishment that you leave this country. Beyond
that I say nothing to you.” 8 9
EXPANSION OF SIKH POWER
In this unsettled condition of the country, the Sikhs
found a favourable opportunity to extend their conquests and
expand their power. The masterless Doaba Bist Jullundur
was occupied by Sardar Jassa Singh Aliluwalia, while most
of the places in the Bari and Rechna Doabs passed into the
possession of Sardar Charhat Singh Sukkarchakkia. 5 *
NUR-UD-DIN'S EXPEDITIONS TO THE PANJAB
Let us now turn to the Afghan expeditions to the Pan*
jab. While Ahmad Shah was engaged in the siege of Kalat
against Mir Naseer Khan, he had despatched a force to the
Panjab under the command of Nunud-Din Khan Bamezei.
He crossed the Indus unopposed and entered the Sind Sagar
Doab towards the end of September, 1758. Although the
Marathas had overrun this territory, they had left no per-
8. Tahmas Namah, 90b-91a; Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah, 256; Sohan
Lai, Umda-tu-Tawarikh, i. 146-47. According to the Umda-tu-Ta -
warikh, i. 146, Tahir Beg was appointed the governor of Lahore after
the removal of Khwaja Mirza Jan Khan and his brother and deputy,
Khwaja Saeed Khan.
9. Sohan Lai, Umda-tu-Tawarikh , i, 147.
AHMAD SHAH DURRAN!
:4nt garrison of any appreciable strength to hold back
urranis. Moreover, this tract was then held by the Khat-
taks, the Gakkhars and Muhammadan Jats, and other tribes
who were favourably inclined towards the Afghans. They
rallied round the standard of the Bamezei in the hope of loot.
Nur-ud-Din crossed the Jhelum at Khushab into the Chaj
Doab and moved up the eastern bank of the river to the rich
town of Bhera. As the inhabitants would not willingly pay
the large ransom demanded of them, he ordered them to be
plundered and their town laid waste with fire and sword. He
then moved to Miani and Chak Sanu and subjected them to
similar treatment. Leaving behind him the smoking ruins of
these devastated towns, Nur-ud-Din marched to Gujrat, plun¬
dered the parganah, and crossed the Chanab into the Rechna
Doab. 10
Here his progress was stopped by Khwaja Mirza Jan
Khan with the help of the Sikhs. He had reconciled
himself to them after the death of Adina Beg Khan and
enlisted their support against the Afghans, who had offended
them by the desecration of their Gurdwaras and the devas¬
tation of their towns of Kartarpur and Amritsar. The
10. T arikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 191b; Elphinstone, Caubul, 291;
Ouseley and Davies, Shahpur District Revised Settlement Report
(1866), 36; Wilson, Shahpur District Gazetteer, 32-3. The Tarikh-i -
Alamgir Sani has mistaken the river Jhelum for Chanab and says
that the Afghans and Gakkhars, having plundered the parganah of
Gujrat, came, from the west, to Jhelum. But Gujrat is on the bank
of the river Chanab, to the east of the Jhelum, and not to its west.
“The proceedings of this man (Nur-ud-Din Khan>,” says the
Shahpur Settlement Report , p. 36, “may be taken as a type of the
excesses committed by the invading armies, and some idea will be
formed of the amount of misery caused by these inroads. .* .Two of
these (devastated towns), Bhera and Miani, rose again on their ruins,
without, however, completely recovering the shock they had sus¬
tained, but of third, Chak Sanoo, the foundations alone are to be seen.”
See also p. 33.
The state of the country, when overrun by the Afghan hordes of
Ahmad Shah Durrani, is. illustrated by the saying, still current—
Khahda pita Lahe da, rehnda Ahmad Shahe da— what we eat and
drink is ours, the remaining is of Ahmad Shah.— Gujrat District Gazet¬
teer (1883-84), 15-16.
INQR EXPEDITIONS TO THE PANJAB
m
and his Sikh allies marched up to Chanab, defeated
f^d-Din and pushed him back. 11
The Khwaja then crossed the river and entrenched his
position. But the discomfited Nur-ud-Din soon returned
with a much larger number of the Gakkhars and Afghans to
retrieve his lost position and succeeded in defeating the
Lahore governor. He could not, however, follow up his vic¬
tory and pursue the Khawaja to his headquarters, apparently,
for two reasons. Firstly, he had not received the orders of
the Shah and his rear was not covered either by the Shah
himself or by any of his generals. And, secondly, the news
of the advance of fresh Maratha force, under Tukoji
Iiolkar and Narsoji Pandit, had spread in the country,
and Nur-ud-Din did not find himself strong enough to meet
the combined forces of the Khwaja, the Deccanis and the
Sikhs. 12
It was either at this time in October-November, 1758,
when Tukoji Holkar and Narsoji Pandit marched to the
Indus, or in March-April, 1759, when Sabaji Patil crossed the
Jhelum and made for Attock (or on their way back to
Lahore), that, under instructions of Ahmad Shah, Khushal
Khan Khattak of Teri marched at the head of the local levies
to oppose the Marathas. A battle was fought at Hasan Abdal
(Panja Sahib), Khushal Khan was killed and his men were
defeated. 13
FAILURE OF JAHAN KHAN’S FORCE
Towards the end of August, 1759, the Shah despatched
a force under Sardar Jahan Khan to the Pan jab. Sabaji
Patil moved out to oppose his advance. A sanguinary battle
was fought in which the Afghans were worsted and many of
11. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 191b.
12. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 191b; Akhbar-i-Darbar-i~Mualla,
dated 22nd of December, 1758, containing the summary of a letter
dated the 20th of November, 1758 ( BIS Mandal Quarterly , xxiv-1, No.
93, July 1943); Elphinstone, Caubul, 291. Malleson in his History of
Afghanistan, 287, tells us, “Nurudin did not think it prudent to pro¬
ceed further with his small force, but remained halted at Vazirabad,
waiting for the orders of his sovereign/’
13. Muhammad Hayat Khan, Hayat-i-Afghani, 324.
El ■
\) AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
them, including the son of Jahan Khan, fell dead. Jahan
Khan himself was wounded and was forced to recross the
Indus and retire into the Peshawar territory. 14
14. Delhi Chronicle, entry of September 19, 1759. Sabaji Fatil
must have moved out of the fort of Attock, where he was stationed.
Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah, 255 (118a); Khazanah-i-Amira, 101.
There is no mention of this battle in the Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sard
(the p. 307 quoted by Hari Ram Gupta in his History of the Sikhs,
128, footnote 3, being incorrect).
Sir Jadunath Sarkar in his Fall of the Mughal Empire, ii. 79, says,
“Raj. vi. 378, credits the Sikhs with achieving the victory”. The letter
No. 378 of Rajwade’s vol. vi. p. 445, is dated Magh, 1679 Shaka,
corresponding to Jamadi-ul~Akhir, 1171 A.H., February 9 to March 9,
1758, It can only be reconciled with the event in the end of August,
1759, on the presumption that the original letter was undated and that
a wrong date came to be given to it by the editor.
But the text refers not to any regular force commanded by Jahan
Khan, but to some disaffected parties of the Afghans who had left
Jahan Khan on account of non-payment of their wages for two to
four months, and had also defeated Shah Wall Khan who had gone
to bring them hack by persuasion or otherwise.
Chapter XVIII
THE FIFTH INVASION OF INDIA
STRUGGLE WITH THE MARATHAS
(17594761)
SHAH INVITED TO INDIA
In October, 1759, Ahmad Shah made up his mind to
invade India for the fifth time to re-establish his prestige and
dominions in the Panjab, lost by the flight of Taimur and
Jahan Khan, and to punish the Marathas. He had for some
time been receiving petitions from Najib-ud-Daulah Ruhila,
his representative in India. He had been driven away from
Delhi by the Marathas, and was, then, being harassed by
them at Sukkartal. Najib-ud-Daulah appealed to the Shah
in the name of Islam and besought his help against the Brah-
manical idolators while the Hindu Rajahs, Madho Singh of
Jaipur and Bijay Singh of Mar war, invited him for the pro¬
tection of their territories from the inroads of the Deccanis.
Emperor Alamgir had also written secret letters to the Shah
entreating His Afghan Majesty to rescue him from the galling
yoke of his cruel minister, Imad-ul-Mulk Ghazi-ud-Din. 1
SHAH ENTERED THE PANJAB
Despatching Sardar Jahan Khan in advance, the Shah
descended upon India through the Bolan Pass in the end of
Safar, 1173 A.H. While passing through the Bannu district,
he was joined by two prominent Pathan chiefs of this terri-
1. Ahwal-i-Napb-ud-Daulah, 19b; Khazanah-i-Amira , 101; Raj-
wade, i. 138; SPD. ii. 84, 106; xxi, 176; Husain Shahi, 38; Tarikh^i-
Muzaffari, 589; Dow, History of Hindustan, ii. 392.
Beharilal in his Ahwal-i~Najib-ud-Daulah tells us that the Mara¬
thas had demanded Hardwar and Jwalapur, the places of Hindu pilgri¬
mage, from Najib-ud-.Qaulah and he refused to transfer these places
to them. This was one of the causes of enmity between them. Vide
p. 6.
G. 29
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
^EMPEROR ALAMG1R MURDERED BY GHAZI-UD-DIN
Having sent Jahan Khan in advance towards Sirhind
with about fifteen thousand men, the Shah followed him at
a slow pace with an army of forty thousand strong, and cross¬
ed the river Beas at Goindwal on the 29th of Rabi-ul-Awwal
1173 A.H., November 20, 1759. On the 19th of Rabi-us-Sani,
December 10, the Shah was encamped at Khizarabad, in the
parganah of Ropar, from where he moved on to Sirhind.
The news of the Shah’s march from Lahore towards Delhi
frightened Imad-ul-Mulk Ghazi-ud-Din, the prime minister
at Delhi, into madness, and, in a fit of fury against Emperor
Alamgir Sani, who had invited the Shah to India with com¬
plaints against him, he got him murdered on the 8th of Rabi-
us-Sani, 1173 A.H., November 29, 1759. Khan-i-Khanan Inti-
zam-ud-Daulah, his old rival of 1757, was also strangled to
death the next day (November 30). These murders infu¬
riated Ahmad Shah against Ghazi-ud-Din. 7
MARATHAS WORSTED AT TARAOR1
Dattaji, who had been harassing Najib-ud-Daulah for
some time, raised the siege of Sukkartal and prepared him¬
self to meet the Shah. However reluctant Dattaji was to
release the Ruhila to join the invader, he had no alternative.
The Shah was moving towards the south and he would cer¬
tainly march to Sukkartal to relieve Najib before going to
Delhi. At the same time, Shuja-ud-Daulah had agreed to
join hands with Najib. Dattaji, therefore, decided to move
out to meet the Durrani and bar his path to Delhi. He crossed
the river Jamuna at Ramra-Ghat near Panipat on the 20th
of December, 1759, and having sent away the unnecessary
equipage and families with Gobind Ballal and Jankoji,
Dattaji marched from Kunjpura in the direction of the
7. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 214a-b; Muraslat-i-Ahmad Shah
D%irrani ) letter No. 1.
According to SPD. XXVH. 245, the Shah entered Sirhind on
the 6th of Rabi-ul-Akhir, November 27. Evidently this date referred
to the entry of the Shah in the territory of Sirhind in which the
mdhal of Khizarabad was situated, and not to the entry of the Shah
into the town of Sirhind,
MiN/sr^
THE FIFTH INVASION OF INDIA
guard of the .Shah under the command of Sard;
Khan. The advance guard of the Marathas under
Bhoite came into contact with the Afghans on the 24 th of
December, 1759, Paush Sudi 5, 1681 Shaka (1816 Bk.), near
the historic plain of Taraori, close to Thanesar. Dattaji does
not seem to have taken this first battle with the Durranis
very seriously. Instead of leading his army and conducting
the operations himself, he only wished, as a Marathi letter
(SPD. ii. 109, p. 122) tells us, to watch the tactics of the
Afghans, as if Taraori yvere a demonstration laboratory of
war. And this proved disastrous. 8 9
The battle opened with hopeful prospects for the
Marathas. The most advanced Afghan skirmishers were out¬
numbered and thrust back by five thousand Maratha troops
and the Turkish auxiliaries of Wazir Ghazi-ud-Din. But the
tables were soon turned upon them. As soon as the Shah
heard of the first engagement, he ordered General Shah
Pasand Khan to go with four thousand sawars. When the
Wazir’s Mughalia troops, who were not new to the Durrani
warfare, saw Shah Pasand-Khan advance against them, they
drew to one side. The Afghan general rushed upon them
and poured musket-fire into their ranks. At the same time
the Shah sent another detachment against them. Thus sur¬
rounded from three sides, the front and the flanks, by larger
and superior numbers, and unsupported from the rear, the
Marathas were overpowered and outgeneralled by Ahmad
Shah. Bhoite was driven back with a-loss of four hundred
lives. Dattaji then pushed forward to the field of\ battle.
But it was too late. The day was coming to a close, and
the screen of darkness was soon spread between the two
armies to remove the possibility of the battle being renewed. 8
SHAH ENTERED JAMXJNA-GANGETIC DOAB
Victory attended the arms of Ahmad Shah in his first
contest with the Marathas. He would run no unnecessary
risks. He availed himself of the darkness of night and, while
8. SPD. ii. 109, 117; Rajwade, i. 157; Husain Shahi, 38-, Ahwal-i-
Najib-ud-Daulah, 26a~27b.
9. Manazil-u-Futuh, 14-15; SPD, ii, 109, 112, 114; xxi r 178; AhvwUi-
Najib-ud-DauhKj 28a«29a.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
(St
ono£
■y. One was Begu, the founder of the Begukhel section
the Achukhel branch of the Marwat tribe. He brought in a
contingent of 120 Marwat horsemen. The second was Khan
Zaman Zakakhel, whom the Shah had helped in being raised
to the chiefship against his stronger rivals and oppressors of
the Badanzei and Mamukhel tribes. The Shah crossed the
Indus on the 3rd of Rabi-ul-Awwal, 1173, October 25, 1759,
and entered the Panjab. 2
THE MARATHAS OFFERED NO' RESISTANCE
In the meantime, Jahan Khan had pushed Sabaji out of
Attack, which the latter vacated without striking a blow*
Jahan Khan’s force was too large for a small garrison of the
IVIarathas. The Afghan general, however, overtook him at
Rohtas. There he was forced to fight, but he took to his
heels and fled away towards Delhi without stopping at Lahore,
Batala, Jullundur or Sirhind. Another calamity befell the
Marathas on the bank of the Sutlej, where they were pounced
upon by villagers of the Doaba Bist Jullundur. Some of the
Marathas had crossed over to the southern bank, while the
others were still on the north side when they were taken by
surprise. Four thousand camels, worth forty rupees each,
and gold mohars and rupees, and about a thousand horses
were carried away. Many of them were killed. This reduced
the Marathas to an unhappy plight. In addition to this, a
general and several soldiers of the Marathas, who had lagged
behind, were overtaken near Lahore and cut off by the
Afghan vanguard. One corps of six thousand Maratha horse
and foot posted in Multan, however, retreated to the east of
Lahore without any loss. 3
BATTLE WITH THE SIKHS
The Sikhs, however, gave a better account of themselves.
On the arrival of the Shah in the neighbourhood of Lahore
with an army of forty thousand, a great battle was fought
2. MaUeson, History of Afghanistan , 287; Bannu District Gazetteer,
124-6; Waqa-i-Shah Alam, 135 (Qunungo, History of the Jats, 111,
footnote).
3. Rajwade, i. 139, 141-43, 146; Shamsher Khalsa, 130 (492);^
Sarkar, ii. 80. Govind Ballal in his letter (Rajwade, i. 146, p. 232)
does not tell us who these gawars (rustics, villagers), who attacked the
Marathas on the bank of the Sutlej, were.
misrfy
an<
THE FIFTH INVASION OF INDIA
em. The Shah lost as many as two thousand
Sardar Jahan Khan was wounded. 4
ADMINISTRATIVE ARRANGEMENTS IN THE PANJAB
As the Pan jab was then left masterless, Jahan Khan had
spread his men in all directions and had sent three or four
of his men in advance from. Wazirabad to Diwan Surat Singh
at Lahore, with instructions to have the khutba read and
coins struck in Lahore in the name of Taimur Shah, son of
Ahmad Shah Durrani, and to proclaim it with the beat of
drum that no one should molest the citizens. On the arrival of
the Shah at Lahore, Haji Karimdad Khan, a nephew of Wazir
Shah Wali Khan and an arzbegi to Taimur Shah, was ap¬
pointed governor of Lahore, with Zain Khan as the fauj-
dar of the four districts (chahdr mahal) of Gujrat, Auranga¬
bad, Pasrur and Eminabad. Amir Khan was appointed a
deputy to Karimdad Khan. 5 6
“This time”, as Najib-ud-Daulah wrote to Maharaja
Sawai Madho Singh on December 10, 1759, “His Majesty has
turned his attention to this side with the only object of settl¬
ing the affairs of India, capturing the territories of the
Deccan and chastising and exterminating the wicked infidels
with the co-operation and advice of the chiefs and nobles
here. Orders have been issued to the Sardars and servants
accompanying His Majesty to bring their families and children
to the capital of Lahore so as to populate its confines”. 0 The
settlement of Afghans in Lahore was considered desirable,
evidently, to safeguard the capital from the inroads of the
Sikhs, who, it was feared, might at any time rush in, cut off
the Shah’s base depot in the Pan jab and render him helpless
in the south.
4. Raj wade, i. 146,
5. Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani, 211a, b; Ihrat Namah (Ali-ud-Din), 259;
Umda-tu~Tawarikh, i. 147; Kanhaiya Lai, Tarikh-i-Panjab, 82.
Mir Ghulam Ali Azad (Khazanah-i-Amira, 101), followed by
Qudratullah in his Jam-i~Jahan Numa, ii. 120-21, and Muhammad Ali
Ansari in Tarikh-i-Muzafari, 589, tells us that the Shah marched from
Lahore to Jammu, received a tribute from its Raja (Ranjit Dev) and
then resumed his march to Delhi.
6. Mur asalat-i- Ahmad Shah Durrani , No. 19, 19th Rabi-us-Sanl,
1173 ,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
UHgMramtmggHUUaraBravnwH.'■■■ _ > ■
Dattaji returned to his camp to prepare himself for the next
morning’s battle, he crossed the river Jamuna at a ferry near
Buriya and entered the Antarved, or the Jamuna-Gangetic
Doab. Najib-ud-Daulah came to the presence of th^ Shah,
paid homage to him near Saharanpur and guided him down
the eastern bank of the Jamuna towards Delhi. Within a
few days other Ruhila Afghan Sardars of India, like Hafiz
Rahmat Khan, Donde Khan, Sa’dullah Khan, Faizullah Khan,
Fateh Khan Khan-i-Saman and Mulla Sardar Khan B akhshi
also joined the Shah. On his arrival in the neighbourhood
of Delhi on the other side of the river Jamuna, the Shah
fixed his camp at Luni, six miles to the north-east, to watch
the turn of events. 10
THE BATTLE OF BARAR1 GHAT
After his defeat at Taraori, Dattaji had also moved to¬
wards Delhi. Leaving Kunjpura on the 27th of December,
he came to Karnal and Panipat and arrived at Sonepat on
the 29th of December. Dattaji could see that, with the Shah
encamped within two hours’ march from the capital, a
second battle could not be delayed for long. He, therefore,
pushed down to Barari on the 4th of January, 1760. On the
third day, he paid a visit to Delhi and despatched the
families — his own and those of other officers — to Rewari
and returned to his camp disencumbered, ready to take the
field against the Shah. The eastern bank of the Jamuna
being completely in the hands of the Shah and his allies, no
information regarding his activities could filter down to the
western bank occupied by the Marathas. Early in the morn¬
ing of the 9th of January, 1760, Jamadi-ul-Awwal 20, 1173
A.H., Paush Vadi 8, 1816 Bk., Najib Khan gnd his Ruhilas
began crossing the river and appeared on a small island
formed by the parting channels of the river. Najib Khan’s
rear was covered by the Durranis. On their being sighted,
Sabaji, who was bolding the Barari ghat, moved out to oppose
them. But he was soon overpowered by superior numbers
and deadlier weapons. He had no artillery, and his men,
10. SPD. xxvii. 247; Ahioal-i-Najib-ud-Daidah, 29a; Tarikh-i-
Muzaffari, 590; Sarkar, ii. 219-20; Imad-us-Sa’adat, 75; Beharilal, 8,
misT/fy
THE FIFTH INVASION OF INDIA
"spears and swords, could not hold out for long against
the fire of Afghan musketry and were pushed back
to the Barari side of the channel with a heavy loss of life.
In the meantime, information of the raging battle had been
conveyed to Dattaji. The Maratha commander rushed to
the battlefield with reinforcements to retrieve the losing
position. He dashed at the advancing Ruhilas who were
thrown back to the other side of the channel. But the fates
willed it otherwise, and the victory was reserved for the
Afghans. At this time the Shah ordered his artillerymen
and sawars to move up to the support of the Ruhila infantry.
The Afghan swivels threw deadly fire into the ranks of the
Maratha spearmen. Darting his spear at the Afghans, as
Dattaji was pushing forward, a bullet struck him in the eye
and he fell dead from his horse. When Najih-ud-Daulah, at
this stage, saw that Maratha horsemen had got into the
ranks of the Ruhila and Afghan, infantry, he charged them
with fresh troops. The dejected Marathas took to thoir heels
and fled for their lives. Jankoji then moved up with his
reserves and tried to renew the fight, but he could not
achieve much. He was wounded in the arm and was dragged
away by his flying followers. All was over with the removal
of Jankoji from the field of action and the Marathas fled
helter-skelter in all directions, pursued by the Afghan victors
for about forty miles. Dattaji’s head was cut off by Mian
Qutab Shah and carried to Najib-ud-Daulah, who sent it on
to the Shah. In addition to Dattaji, several Maratha sardars
were also killed or wounded in this battle. 11
STATE OF AFFAIRS IN DELHI p
The Shah halted for a few days at Luni. During this
period some of the Afghans entered the city of Delhi and
subjected a few of its muhallas to plunder. The capital of
the Mughal empire was masterless to all intents and purposes.
It is true that after the murder of Emperor Alamgir II on
11. Rajwade, i. 153, 156, 165; iii. 516; SPD. ii. 114; xxi. 181, 182,
185; xxvii, 247; Husain Shahi, 39-46; Ahwal-i-Najib-ud-Daulah, 30a-
31a; Tahmas Namah, 95 (l)a; Tarikh-i-Muzaffari; 590; Umda-
tu-Tawarihh, i. 148; Tazkirah-i-Shakir Khan, 80-81. For a list, of the
Marathas killed in the battle of Barari ghat, see Rajwade, ii. 154.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
$he 8th of Rabi-us-Sani, 1173 A.H., November 29,
Ghazi-ud-Din raised to the throne Muhy-ul-Millat, son of
Muhy-us-Sunnat and grandson of Kam Bakhsh (the youngest
son of Aurangzeb), on November 30, with the title of Shah
Jahan Saul “But,” in the words of Sir Jadunath Sarkar,
“the new ‘king of kings’ was even more of a shadow than
his luckless predecessor.” And, his wazir Ghazi-ud-Din had
left Delhi before the battle of Barari ghat and fled to Suraj
Mall Jat’s fort of Kumhir. The Jat had sent five thousand
of his men for the protection of the imperial city on receipt
of the news of the march of Ahmad Shah from Lahore to¬
wards Delhi, but they had returned to their master im¬
mediately after the flight of the Marathas. It was rumoured
at this time that Ahmad Shah had placed his own son on
the throne of Delhi. But it had never been the intention of
the Afghan king to take possession of the throne of India
either for himself or for his son. The Shah allowed the new
emperor to continue in the fort of Delhi and appointed Yaqub
Alt Khan, a relation of Wazir Shah Wali Khan, residing for
a long time in India, the governor of Delhi. 12
A letter was in these days received from Emperor Shah
Alam II in Behar. He appealed to His Afghan Majesty to
grant him the crown and throne of India. Otherwise, he said,
“imad-ul-Mulk and the Jat would nominally raise someone
to kingship and render the kingdom a hundred times more
desolate than before, and the Deccanis would multiply their
power a thousand times and make the life of the people
miserable in the country.” He also requested the Shah to
iiAove to Akbarabad (Agra) and send Khan-i-Khanan (about
whose assassination the Emperor had evidently not heard so
for) and Najib-ud-Daulah to him. Then, he represented, the
Indian nobles would come to his presence, Malwa and Gujrat
would return to him and the Marathas would either submit
to him or perish. About the Jat of Bharatpur, he con¬
temptuously remarked, “People represent the Jat to Your
Majesty as the key to India ! Since when did this fellow
become a man (of such power) that he be termed a ‘key’?
12. Tarikh~i~Alamgir Sani, 214a-215a; Tahmas Navnah , 95, (l)b,
96a; SPD. 114a; Rajwade, i. 165.
tfHE FIFTH INVASION OF INDIA
is is a fabrication of (paiwand ba 3 ta-i -) Nagar Mall.
With [the empire] falling on evil days, these people mis¬
appropriated the revenues of territories reserved for the
maintenance of the badshah and despoiled the treasury.
[In this way] he entered the rank of chiefs! ‘A cat is a
leopard in catching rats, but it’s only a rat in fighting with
a leopard.’ As soon as we turn our attention to the
administration of the country and appear on the scene, he
will pay large sums of money, leave the occupied territory
worth lacs of revenue and enter our service. If not, he will
meet his deserts.” 13
THE SIEGE OF DIG
Having settled the affairs of Delhi, Ahmad Shah pre¬
pared himself to march against Suraj Mall Jat of Bharatpur.
Without entering the city of Delhi, the Shah marched to the
south of it and fixed his camp at Khizarabad at a distance
of about five miles. From here he despatched messengers to
duiaj Mall, and to the Rajput Rajas, Madho Singh of Jaipur
and Bijay Singh of Marwar, who had invited him to India, to
pay him tribute and to present themselves at his court. On
the 16th of January, Najib Khan, Abdul Ahad Khan and,
on the l<th, Sadullah Khan, Hafiz Rahmat Khan and other
Ruhila Sardars made a pilgrimage to the shrine of Shaikh
Nizam-ud-Din Auliya. On the afternoon of the 21st, the Shah
himself went to the holy mausoleum and paid homage to the
great saint. 14
Receiving no satisfactory reply from the stiffnecked Jat,
who had this time made a common cause with the Marathas
against the Shah and had sent five thousand of his men for
the protection of the city of Delhi while the Marathas march-
13. Murasalat-i-Ahmad Shah Durrani, No. 21, Emperor Shah Alam.
II to Ahmad Shah Durrani.
14. Delhi Chronicle, respective entries; Husain Shahi, 40-1; SPD.
ii. 186-87. According to the Husain Shahi , 40, the Shah entered the
capital on the same day, January 9-10, 1760, and, for three days, the
Afghans plundered it. This view is supported by the AhwaUi~Najib~
ud-Daulah also (p. 31b). According to the Tahmas Hamah, the
Shah had his camp at Haran Munara for some time and it was there
that Mtighlani Begam, who had come to- the Shah’s camp earlier, re¬
joined it after a visit to the city. (f. 95b,)
G. 30
misfy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
'ed to the north to meet the Afghans, the Shah left Khizarabad
on the 27th of January, 1760, and marched into the Jat terri¬
tory via Shergarh and arrived at Dig on the 6th of February.
The fort was invested on the following morning. But the
Shah was not very keen on reducing this place. Perhaps,
he only wanted to keep the Jat confined to his fort to guard
against his combining with the Marathas, while the Afghan
general, Jahan Khan, was sent to chastise them. 1- ’
HIDE-AND-SEEK OF THE MARATHAS
The Marathas now started the game of hide-and-seek
with the Shah. While he was encamped in front of Dig, a
detachment of the Marathas advanced from the direction of
Eewari. The Shah sent a strong detachment of the Afghans
against them. The Marathas were defeated by a night-attack
on the 11th of February. It was reported to the Shah that
Malhar Rao Holkar, who had joined Jankoji Shinde at Kot
Putli after the latter’s flight from Barari ghat , was then at
Narnaul, about thirty-five miles to the south-west of Rewari.
The Shah raised the siege of Dig and marched out to meet
and defeat him before he was reinforced by more troops
from the Deccan. The Maratha chief quietly disappeared in
the northern desert to reappear at Bahadurgarh on the 22nd
of February. The Shah had moved to Rewari (February 18).
From there he marched towards Delhi, evidently, to intercept
Holkar before he could take it. On the 22nd, Malhar was
reported to be near Kalka Devi (close to Qutb Minar). He
must have received the intelligence of the Shah s march to¬
wards him. He, therefore, crossed the river Jamuna on the
26-27th of February into the Gangetic Doab. The Shah con¬
tinued his march towards Delhi and, passing through Dhan-
kot, arrived at Khizarabad on the 29th. 16
MARATHAS SURPRISED AND WORSTED AT S1KANDRABAD
At this time a treasure of ten lakhs of rupees was on
its way from the territories of Najib-ud-Daulah on the east
of the Ganges to the Shah’s camp. Malhar Rao Holkar had,
in the meantime, reached Sikandrabad (February 28) and
15. Delhi Chronicle; Sarkar, ii. 227; Qanungo, Jats, i. 117.
16. Delhi Chronicle; Sarkar, ii. 227-28; Qanungo, Jats, i. 117-18.
Ml NlSTffy
THE FIFTH INVASION OF INDIA
(& it, and had sent scouts to search for a ford ne;
upshahr to cross the Ganges. It was feared lest this
treasure should fall into the hands of the Marathas. The
Shah ordered Shah Pasand Khan, Qalandar Khan and Jahan
Khan to hasten to Sikandrabad with a force of fifteen
thousand, fling a surprise upon the Marathas and drive them,
away before they had crossed to the east of the Ganges and
succeeded in devastating the territories of the Ruhila allies
of the Shah. True to their instructions, the Afghan com¬
manders crossed the Jamuna and fell upon the advanced posi¬
tion of Malhar Rao held by Gangadhar Yashwant Tatya at
a distance of about eight miles from the main camp. The
Maratha detachment could not stand against the Afghans and
Ruhilas and, after a short and feeble resistance of three to
four hours, dispersed in all directions, many of them falling
under the swords of the victors. Among those killed on the
field were three high Maratha officers, Anand Ram, Shetaji
Kharade and his son, Faqirji Kharade, in addition to a large
number of soldiers slain in their flight. Their rout was so
precipitate that many of them rode off on unsaddled horses.
This bolt from the blue unnerved the Maratha commander,
Sardar Malhar Rao Holkar. Instead of coming to the succour
of his subordinate officer, he himself fled away for his life
at a breakneck speed towards Agra, covering about eighty
miles (forty kroh) in a day and a night. Gangadhar Tatya
retired to Mathura. 17
This disaster befell the Marathas on the 4th of March,
1760, and had a very depressing effect upon them. Writing
from Jhansi on the 25th of Rajjab, 1173 A.H., March 13-14,
1760, to the Peshwa Balaji Rao, Raja Keshav Rao sounded a
note of despair. “In short, the Abdali [Ahmad Shah
Durrani] and Ruhilas have all joined together,” wrote
Keshav Rao. “They have a large army and enormous quanti¬
ties of artillery ammunition. It is not possible to fight with
17. SPD. ii. 120, 121; xxi, 187, 188; Tahmas Namah , 97a; Delhi
Chronicle; Tarikh~i~Muzaffari, 591-92; Jam-i-Jahan Numa, 123; Siyar-
ul~Mutakherin, 910; Siraj-ut-Tawarikh , 22; Sarkar, ii. 228-9.
SPD. ii. 121, gives the number of the Afghan army as 30-35 thou¬
sand, while according to the Tahmas Namah, 97a ? they were only fifteen
thousand,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
§L
_em properly. We cannot lay our hands on them. Using
dilatory tactics, we are eagerly looking in the direction of
the Deccan for reinforcements. If any such help is coming,
all will unite and defeat the enemy. Najib Khan Ruhila and
all other tribes of the Ruhilas from the districts of Murad abad
and Bareilly have become one and joined the Abdali. It is
said that more army is coming to the Durrani from Kabul.
If any one from your family is coming up, kindly send some
European guns and ammunition along with him. The Jat,
Madho Singh and Shuja-ud-Daulah are all afraid of the
enemy. [A warrior like] Dattaji Shinde was reduced to such
a plight [as to be killed by the Afghans]. Hence the Abdali
and the Ruhilas are very proud. Secondly, our army also
cannot hold its own against them. Malhar Rao is trying to
harass them by his tricks. But the Abdalis and the Ruhilas
are not like [Indian] Mughals. They are ferocious warriors,
strong in attacking as well as in fighting. The empire of Ihe
Mughals in Delhi has been rendered powerless [by them];
practically, the Mughal rule has come to an end.” “The
light foray plan of campaign even under Malhar Holkar, the
ablest cavalrv leader among the Marathas, had entirely failed
against Abdali,” says Sir Jadunath Sarkar. “Returning to
Bharatpur, Holkar called for Hafiz [Rahmat Khan] s envoy
and resumed the discussion of the peace terms proposed by
that chief.” 18
SHAH OCCUPIED ALIGARH FORT
While Jahan Khan pursued Gangadhar to Mathura, the
Shah moved to Kol (Aligarh) and arrived there on the 5th
of March, 1760. Aligarh was then in the possession of Suraj
Mai Jat. Its fort was originally built by Sabit. Khan and
was called Sabitgarh. With the rise of the Jats under Suraj
Mall, it fell into their hands, was given the Hindu name of
Ramgarh and was held by a Jat garrison under Durjan Sal
when the Shah invested it. It was well fortified and provi¬
sioned. But the Shah soon succeeded in cutting it off from
Dig and Bharatpur on the west of the Jamuna. No hope of
any succour was left for the defenders. Dig was at a distance
18. SPD. xxi. 188.
THE FIFTH INVASION OF INDIA
di^lifty miles and Bharatpur at sixty. Then there was the
river Jamuna, which separated it from the headquarters of
their master. The intervening territory was all covered by
the roving parties of the Afghans. Thus blockaded, Durjan
Sal capitulated and handed over the Ramgai'h fort to the
Shah. 19
Here Najib-ud-Daulah suggested that as the power of
Jankoji Shinde and Malhar Rao Holkar had practically been
broken and they had returned towards their territories in
disgrace, and as they would not be able to face the Shah
before the arrival of fresh armies from the Deccan, he might
spend the summer and rainy months in Kol. As long as the
Marathas were at large and were not completely eradicated,
said Najib, it would be difficult for men like him to live
in the country. As for the expenses of the army, he promised
to take the fullest responsibility. And, as an army of the
Marathas was then reported to be moving up from the Deccan
under the command of Sadashiv Bhau, brother of the Peshwa,
it was pleaded that the Shah should not leave his allies at
the mercy of their enemies. This conceded, it was decided to
fix the camp at Aligarh. The Shah was then pleased to
grant to Najib all the territories which belonged to the fugitive
Wazir Ghazi-ud-Din to cover the expenses of the Afghan
forces stationed in the country. 20
AHMAD KHAN BANGASH INVITED TO SHAH’S PRESENCE
At the suggestion of Shah Wali Khan early in Sha’ban,
1173 A.H., the Shah wrote a letter to Nawab Ahmad Khan
Bangash and invited him to his presence. “Our prime
minister tells us,” wrote the Shah, “that Ahmad Khan
Bangash is a sincere friend, a respectable gentleman and a
useful man, and that he is capable of many accomplishments.
It is, therefore, that we have adorned this document with
our signature. May that chief of elevated dignity he assured
that his sincerity is well known to us. This kingdom of ours
19. Tahmas Namah, 97a, b; Ahwal-i-Nafib-vd-Daulah, 32a, b;
Delhi Chronicle; Imad-us-Sa’adat, 76; Husain Shahi, 41.
20. Ahwal-i-Nayib-ud-Daulah ,, 31b-32; Delhi Chronicle; SPD. ii.
121; Tahmas Namah ; 97 a; Manazil-u-Futuh, 15.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
God-given and is a matter of pride for the Afghan com¬
munity. And the Bangash Afghans are from amongst our
chiefs, and we consider them as the most favoured of our
group. With these assurances from us, he should immediately
come to our presence. God willing, the affairs of that chief
of elevated dignity, whose glory has our blessing, will have
preference over other Afghans.”
Shah Wali Khan, at the same time, sent to him under
his own seal and signature the following letter of agreement
and assurance :
“With the holy Quran as his surety, this slave of the
Imperial Court [of His Afghan Majesty] enters into a solemn
agreement with Nawab Ahmad Khan Bahadur Ghalib Jang ,
a brother as dear as life, and takes upon himself to write
this document on behalf of His Exalted Majesty that when¬
ever the said Nawab should arrive in the Imperial camp,
he should receive honours, exaltations and confidence more
than the Sardars, and that such favours should be bestowed
upon him as have never been conferred on anyone else in
India; that no heed should be paid to whatever is said about
him by his enemies; that ranks, jagirs and territories that
belong to him of old and are held at present should be
continued, and more offices should be added to them; that
the administrative affairs in the conquered territories of India
should be conducted with his consultation and advice; and
that his enemies should be regarded as our own enemies.
God and his apostle are witnesses to this. If any deviation
occurs in this, it shall be deviation from God and his apostle.”
Ahmad Khan Bangash was pleased to receive these let¬
ters and he came to pay his respects to the Shah on Monday,
the 13th of Sha’ban, 1173 A.H., March 31, 1760. The follow¬
ing is an eye-witness description of the visit recorded by the
Jaipur vakil Rai Harprasad for the information of Maharaja
Sawai Madho Singh:
“The camp of the Nawab [Ahmad Khan] is lying in the
gardens of Kol to the east. The camp of the Shah is in the
gardens to the west, at a distance of one and a half kroh
(about three miles). Amidst display of fireworks, with bands
playing and hand-torches placed on elephants, the Nawab,
mounted on an elephant, left his camp four gharis before
MINIS T/)y
THE FIFTH INVASION OF INDIA
@L
sunrise and arrived at the gate of the Shah's residence. At
this place usually sat the prime minister and other high
officials. Under the Shah's orders, the whole place from the
door of the royal palace to the lines of the lashkar had been
swept clean and sprinkled with water. The whole army stood
in lines on both sides of the passage. Strict instructions had
been issued that none should in any way obstruct any sawar
or foot-servant of the Nawab.
“From darikhana the Nawab, accompanied by his sardars
and confidants, numbering over one hundred, went into the
presence of the Shah and offered the following presents :
On his own behalf
Elephants .. 2
Ashrafis •. 1,001
Rupees . * 5,000
Cloth pieces, of zarbaft (brocade, gold cloth),
kamkhab (embroidered cloth of different
colours) mashruh (silk and cotton mixed),
makhmal (velvet), bcniat* (broad cloth),
safed baf (white lace), chhint (chintz, highly
glazed calico of different colours), etc. .. 40
On behalf of his companions from his own treasury
Ashrafis ♦ ♦ 500
FOR PRINCE TAIMVR
On his own behalf
Elephant .. 1
On behalf of his son
Ashrafis .. 101
“The Shah honoured him with a valuable robe of distinc¬
tion of four pieces, a turban with an aigrette and a jewelled
ornament, a horse, a sword and a dagger set with gold and
gems. At the same time the Shah was pleased to tell him
that in future the affairs of India would be conducted with
his consultations and advice.
“After paying the usual compliments at the time of tak¬
ing his leave of the Shah, the Nawab came to the darikhana
and had conversation with the prime minister for a couple
of gharis. In reply to the Nawab’s enquiry the prime minis¬
ter told him, ‘We had in India two enemies: first, the
Marathas whom we have uprooted, and second, the intensity
of heat which, with the grace of God, is about to end. Now
His Imperial Majesty wishes to settle the administrative
affairs of India with your advice.’
Ahmad shah durran!
“The Nawab then took leave of the prime minister
mounted his elephant at the gate of the darikhana. With
bands playing, and himself distributing money in charity, he
passed through His Majesty’s troops and arrived at his camp
about three hours after sunrise.
“Such is the discipline in the Shah’s lashkar that none
of the ministers, pay-officers or chief officials rides an
elephant. Nobody dare play a band or beat a drum. The
Nawab [Ahmad Khan] went from his camp and returned to
it with bands playing and drums beating. The whole of the
Shah’s army, from the lowest to the highest ranks, that had
collected there for the tamasha, were wonderstruck to see the
manner in which Ahmad Khan was honoured by the Shah
who had not thus honoured anybody else from amongst the
chiefs and nobles either in India or in the vilayat.
“After the Nawab had returned to his camp, the Shah
had it proclaimed in his own lashkar by the beat of drum
that no man from Afghanistan should in any way exhibit reli¬
gious fanaticism towards the Hindus and Musalmans of India,
nor should the strong tyrannize over the weak, nor should
anyone in any way interfere with the religious practices and
other customs of the people.” 21
SUCCESSFUL NEGOTIATIONS WITH SHUJA-UD-DAULAH
The Shah stayed at Aligarh for about two months and
when the rainy season set in with its incessant downpours
in July, he shifted his camp to the high ground on the west¬
ern bank of the Ganges at Anupshahr. But he had not been
sitting idle all this time. His envoys had been actively en¬
gaged in securing allies for the coming struggle with the
Marathas. The most important of these was Shuja-ud-Daulah
of Oudli, with his headquarters at Lucknow. Of all the
chiefs and nobles in northern India, he had the strongest
army and artillery. “His Gosain troops were the most reck¬
less fighters among the Hindus and formed a compact broth¬
erly corps of ten thousand horse and foot, and he had, be¬
sides, a number of able and devoted Shia officers in his
21. Murasalat-i-Ahmad Shah Durrani, Nos. 22, 23, 24.
MIN/Sr^
■ 601
THE FIFTH INVASION OF INDIA
service. Each side (Ahmad Shah and the Marathas) held
out to Shuja the bait of making him the Wazir of Delhi'after
placing Shall Alam on the imperial throne.” The Shah sent,
one after the other, Malika Zamani, the widow of Emperor
Muhammad shah, Sardar Jahan Khan, his own commander-
in-chief, and Najib-ud-Daulah the leading ftuhila chief. The
Marathas also were negotiating with him. at the same time.
But Najib-ud-Daulah ultimately succeeded in winning him
over to the Shah's side. The Marathas were an ambitious
people with schemes of domination over the whole of India.
They could not, therefore, be relied upon for the safety of
the Oudh dominions. With the fear of the Durrani invader
removed, they might at any time be induced to march upon
his territories and overpower him. Ahmad Shah Durrani,
on the other hand, had no designs upon the Mughal Empire
beyond the neighbouring province of the Panjab. He occa¬
sionally descended upon the country either for rich booty or
to wreak his vengeance upon his enemies and to re-establish
his lost prestige. The fears of Shuja on account of sectarian
differences with the Shah, who was a Sunni while he himself
was a Shia, and on account of any vindictive feelings that
the Shah might be harbouring for his father Safdar Jang’s
victory in the battle of Manupur in 1748, were quickly dis¬
missed by the personal assurances of Najib-ud-Daulah, who
stood guarantee for a respectable reception at the hands of
the Shah. On demand, the Shah unhesitatingly guaranteed
him, in writing, a safe conduct and the promise for wazir-
ship. Shuja-ud-Daulah then paid a visit to Ahmad Shah at
the camp of Anupshahr. The Afghan minister, Shah Wali
Khan, went out on the 4th of Zilhijja, 1173 A.H., July 18,
1760, to receive him at a few miles’ distance from the camp.
The Shah was highly pleased to meet him and bestowed upon
him rich dresses of honour and the title of Farzand Khan. 22
22. Rajwade, i. 191, 204, 215, 217a, 219, 222, 226, 233, 236; Tarikh-i-
Husain Shaki, 42; Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, 595-96; Siyar-ul-Mutakherin,
910-11. When the Shah gave to Shuja-ud-Daulah the robe of minister-
ship of Delhi, Shuja said, “Who is the Padshah? Whose minister am
f to be? You sit on the throne, and I shall be your minister’ Why
G. 31
Something must, at this stage, be said about the Shah’s
relations with-the Rajputs. From the very beginning of lire
Shah’s career in India, the Maharajas of 'Jaipur and Jodhpur
had kept thetmselves aloof from his opponthnis. Raja Ishri
Singh of Jaipur had taken practically no part, in the battle
of iVianupur in March, 1748, It is true that he had arrayed
himself on the side of the Mughals, but he had fled from the
field in the very first action and had helped the Shah as an
agent provocateur in the Mughal army. In 1757 the Rajputs
had kept quiet even when the sacred Hindu towns and
temples of Mathura and Brindaban were sacked and burnt
and pools of blood flowed in their streets. For the present
invasion, the Rajas of Jaipur and Jodhpur had actively as¬
sociated themselves with the Ruhila Afghans in inviting the
Shah to India and in soliciting him to stay in the country.
They had been hard pressed by the Maratha aggressions and
they found safety in the Shah’s operations against them. The
Shah, on the other hand, greatly valued their neutrality
which was more helpful to him than their active co-operation
in the field of action. If they had joined the Shah with their
armies, they would have weakened the defences of their
own territories and exposed them to Maratha inroads. And,
their withdrawal, under these circumstances, from the side
of the Shah would have affected the morale of his other
allies. The Shah, it seems, had a clear picture of the whole
situation. For these reasons, he never called them to his side
with troops either to fight against the Marathas or against
the Jats. But he maintained a regular correspondence with
them and kept them well posted with all the developments
on his side and wished, in return, to be kept fully informed
about what was happening in their territories. He showed
great regard for them. In one of his letters to Maharaja
Sawai Madho Singh, the Shah assured him of the “faithful
make a fool of me by giving these meaningless robes?”-—Rajwade, i.
236, Shuja-uct-Daulah at the same time kept the Marathas in good
humour by writing that they should not be annoyed for his friendship
with the Durrani. Hajwade, i. 227.
MINIS
THE FIFTH INVASION OF INDIA
<SL
fetion of a brother towards him” and of his “kindest re¬
gards towards the entire community of the Rajputs on ac-
count of their old happy relations and attachment to our
God-given kingdom.” Informing the Jaipur chief of a
victory that the Afghan troops gained against twenty thou¬
sand veteran sawars of Ghazi-ud-Din and Jankoji on Sunday
the 2nd of Jainadi-ul-Awwal, 1173 A.H., December 23, 1759,
in their letter of the 8th of Jamadi-ul-Awwal, December 29,
the Shah and his prime minister Shah Wali Khan, and also
Najib-ud-Daulah, told him that during the current campaign
proper arrangements would be made for the administration
of the country and that the Shah’s armies would move into the
Deccan for the subjugation of the Marathas. The Raja was
asked to place his men in such positions as to block the
passage of the fugitive Marathas through his territories. The
Raja was further desired to send a vakil of his to the Shah
to place his demands and wishes before him. Again, in
their letters of February 18, 1760, the Shah and Shah Wali
Khan assured him that “after the rainy season, with the
grace of God, we shall move into the Deccan and punish
the mischievous people of that country like the evil-doing
Malhar.” The Rajas on their part maintained their loyalty
to the Shah throughout the campaign and remained true to
their professions during the most critical days immediately
before the battle of Panipat.
SURAJ MALL JAT REMAINED ADAMANT
The Shah’s negotiations with Raja Suraj Mall of Bharat-
pur, however, did not bear fruit. The proud Jat spurned
all overtures for alliance with the foreign invader and stuck
to his guns. In spite of his differences with the Deccanis,
who had been a source of constant danger to his territories
he was inclined to side with his co-religionists. He had
offered shelter to Malhar Rao Holkar and Jankoji Shinde, in
. addition to Ghazi-ud-Din, their friend, and a large number
of other less important people. With eight thousand Jats he
accompanied the Maratha force, under Sadashiv Bhau, to
Delhi and was of considerable help in its conquest. But the
tactlessness and arrogance of Sadashiv in disregarding the
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
&
^ tedges of Suraj Mall to Ghazi-ud-Din soon alienated
sympathies, and he returned to his territories. 23
NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE MARATHAS
The Shah had, at the same time, been carrying on nego-
tiations with the Marathas themselves for a peaceful con¬
clusion of the struggle. Malhar Rao Holkar, as we know,
had called the envoy of Hafiz Rahmat Khan on his arrival
at Bharatpur after his flight from near Sikandrabad early
in March, 1760. Writing on the 24th of Rajjab, 1173 A.H.,
March 13, from Sarota near Bayana, Parshotam Mahadev
Hingne had informed Sadashiv Bhau that an interview had
taken place between the envoy of Hafiz Rahmat Khan and
Gangadhar Yashwant Tatya and that it had been agreed
that Hafiz should himself meet the Sardar, Malhar Rao
Holkar, and arrange for the return of Ahmad Shah to his
country. Hafiz should then join the army of Malhar Rao for
the defeat of Najib-ud-Dau'lah, in consideration of which
the Marathas promised not to touch his country. But, evi¬
dently, Hafiz Rahmat Khan could not join the Marathas
23. Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, 593-96; Siyar-ul-Mutahherin, 911-12;
Rajwade, 186-191; Qanungo, Jats, i. 124-38.
The Shah had also carried on negotiations with Ghazi-ud-Din with
a view to detaching him from the Marathas. Ghazi-ud-Din wavered,
says Qanungo, but “the news reached Delhi”, he continues, “on 19th
February (2nd Rajjab, 1173 A.H.) that peace had been concluded
between the Shah and Ghazi-ud-Din Imad-ul-Mulk, the latter having
been confirmed in the office of Wazir”. But the arrival of the Mara¬
thas from the Deccan under Sadashiv Bhau again threw the fickle-
minded Ghazi into their lap, and he proceeded with them to Delhi to
be installed as minister after its occupation. He was sadly disappointed
to find that Sadashiv would not keep his promise. This was one of
the reasons for the defection of Suraj Mall Jat, who had made a
common cause with them against the Durranis in spite of his previous
bitter experience.
G.S. Sardesai gives four causes for the defection of the Jats:
(1) the families of the Marathas had not been sent to Gwalior; (ii) the
Wazirship had not been given to Mir Shahab-ud-Din (i.e., Ghazi-ud-
Din Imad-ul-Mulk) ; (iii) the silver ceiling of the darbar-room had
been removed and (iv) the management of Delhi had not been given
to them. Quoted in Oantmgo’s History of the Jats, i. 136-37 footnote.
Also see Sarkar, ii. 255-58.
WNiSr/fy
THE FIFTH INVASION OF INDIA
his own Ruhila kinsmen, nor could the Shah he per
led to desert the cause of his plenipotentiary in India.
On the other hand, there was a change in the attitude of the
Marathas with the arrival of a large fresh force under Sada¬
shiv, and the negotiations broke down. 24
MARATHAS OCCUPIED DELHI
It does not fall within the province of our subject to
closely follow the march of Sadashiv Bhau from the Deccan.
Suffice it to say that the Maratha army under his command
arrived at Gwalior on the 30th of May. and in the neigh¬
bourhood of Dholpur (crossing the river Chambal about ten
miles to the south-west) on the 8th of June. Sadashiv was
the son of Chimnaji Appa, the younger brother of Baji Rao I,
and was selected, in preference to Raghunath Rao. on ac¬
count of his high reputation with all classes of military and
civil officers, for his close attention to financial and admini¬
strative business, and for his organizing capacity in his vic¬
torious campaign against the Nizam. He was accomnanied
by Vishwas Rao, seventeen-vear-old son of the Peshwa Balaji
Rao, as a nominal commander-in-chief. It was here bn the
northern bank of the Chambal that Malhar Rao Holkar and
Suraj Mall Jat joined him.. He stayed here for about five
weeks and then marched to Agra, twenty miles to the north,
arriving there on the 14th of July. In two days he made up
his mind to seize Delhi immediately and despatched a strong
force under Malhar Rao Holkar, Jankoji Shinde and Bal-
want Ganesh Mahendale, guided by Ghazi-ud-Din and Suraj
Mall Jat. With all his efforts, Yaqub Ali Khan could not
hold out for long against the superior numbers and equip¬
ment of the Marathas and the city of Delhi fell into their
hands on the afternoon of the 22nd of July. The fort resisted
for another ten days, but as there was no hope of any succour
from the Shah during those days of heavy rain, Yaqub Ali
Khan offered to march out on promise of safe exit. This
24, SPD. ii- 121, 124; Rajwade, vi. 509.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI 'bL
^granted, the fort was evacuated by Yaqub and it passed into
the possession of Sadashiv Bhau on the 2nd of August, 1760. 25
The capital of the Mughal empire yielded no booty to
the Maratha conqueror. It had already been drained of its
wealth by Nadir Shah, Ahmad Shah and Wazir Ghazi-ud-
Din. Sadashiv was in urgent need of money. His soldiers
had not been paid, for a long time. At Delhi they were
reduced to starvation. No revenue was forthcoming. It
had become impossible for the collectors to raise even loans
in those days of chaos and confusion when the rich people
had either fled away or had been plundered, or could not
trust the borrowers. Thus circumstanced, Sadashiv Bhau
ordered the remaining silver ceiling of Shah Jahan’s Diwan-
i-Khas to be removed and converted into coins— some of
the ceiling had been removed previously by Ghazi-ud-Din.
But this could not relieve him of his pressing needs for more
than a month. In the meantime, leaving the government of
Delhi in the hands of Naro Shankar Pandit, as its governor,
Bhau moved out of the city on the 12th of August and en¬
camped near Badli, blocking the ferry of Barari to the
Ruhilas, who, it was feared, could otherwise have crossed
over to the west of the Jamuna and harassed the Marathas.
He stayed here for two months and then left northwards
with a view to reducing the Ruhila town of Kunjpura which,
with its enormous stocks of food and fodder, was virtually
a base supply depot of Ahmad Shah Durrani. 26
MARATHAS SEIZED KUNJPURA
With Bhau’s men and horses starving, it had become
absolutely necessary for him to seize the storehouses of
Kunjpura. He left his camp on the 10th of October and
arrived there on the 16th. The attack began in the early
25. Raiwade, i. 223-24, 246; Ahwal~i~Najib~ud~Daulah, 33; Husain
Shahi, 44; Tankh-i-Muzaffari, 593-95; Khazanah-i-Amtra, 103-5. Siyar-
ul~Mutakherin, 911-12.
26. Khazanah-i-Amira, 105-6; Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, 912; Ahwal~i~
Najib-ud-Daulah, 33h-34a; Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, 596-97; SPD. ii. 130,
131; xxi, 193; xxvii. 255, 257, 258; Rajwade, 281; Tazkirah-i-Shakir Khan,
82; Sarkar, ii. 261-67,
MIN ISTfiy
THE FIFTH INVASION OF INDIA
?4
of the following morning, Kunjpura was defended
by about ten thousand men; two thousand of them were
encamped outside the city under the command of Sardar
Abdus Samad Khan Muhammadzei of Hashtnagar, the Shah’s
governor of Sirhind, arid Mian Qutab Shah. The defenders
were overpowered by the Marathas. In their ettort to
charge their assailants, Abdus Samad Khan fell dead on the
field, while Qutab Shah was wounded. Mixed with the
flying Ruhilas and Afghans, the Marathas also entered the
town. Immense booty fell into the hands of Bhau. “Two
hundred thousand maunds of wheat and other goods of a
total value of ten lakhs, and six and a half lakhs of rupees
in cash, in addition to three thousand horses, a large number
of camels and some guns came into their possession. The
city was plundered and houses looted by the soldiers and
camp-followers. “So vast was the quantity of the captured
provisions that the Maratha troops were paid their weekly
subsistence in grain.” Najabat Khan, the chief of the town,
and Qutab Shah were taken prisoners. The former died of
his wounds, while the latter, who had cut off and carried
away the head of Dattaji Shinde in the battle of Barari, was
beheaded. The severed heads of Abdus Samad Khan and
Qutab Shah were mounted on spears and paraded in triumph
through the bazars of the Maratha camp. 27
SHAH ALAM II PROCLAIMED EMPEROR OF INDIA
Before we close this account of Sadashiv Bhau’s activi¬
ties in Delhi and its neighbourhood and enter upon the battle
of Panipat, it may be mentioned that from his first stage of
Laleri, after his march from his camp near Badli, he had
deputed two of his trusted officers, Nana Purandare and
Appaji Jadav Rao, to Delhi with instructions to depose the
puppet emperor, Shah Jahan II and to proclaim Shah Alarn II
king in his place. This was done on the 10th of October, and
27. Khazanah-i-Amira, 106; Kashi Raj, Ahwal-i-Jang-i-Bhau wa
Ahmad Shah Durrani , 11; Imad-us-Sa’adat, 186; Siy&r-ul-Mutakherin,
912; Tarikh-i-Husaini, 44-5; Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, 597; Ahwal-i-No.fib-
ud-Daulah, 34-35; Rajwade, i. 255, 259, 260, 265; iii. 507; vi. 405; SPD.
xxi. 191, 192; Manusil-u-Futuh, 16, 193, 197, 198; Sarkar, ii. 267-71,
Ahmad shah durrani
<sl
a Jawan Bakht, the eldest son of the Emperor Shah
Alam, was installed as heir-apparent to carry on the govern¬
ment in the absence of his father. The office of Wazir was
conferred on Shuja-ud-Daulah in the hope of winning him
over to the Marathas’ side. Shah Alam II was the son of
Alamgir II. He was at Ghotauli, five miles north of Son
East Bank railway station, in Behar, when he received on
the 21st of December, 1759, the news of the murder of his
father. Here, on the 24th of December, he proclaimed him¬
self Emperor of India under the title of Shah Alam II,
although at Delhi Wazir Ghazi-ud-Din had raised Shah
Jahan II to the throne. Although proclaimed Emperor at
Delhi by the order of Sadashiv Bhau on the 10th of October,
1760, with his own son at the capital, it was ten years and
some three months later that Shah Alam II returned to the
city of his ancestors on the 6th of January, 1771. 28
28. Delhi Chronicle; Munna Lai, Shah Alam Namah, 74-5; Slyar-
ul-Mutakherin, 912; Rajwade, i. 258-59; Sarkar, ii. 269, 555.
Chapter XIX
THE BATTLE OF PANIPAT
(January 14, 1761)
THE SHAH CROSSED TO THE WEST OF THE JAMUNA
When Sadashiv Bhau conquered Delhi, Ahmad Shah
Durrani was encamped at Anupshahr. Peace negotiations
were continued through Shuja-ud-Daulah; but flushed with
victories, the Maratha chief was not in a mood to come to
any reasonable terms. He moved to Shahdara near Delhi
in the beginning of October, but had not been able to cross
the Jamuna on account of floods. The sack of Kunjpura and
the plunder of his supplies exhausted the patience of the
Shah. Hearing of the capture of Kunjpura by the Marathas
and of the disgraceful manner in which the heads of Abdus
Samad Khan and Mian Qutab Shah had been paraded in the
Maratha army, he called the Afghan Sardars to his presence
and said, “Now, I cannot bear the Afghans being dishonoured
while I am living.” He sent out men in search of fords and
moved northward on the 20th of October. A staunch
believer in the efficacy of prayers, he fasted for two days
and prayed to God. And, when a ford was discovered near
Baghpat, he muttered some holy verses over an arrow and
shot it into the river. Under his orders, the Afghans then
plunged into the Jamuna on the 25th of October. He him¬
self crossed it on the 26th, and, by the evening of the next
day, the Afghan army was on the western bank. 1
MARATHA PATROLS PUSHED BACK BY AFGHANS
Sadashiv had, in the meantime, moved away from
Kunjpura in the direction of Kurukshetra for a religious
bath. He had posted a patrol, about a thousand strong, near
, 1 - Ahwal-i-Najib-ud-Daulah, 35b-37b; Husain Shahi, 45-6; Kashi
Raj, 14; Sarkar, ii. 282-84; Khazanah-i-Amira, 106; Manazil-u-Futuh,
17. ’
G. 32
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
, ^ oepat. But they had not been very vigilant. Shah Pasana
Khan was sent against them with a force of four thousand
Afghans, who surprised them by a sudden rush and put them
to the sword on the 27th of October. A battle was fought
the next day between the advance patrols of the Marathas
and a force of the Afghans near Sarai Sambhalka, where
the former were pushed back. The latter returned to their
camp. The Shah halted for three days at Ganaur (28th-30th),
and arrived at Sambhalka on the 31st. When Sadashiv, on
the other hand, learnt at Taraori of the Shah having crossed
the Jamuna, he immediately wheeled back to meet him and
arrived at Panipat on the 29th of October. Here the Shah
arrived on the 1st of November, and took up position at a
distance of about five miles from the Maratha camp. 2
THE AFGHANS AND MARATHAS TAKE POSITIONS
At last Ahmad Shah Durrani and Sadashiv Bhau came
face to face on the historic battle-field of Panipat to decide
the fate of Hindustan for a long time to come. Not far from
here was fought at Kurukshetra the great battle of the Maha-
bharat between the Pandavas and the Kauravas. At Panipat
was decided the fate of India in favour of the Mughals in
1526, when Babur established himself on the throne of Delhi
and laid the foundation of the Mughal empire. Here was
defeated Hemu bania by Akbar the Great in 1556. Here
again was to be fought the decisive battle of the age between
Ahmad Shah Durrani and Sadashiv Bhau. It halted the
power of the Marathas for over two decades. “And when
towards the close of the (eighteenth) century it had by the
exertions of Mahadji Sindhia recovered a great portion of
its former might, ’ says Malleson, “the English had established
themselves so firmly as not only to bear the shock of the
collision but to recoil it on their enemy.”
In order to find out the strength of the Maratha force
and to discover their plan of war, the Shah kept to his
entrenchments and would not allow his men to stir out
beyond where they could not easily be supported. This was
14.
2. SPD. xxi. 194; Ahioal-i-Najib-ud-Dciulah, 37b-38a; Kashi Raj,
UMlST/fy
rvu
THE BATTLE OF PANIPAT
:rpreted by the Marathas as a sign of timidity on his r _
they hoped to have an easy walk-over. They were also
under the impression that the fidelity of his Indian allies had
been shaken by the reverses at Delhi and Kunjpura and that
the Shah might at any time quietly retreat to his country
without fighting even a single battle with his opponents. But
they were soon disillusioned to find him entrenched in a
strong position, not easily assailable by them. 3
MINOR SKIRMISHES
Two months were occupied by skirmishes between the
advance guards or patrolling parties of the two armies with
varying results. On the 19th of November, Fateh Ali Khan,
the brother of Ibrahim Khan Gardi, of the Maratha service,
attempted a night-attack on the camp of the Shah and suc¬
ceeded in carrying away a few pieces of artillery. Three
days later, Shah Wall Khan was surprised by the troops of
Sindhia and they would have inflicted heavy loss on the
Afghans, if the latter had not been timely reinforced. Then
a fortnight passed without any serious fighting. 4
On the 7th of December, the Marathas moved some of
their guns to a position opposite the Ruhilas and fired at
them. There was no sharp exchange of fire and the even¬
ing set in without either side claiming superiority. But the
Ruhilas were waiting for their chance in the approaching
darkness of night. No sooner did they find the Marathas
retiring to their original position than Sultan Khan, brother
of Najib, sallied out with one thousand horse and five thou¬
sand foot and pounced upon the enemy. The deadly fire from
the Ruhila muskets scattered the Maratha horsemen guard¬
ing the guns. In the meantime, the main army of the Mara¬
thas was up in arms. The Ruhila horsemen then ran back
to their camp, while their infantry with their musket fire
pushed back the pursuers and captured the deserted guns.
At this time, Ibrahim Khan Gardi rushed forward with his
musketeers. He was accompanied by Balwant Rao Mehen-
dale. The Ruhilas suffered very heavily in the renewed
3. Sarkar, ii. 298-300.
4. Delhi Chronicle; Husain Shahi, 52,
MiNisr^
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
jggle and left three thousand dead. The Maratha e
mander, Balwant Rao Mehendale, was killed. He was the
most trusted lieutenant of Sadashiv Bhau to whom, this loss
was irreparable. This was a great setback for the Mara-
thas. 5
THE MARATHAS BLOCKADED BY SHAH
The Shah then decided upon blockading the Marathas.
“Every night a body of 5,000 Durrani horse advanced as far
as they could in safety towards the enemy’s camp, and there
they remained all the night, keeping watch against a sur¬
prise attack. Two other bodies of his horse made half circles
round the Maratha encampment, one to the right and the
other to the left. These night-patrols, each at least 5,000
strong, mounted on powerful Turki horses and commanded
by practised cavalry leaders, like Shah Pasand Khan and
Jahan Khan, cut off every provision convoy that attempted
to steal into the Bhau’s camp and every party of camp-fol¬
lowers that issued from Panipat under cover of darkness to
gather firewood and fodder in the neighbouring woods. The
southward road to Delhi was the first to be closed by reason
of the Afghan army sitting astride it.” The Kunjpura grain-
stores had, in the meantime, been captured by Diler Khan
Ruhila. The only hope of the Marathas then lay in Sardar
Ala Singh of Patiala who came to their help at this critical
moment and supplied them with provisions from the north¬
west. The city of Panipat had no laid-up stores of grain and
was reduced to the point of starvation at the hands of its
occupants. 6
GOVIND BALLAL SURPRISED BY AFGHANS
News arrived during the second week of December that
a Maratha revenue-collector, Govind Ballal, had moved up
5. Sarkar, ii. 304-6; Ahwal-i-Najib-ud-Daulah, 42b~43a; Delhi
Chronicle; Husain Shahi, 52; Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, 913; Tarikh-i-
Muzaffari, 598-99; Raj wade, i. 272.
6. Manazil-u-Futuh , 19; Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, 913; Tarikh-i-
Muzaffari, 698; Khazanah-i-Amira , 106-7; Tarikh-i-Janko-wa-Bhau
(Ali Ibrahim Khan), 41; Jam-i-Jahan Numa f ii. 127; Sarkar, ii. 306-
10 .
MINIS
THE BATTLE OF PANIPAT
his headquarters at Etawa and was ravaging the estates
of Najib-ud-DauIah. It was feared lest this move of the
enemy should spread consternation among the Shah’s Ruhila
allies and cause some desertions. He, therefore, detached a
fresh Durrani force of five thousand horse under the com¬
mand of Haji Atai Khan and Karimdad Khan (who had
recently arrived from Lahore), guided by Karim Khan
Ruhila of Najib’s service, to march against Govind Ballal.
Crossing the Jamuna near Baghpat, they swooped down upon
Shahdara near Delhi and cut down the Maratha outpost in
the evening of the 16th of December. The next morning
they annihilated a corps at Ghaziabad and then sprang a sur¬
prise upon Govind Ballal at Jalalabad, which he had sacked
a day or two earlier. Without any appreciable resistance,
the Marathas took to flight. Govind Ballal was shot dead and
his head was cut off to be carried to the Shah. Vast quan¬
tities of grain and other stores fell into the hands of the
Afghans, and the fear of the supplies from the Ruhila ter¬
ritories being cut off was removed. And, never after this
date was the want of provisions felt in the Shah’s camp. 7
A MARATHA DETACHMENT ANNIHILATED
The efforts of Gopal Ganesh Barve and Krishnanand to
raid the lower Doab with the help of Balbhadra, the Raja
of Tiloi, and other rebel landlords, were frustrated by the"
troops of Shuja-ud Daulah, who fell upon them near Nawab-
ganj and scattered the raiders. 8 But a harder blow had yet
to come. Bhau had sent a detachment of his men to Delhi
to fetch some lakhs of rupees, which Govind Ballal had trans¬
mitted to Naro Shankar Pandit. The first instalment was
received safely in the Maratha camp. But the second acci¬
dentally fell into the hands of the Durrani. One lakh and
fifty thousand rupees were made over by Naro Shankar to
%
7. Delhi Chronicle; Kashi Raj, 15-16; Ahwal-i-Najib-ud-Daulan,
45b-46b; Behari Lai, 8-9; Husain Shahi, 50-51; Siyar-ul-Mutakherin,
913; Khazanah~i~Amira, 107-8; Tarikh-i-Muzafiari, 599-600; Rajwade,
i. 264, 272; iii. 511; Manazil-u~Futuh, 17-18; Sarkar, 310-13; Ahmad
Shah Baba , 272.
8. SPD. ii. 134; Rajwade, iii, 511; Sarkar, ii. 313-14. C. Qudh
Gazetteer, ii. 479-80,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
\ree hundred troopers under Parashar Dadaji, each
Carrying three hundred rupees tied to his waist. Afraid of
the Durranis, six of these men returned to Delhi on the first
day of their march and handed back the money. But the
others pushed on and, travelling by night, arrived at Panipat
in the early hours of the 6th of January, 1761. But they
missed their way in the darkness and got into the left wing
of the Durrani camp instead of their own. Here their lan¬
guage betrayed them. In Marathi they enquired of some
one as to which general’s camp that was. On hearing them
speak in Marathi, the Durranis fell upon them and the whole
body of 293 was annihilated. Only one of them escaped to
Delhi to tell the tale of this disaster.®
SADASHIV SUED FOR PEACE—OVERTURES REJECTED BY SHAH
These disasters and the vigilant night-patrols of the Shah,
which cut off the Maratha provisions from all sides, damped
the enthusiasm of Sadashiv. In fear and despair, he appeal¬
ed to Shuja-ud-Daulah “to arrange a peace at any price be¬
tween him and the Shah and sent him a carte blanche, in the
form of the impression of his palm dipped in saffron on a
piece of blank paper, to be his credentials as a plenipoten¬
tiary, together with the most solemn oaths for a Plindu to
abide by any settlement that he might make.” Shah Wali
Khan, the Shah’s minister, was willing to enter into peace
negotiations! and the Shah himself would have availed him¬
self of this proposal. But the vindictive Najib-ud-Daulah
and the blood-thirsty Afghans and Ruhilas, worked up by
the emotional appeals of Qazi Idris for a holy war against
the infidels, pressed for war. “Recite the prayer for war,”
said the Shah, “the idea of making peace has been given
up.”io
SADASHIV DECIDED TO FIGHT
There was then no alternative but to fight. Besides, the
absence of food and fodder in the camp had reduced the
Maiathas to difficult straits and life had become intolerable.
9. Husain Shahi, 51-52; Rajwade, i. 281; Manazil-u-Eutuh, 18-19;
Ahwal-i-Najib-ud-Daulah, 41b; Kashi Raj, 16; Sarkar, ii. 314-15,
10. Kashi Raj, 20-21; Ahwal-i-Najib-ud-Daulah, 43b-45; SarW
ii. 316-17.
miSTfiy,
THE BATTLE OF PANIPAT
tlxe 13th of January, some of the leading officers and
soldiers surrounded Sadashiv’s tent and represented to him
the pitiable condition of the soldiers owing to want of food*
“For the last two days, we have had nothing to eat,” said
they. “Grain cannot be had even at two rupees a seer.
Instead of perishing in misery by starvation, we would rather
go to fight the enemy. Whatever the fate has ordained must
happen.” Thus goaded by circumstances, Sadhashiv decided
to launch an attack upon the Afghans early in the following
morning and ordered his officers to prepare themselves for
the next day’s struggle. 11
Sadashiv sent his last note to Shuja-ud-Daulah in his
own handwriting saying: “The last moment has now come.
If anything is possible, do it immediately, or let me have a
negative reply. After this there will be no further oppor¬
tunity for the exchange of notes or words.” Shuja-ud-Daulah
immediately went to the Shah, woke him up from his sleep
and informed him of the Maratha preparations for the im¬
pending struggle. In the same sleeping dress the Shah
mounted his favourite horse, Choki by name, ordered his
army to be ready for the fight and rode out a mile in front
of them to direct and supervise their formations. 12
Sadashiv, evidently, had not worked out any plan for
the battle except a general engagement on the whole of
the front. He could not follow the old traditional tactics of
his race at Panipat. He was tied down to the town, wherein
were lodged many Maratha families and camp-followers, in
addition to heavy artillery and all sorts of property, acquired
during the past seven months, He could not easily retreat
in case of defeat, leaving his women and property at the
mercy of the enemy. “Like a desperate gambler, the Bhatt
staked everything on one throw of the dice.” He commanded
the centre himself, with Ibrahim Khan Gardi on his left,
while the right wing was held by Malhar Rao Holkar and
Jankoji Shinde. 13 —
11. Kashi Raj, 22-23; Ahwal-i-Najib~ud-Daulah, 46; K.hazanah~i -
Amira, 108; Beharilal, 9; Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, 914.
12. Kashi Raj, 23; Husain Shahi, 55.
13. Sarkar, ii. 324-26.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
:e opposing armies
Ahmad Shah, on the other hand, had worked out, his
plan to the minutest detail. “With the instinct of a born
general,” says Sir Jadunath Sarkar, “he placed over half
(18,000) of his own national troops in the centre in charge
of his wazir, while the two other corps—about five thousand
each, mostly cavalry mounted on superb Persian horses—
were sent to his extreme right and left. Thus, his Indo-
Muslim allies were wedged in between strong bodies of Dur¬
rani troops on both sides and any attempt at tieacheiy or
flight on their part could be promptly crushed. These divi¬
sions on the extreme wings also rendered the favourite
Maratha tactics of a flank attack impossible and thus heart¬
ened his Indian associates by guarding them against such a
danger.” Najib-ud-Daulah and Shuja-ud-Daulah were sent
to the left, commanded by Shah Pasand Khan, while the par
(trans-Ganges) Ruhilas like Hafiz Rahmat Khan and Donde
Khan were placed in the right wing. The Shah extended his
line over seven miles, over-lapping the Marathas, and his
extreme right and left wings were bent inwards like the
horns of a crescent so as to out-flank and threaten the ends
of the Maratha line.” The arrangements of the opposing
armies with their respective strength were as follows:
DURRANIS
Left Wing:
Shah Pasand Khan
Najib-ud-Daulah
Centre:
Right Wing:
Shuja-ud-Daulah
Shah Wali Khan
Ahmad Khan Bangash
Hafiz Rahmat Khan and
Donde Khan
Amir Beg and
Barkhurdar Khan
5,000 all horse
15,000 all foot and dismount¬
ed cavalry
3,000 % foot-musketeers
19,000 men and 1,000 swivels
1,000 foot
14,000 % or less cavalry
3,000 Kabuli infantry Per¬
sian horse
60,000
MARATHAS
Left Wing:
Centre:
Ibrahim Khan Gardi
Damaji Gaikwar
Vithal Shivdev
Some petty Captains
Sadashiv Bhau and
Vishwas Rao
8,000 all foot-musketeers
2.500 horse
1.500 horse
2,000 -do-
13,500 household troops
;ht Wing; Antaji Manakeshwar
THE BATTLE OF PANIPAT
Satvoji Jadav
Minor Captains
1,000 horse
1,500 -.CIO-
2,000 -do-
Jaswant Rao Pa war
Shamsher Bahadur
Jankoji Shinde
Malhar Rao Holkar
1,500
1,500
7,000
3,000
45,000 14
BATTLE BEGAN BY GARDES ATTACK
The battle began with a cannonade from the Maratha
guns and the first attack was led by Ibrahim Khan Gardi
with a flag in one hand and a musket in the other. Order¬
ing two of his battalions to check the Afghans under Bar-
khurdar Khan, he fell upon the Ruhilas in the right wing
of the Shah. The struggle was desperate and at first it
appeared as if Gardi would rout the Ruhilas back and drive
them away. But he soon lost his superiority in a face-to-face
fighting. Then came reinforcement from the Shah and the
battalions of Gardi were overpowered and annihilated.
Damaji Gaikwar came to the support of Ibrahim Khan but
he was outnumbered. The remnants of Gardi’s Taling'as and
Damaji’s Marathas could not hold their own against the
Afghans and Ruhilas and took to flight. Thus failed the
attack of the Maratha left wing. 15
VISHWAS RAO AND SADASH1V KILLED IN THE BATTLE
Simultaneously with the attack of Ibrahim Khan on the
right of the Afghans, Sadashiv Bhau had attacked the Afghan
centre under Shah Wali Khan. There was exchange of fire
from both sides. The incessant fire of the lighter pieces of
the Afghan artillery, more mobile and more efficiently han¬
dled than the heavy guns of the Marathas, proved deadlier.
All of a sudden, the Maratha guns ceased firing. Then, in
an instant, with thunderous war cries of Har Har Mahadev,
Sadashiv’s men desperately rushed upon the Durranis of
Shah Wali Khan and pierced through the front skirmishers.
14. Ahwal-i-Najib-ud-Daulah, 46b-47a; Khazanah-i-Amira, 107;
Manazil-u-Futuh, 20-21; Kashi Raj, 25-6; Sarkar, ii. 321-22.
15. Ahwal-i-Najib-ud^Daulah, 47a; Kashi Raj, 26-7.
a 33
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<r
—j. u^re was confusion in the Afghan ranks, and some of Hi
ktai Khan’s men gave way. Shuja could not come to the
support of the shaking centre. It would weaken his own
left wing, opposed to Jankoji Shinde and Malhar Rao Hol-
kar. However, in the absence of a strong cavalry squadron,
which could charge the confused Afghans and put them to
flight, Bhau could not make the best use of his advantageous
position. In the meantime, the Shah’s officers rallied the
retreating Afghans, collected all available troops from the
camp, added to them a detachment of the Shah’s bodyguard
and pushed them on to support Shah Wali Khan. These
fresh troops turned the tables upon the exhausted Marathas
who were thrown off their feet and pushed back. But like
a brave soldier, Sadashiv fought on. At this critical moment,
Wishwas Rao, the Peshwa’s son and the nominal commander-
in-chief of the force, rushed into the thick of the fight with
the household cavalry. But this made no appreciable im¬
pression. upon the Afghans who were further reinforced by
the eagle-eyed Shah with three fresh squadrons of slaves.
Under instructions from their master, they displayed pecu¬
liar tactics. They enveloped the Marathas from three sides.
One squadron came up from the right, discharged their mus¬
kets at the enemy and went away to the left while the second
rushed from the left, fired at the Marathas and hurriedly
moved on to the right. The third squadron advanced from
the front, poured fire into the vanguard and then wheeled
to the rear. Those movements left no time for the enemy
to compose themselves. Before they could do so, these squa¬
drons had loaded their pieces and returned to repeat the same
thing again. With all this, the Marathas made three attacks
upon the centre of Shah Wali Khan. But his men had
regained their position and stood firm like a rock
,§L
At about
J. ****-*•»■ --
a quarter past two, Wishwas Rao was shot dead by a bullet.
This was a very great shock to Sadashiv. He collected his
personal followers, gathered as many of other troopers as
he could, and then led a last desperate attack upon the
Afghans. He received a spear wound and was thrown off
his horse by a bullet in the thigh. While walking with the
help of a spear, he was challenged by five Durrani horsemen,
Who wished to rob him of his costly jewels and dress, Like
MIN IST/fy
fits BATTLE OF PANIPAT
^jpfrounded lion., he fell upon his assailants and was killed
under their swords. His head was cut off and carried away.
“Thus perished Sadashiv Rao Bhau on the grave of his repu¬
tation and of the imperialistic dreams of his race.” 16
THE BATTLE ENDED WITH THE DEFEAT OF MARATHAS
There was practically no fighting on the left wing of the
Shah and the right of the Marathas. Malhar Rao Holkar and
Jankoji Shinde had tasted of the Afghan steel. They did
not stir out of their positions to the last. Availing himself
of the chicken-heartedness of these chiefs, Najib-ud-Daulah
had, during the day, crept up to a place within the firing
range of the Marathas. But they took no initiative. Towards
the close of the day when the centre and the right had been
cleared, Shah Pasand Khan and Najib-ud-Daulah delivered
an assault on them. Malhar Rao, followed by most of the
troops of Jankoji, was the first to fly away in utter rout.
Jankoji was wounded and pushed back with a great loss.
Thus ended the battle of Panipat. 17
THE LOSS OF THE ENEMY
So great was the loss inflicted on the Marathas by the
forces of Ahmad Shah that twenty-eight thousand bodies in
thirty-two heaps were counted the next morning, in addition
to those lying in the ditch round their camp. Thousands of
them were reported to have been killed, pursued by the Dur-
ranis, with hundreds of the wounded dying of cold during
the night. The booty was enormous. As many as 22,000
men, women and children, including the sons and other rela¬
tives of the chiefs and officials, were made captives. Beauti¬
ful Brahman women were sold by the Afghans to the Ruhila
and other Indian soldiers at the rate of one tiomavA (about
ten rupees) each. The cash and jewellery were beyond cal¬
culation, and the camels and horses innumerable. 18
16. Ahwal-i-Najib-ud-DaulaK, 47a-50b; Manazil-u-FutuK , 21-23;
Kashi Raj, 28-31, 39; Husain Shahi, 54-57; Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, 914.
17. Ahwat-i-Najib-ud-Daulah, 51a; Manazil-u-Futuh , 23; Kashi
Baj, 29; Husain SUahi, 57.
18. Ahwal-i-Najib-ud-Daulafij, 50'b~51a; Khazanuh-i-Amiraj
108-9; Beharilal, 10; Kashi Raj, 37; Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, 914.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI 'SL
Apart from the booty in slaves, cash, jewels, elephants,
camels, horses and other property that he carried away to
enrich his people in Afghanistan, the Shah derived no poli-
tical gain from this grand and decisive victory.
On the 15th of January, 1761, the day after the victory,
the Shah entered the city of Panipat dressed in a splendid
robe with glittering jewels including the Koh-i-Noor and
made a pilgrimage to the mausoleum of Shaikh Bu Ali Qalan-
clar. He halted there only for a few days and then set out
for Delhi. At Narela, sixteen miles from the Mughal capital,
he was welcomed by the ex-Empress Zinat Mahal and her
grandson Mirza Jawan Bakht. The Shah arrived at his des¬
tination on the 29th of January. Naro Shankar Pandit, the
Maratha governor, had escaped with the help of Zinat
Mahal. 19
SHAH’S ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE THRONE OF INDIA
The battle of Panipat gave a crushing blow to the daily
increasing power of the Marathas in northern India. The
whole of the Mughal empire now lay prostrate at the Shah’s
feet. But he did not press the advantage home. He had
reasons for it. He was more than a mere political adven¬
turer. He was an Afghan to the very marrow of his bones,
intensely devoted to his country and his people. He could
not, like Babur, permanently settle in India to occupy its
throne. And he knew it was impossible to govern such a
large country from his capital at Qandahar. Moreover, it
would have taken years of incessant war to completely sub¬
jugate this great country. Such a war would have been im¬
possible from his bases in Afghanistan, with the intervening
long lines of communication through the Panjab where the
Sikhs were growing powerful in all directions, offering
serious challenge to his claims to suzerainty. All his efforts
in India were directed to annexing the adjoining rich country
of the Panjab and to securing the safety of its frontiers with
19 Ahwal-i-Naiib-iid-Daulah , 51b; Kashi Raj, 37, 41; Delhi
Chronicle . During his stay at Panipat the Shah ordered some of the
captives, including Ibrahim Khan Gardi, to be put to the sword. Vide
Chahar Gutear-i-Shnjai, 258; Kashi Raj, 36-7; Rajwade, i. 158, 286;
Tarikh-i-Muzaffari , 601; Khazanah-i~Amira, 108; Husain Shahi, 58.
THE BATTLE Of PaNiPAT
to relieving the needs of his poor country. It wi
this object in view that he wished to have on the throne
of Delhi a person friendly to himself. Emperor Alamgir II,
as we know, had been murdered by Ghazi-ud-Din. His son
Prince Ali Gauhar had proclaimed himself Emperor under
the royal title of Shah Alain II in Behar at Ghotauli in
December, 1759. From there he had sent his agent Munir-
ud-Daulah to the Shah to beg for his support. The embassy
of Munir-ud-Daulah coincided with the arrival of the Shah
in the neighbourhood of Delhi in the last days of December,
1759. During the whole of 1760, Munir-ud-Daulah remained
with the Shah. On his arrival at Delhi,/ January 29, 1761,
the Shah was pleased to confirm Shah Alam II on the throne
of Delhi, and the Dowager Queen Zinat Mahal (mother of
Shah Alam) and Munir-ud-Daulah prevailed upon him to
issue farmans to the various ruling princes of the country
and also to Colonel Clive in Bengal to recognize Shah Alam
as the rightful emperor. The Shah personally spoke to
Shuja-ud-Daulah and Najib~ud~Daulah and established Prince
Jawan Bakht in the citadel of Shahjahanabad (Delhi) as
deputy to his father Shah Alam and ordered coins to be
struck and khutba to be read in his name. 20 The Shah at
the same time desired the Mughal emperor through his am¬
bassador, Munir-ud-Daulah, to return to his capital and
occupy the throne of his ancestors.
NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE MARATHAS
Although defeated, the Marathas were still strong enough
to be reckoned with. This fact the Shah could not easily
ignore. As Emperor Shah Alam was acceptable to the Mara¬
thas also, he had no fear of their upsetting this arrangement.
But the arrival of the Peshwa himself with a large Maratha
force in the neighbourhood of Gwalior set him thinking.
He wished to run no further risks. Like a wise victor, he
availed himself of the offer of the Maratha agent, Bapuji
Mahadev Hingne, to bring about an understanding between
himself and the Peshwa, and, after consultations with Hingne,
20. Sarkar, ii. 543; Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, ii. 445-
46; Murtaza Ali Khan, Munir-ud-Dowlah, 14-6.
AHMA t> SKAH DURRANI
ordered Yaqub Ali Khan to proceed to Gwalior and pro¬
cure a treaty of peace with the Peshwa.
But the unsound health of the Peshwa and the hesita¬
tion of the Maratha sardars like Malhar Rao Holkar and
Naro Shankar Pandit to meet the Shah resulted in delaying
the negotiations.
The Shah could understand the depressed feelings of
Peshwa Balaji Rao who had lost his eldest youthful son,
Vishwas Rao, a cousin, Sadashiv Rao, and a number of
valiant sardars and a huge army in the battle of Panipat, and
he sympathized with him in his bereavement. Expressing
his genuine anxiety for reconciliation, he wrote to him:
“There is no reason why there should exist any ill-will be¬
tween you and us. True, you have lost your son and brother
in the unfortunate fight but it was entirely provoked by
Bhau Saheb and we could not act otherwise than we did in
self-defence. However, we are deeply sorry for these losses.
We readily leave to you the subject of imperial management
of Delhi, provided you allow us to hold the Panjab up to the
river Sutlej and support Shah Alam as the Emperor. You
must forget the regrettable events that have taken place and
entertain a lasting friendship towards us, which we are
anxiously soliciting.” Wazir Shah Wali Khan also wrote to
him in the same spirit of good-will and sent these letters
through their vakil, Gulraj, accompanied by the customary
robes of honour. ,
Gulraj met the Peshwa on February 10 and conveyed
his principal’s message to him. The Peshwa too was equally
anxious for peace and he commissioned Gangadhar Chadra-
chud to proceed to Delhi and adjust matters. Thus the essen¬
tial points of the terms of peace were all discussed and deter¬
mined by the middle of March and they had only to be for¬
mally reduced to writing. But for reasons of health the
Peshwa could not stay there for long to see them through
and had to leave for the Deccan on March 20. Three days
later, on March 23, during the journey, he wrote to his vakil,
Hingne, saying, “I am enclosing my replies to *e letters
received from the Shah Abdali and his Wazir Shah Wall
Khan and delivered here by their agent Gulraj. I am deput¬
ing Anwarullah Khan and Husain Muhammad Khan to
WNtST/ty
THE BATTLE OF PANIPAT
,te peace with the Shah. I have authorized Malhar
Rao to conclude the subject. You must now deal directly
with Holkar and accept his decision. I want you to take
full counsel with these two advisers, Anwaruliah and Husain.
Muhammad, and continue to keep me informed of the progress
of negotiations”.
The Shah too in the meantime had left for home on
March 20. Before his departure, however, “the Shah gave
definite instructions in the presence of Hingne to Shuja-ud-
Daulah and his Ruhila allies,” wrote Gangadhar Yashwant
on behalf of Malhar Rao in May 1761 to the Peshwa, “that
he had effected a lasting peace with the Peshwa and that
they all should respect the latter's authority, which course
alone could benefit them most.” The Shah also ordered
Yaqub Ali Khan to go with Hingne to the Peshwa at Poona
for concluding the treaty. 21
EXPEDITION AGAINST SURAJ MALL JAT GIVEN UP
While at Delhi during the month of February, the Shah
had reopened negotiations with Suraj Mall Jat of Bharatpur.
On the evening of the 21st of February, Najib-ud-Daulah pre¬
sented Nagar Mall and Majlis Rai, the envoys of the Jat, in
the hope of shifting the burden of the Shah's demands upon
himself to others' shoulders. But Zinat Mahal was not in
favour of any talks with Suraj Mall, who had given protec¬
tion to Ghazi-ud-Din, the murderer of her husband, Alam-
gir II. She rightly observed that Suraj Mall was not the
man to pay a pie without being reduced to extremity. The
Shah, therefore, fitted out an expedition and ordered his
minister Shah Wali Khan to march upon the Jat stronghold, in
the company of Zinat Mahal, Prince Jawan Bakht and Mirza
Babur. On the 7th of March, they set out for Agra. But
the Durranis refused to move further in the direction of
Mathura. They had been away from their homes for
sixteen months and they longed to return to their coun¬
try. They had been in arrears of pay ever since their arri-
21. Sardesai, New History of the Marathas, ii, 44-48; Sarkar, ii,
378-82,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
in India. They had lived on hopes of a rich booty, but these
too had been belied. Nothing had fallen to their share at
Panipat, and in Delhi there had been no loot this time. And
now the poor and barren territory of the rugged Jats offer¬
ed no alluring prospects. Only stiff resistance with shot and
shell from the strongholds of Suraj Mall awaited them. More¬
over, they abhorred the idea of spending another summer
in the burning heat of northern India, particularly in the
region of Mathura where they had lost hundreds of their
comrades daily by cholera in March, 1757. The Shah was,
therefore, compelled to recall Shah Wali Khan and return
to Afghanistan. The Shah’s proposal for a meeting at Agra
k e t W een his prime minister and Maharaja Sawai Madho
Singh, to which he had invited the Rajput chief, had also to
be abandoned. 22
SHAH LEFT FOR AFGHANISTAN
On the 13th of March, he sent out his pesk-khaima,
advance tents and baggage, and left the city of Delhi on the
20th for his camp in Ahmadganj. He began his homeward
march on the 22nd and arrived at Ambala on the 27th. 23
No sooner did the Shah enter the Panjab than the Sikhs,
as usual, began to harry him during his march. Under the
command of Sardar Jassa Singh Ahluwalia, they surprised
the Afghans at the ferry of Goindwal, on the right bank of
the Beas, and succeeded in releasing from their clutches as
many as two thousand and two hundred women captives, who
were restored by them to their homes. On his arrival at
Lahore, the Shah sent out a few expeditions against them, but
as he was encumbered with heavy baggage and booty, and
had to return home before the summer, he could take no
effective measures against them. 24
22. Mur asalat-i-Ahmad Shah Durrani, Nos. 25, 27.
23. Delhi Chronicle; Najib-ud~Daulah, 52b-53b; Sarkar, 375-6;
Qanungo, 143. The Jat is said to have paid one lakh of rupees to the
envoys of the Shah, with a bond to pay five lakhs afterwards.
24. Tarikh-i-Panjab (Kanhaiya Lai), 102-3; Shamsher Khalsa 4
145 (507).
MiNisr^
■mhHhbh
NAWAB NAJIB-UD-DAULA RUHILA
V ^SINIIN
THE BATTLE OF PANIPAT 265
SITS FOR DELHI, SIRHIND AND PATIALA '
Before his departure from Delhi, Ahmad S hall had con¬
firmed Shah Alam II as the emperor of India, with Mirza
Jawan Bakht as heir-apparent. Ghazi-ud-Din Iinad-ul-Mulk
was appointed the prime minister and Najib-ud-Daulah the
commander-in-chief of the forces. But with the consent of
Zinat Mahal, Najib-ud-Daulah became the regent in Delhi on
the 7th of April, 1761. Zain Khan was appointed the gover¬
nor of Sirhind, while Sardar Ala Singh of Patiala was recog¬
nized, by a rescript issued on the 22nd of Sha’ban, 1174 AIL,
March 29, 1761, the ruler of the territories held by him.
Mirza Taqi was left at Patiala to collect the tribute of five
laks of rupees promised by Ala Singh. 25
THE PANJAB IN 1759-61
While on his way to Delhi, the Shah had appointed
Karimdad Khan governor of the Panjab. On his being
recalled to the Shah’s presence, Sarbuland Khan was sent
there. Afraid of the Sikhs, he kept his headquarters at
Jullundur and nominated Sa’adat Yar Khan as his deputy at
Lahore. After a few months, Diwan Surat Singh was given
the charge of Lahore. But he resigned his office soon after.
He was replaced by Mir Muhammad Khan, son of Mir Moman
Khan of Kasur. But he too was unable to hold his own
against the Sikhs. When, after a Guvtnato, on the occasion
of Diwali festival at Amritsar, the Sikh Sardars like Jassa
Singh Ahluwalia, Jai Singh Kanhaiya, Hari Singh Bhangi,
and Gujjar Singh and Lahna Singh, fell upon Lahore in
November, 1760, and stayed there for eleven days, Mir
Mahmud Khan appeased them with a present of thirty thou¬
sand rupees for harah prasad. For this he was imprisoned,
and the government of Lahore was made over by Sarbuland
Khan to Yaqub Khan (a nephew of Karimdad Khan),
assisted by Azmat Khan Durrani and Gul Muhammad Khan.
As the payment had been made out of the revenues of the.
25. Behari Lai says that Najib-ud-Daulah received the title of
Amir-ul-Umra from Ahmad Shah. p. 10. Also see Tankh-i-Mmaj-
fari, 602; Tahmas Namdh, 105a, 107b; Husain Shahi, .60.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
>Chahar mahol of Pasrur, Aurangabad, etc., payable to the
royal Afghan treasury, Yaqub Khan and Azmat Khan
reported the matter to the Shah, perhaps, with a view to
absolving themselves of any responsibility that he might lay
upon them. The Shah, in reply, ordered that the money be
realised from the leading citizens of Lahore like Shah
Ghulam Hussain Pirzada Sirhindi, Mian Naqi Muhammad.
Mir Nathu Shah, Mir Shahar Yar, Hafiz Qadir Bakhsh and
others through whom the payment had been made to the
Sikhs. The citizens, however, represented to Yaqub Khan
that they would place their case before the Shah on his
return from the south and would personally appeal to His
Majesty’s magnanimity for the remission of the amount.
Should they fail in their efforts, they would raise it from the
city and pay it in.
On his arrival in the Doaba Bist Jullundur, the Shah
asked Nawab Sarbuland Khan for the money. The Nawab
sent Khwaja Ubaidullah Khan as his vakil and pleaded
through the prime minister, Shah Wali Khan, that through¬
out the x^>eriod of his tenure he had been busy with the
suppression of the Sikhs and that his revenues had been
mostly spent on troops and that the balance had been paid
into the royal treasury. When the citizens of Lahore learnt
that the Shah was moving in that direction and that in a
day or two he would arrive at Amritsar, they repaired to
his presence at the latter place and, presenting to him copies
of the Panj-sura through Shah Wali Khan, sought an inter¬
view with him. To appeal to his Islamic sentiments they told
him that when the Sikhs had sacked their city and set it on
fire, thousands of copies of the holy Quran had been burnt
and that a large number had been carried away by them.
The Shah, they said, was the defender of the faith and it was
a pity that over and above this calamity they had been called
upon to pay back the money that had been spent in buying
off the enemy to save the faithful from their clutches. The
Shah was pleased to remit the amount and dismissed the
suppliants with the orders of remission issued to Yaqub
Khan and Azmat Khan under the royal seal.
THE BATTLE OF PANIPAT
On the Shah’s arrival at Lahore on April 26, 1761, Sarbu-
land Khan was transferred to Multan, and Khwaja Ubaid
Khan was appointed to the Government of Lahore, while Raja
Ghumand Chand Katauch was given the government of
Doaba Bist Jullundur, with Sa’adat Khan and Sadiq Khan
Afridi as his deputies. The Shah then returned to Afghanis¬
tan, harassed, o' course, by the Sikhs as far as the banks of
the Indus. 26
-@L
26. Delhi Chronicle; Umda-tu-TawarikK, i. 149-50, 153; Ali-ud-
Din, Jhrat Nam,ah, 260-64; Kanhaiya Lai, Tarikh-i-Panjab, 82-84; Sham -
sher Kha,l$a, 144-45.
Chapter XX
THE AFFAIRS AT HOME
(1760-4761)
PRETENSIONS OF HAJI JAMAL KHAN
While the Shah was in India fighting the Marathas, two
ambitious and discontented Sardars raised, one after another,,
the standards of rebellion and proclaimed themselves kings
of Afghanistan. The first was Haji Jamal Khan of the
Zargarani tribe. He seems to have put forward his preten¬
sions at a time when the Marathas had occupied Delhi, sacked
the Afghan town of Kunjpura and harassed the Afghan
detachments at one or two places. Haji Jamal proclaimed
himself king at Qandahar and coined money in his own name.
The Shah’s victories in India, however, soon brought him to
his senses. He renounced the royal position he had assumed
and withdrew from the active politics of the country.
REBELLION OF ABDUL KHALIQ KHAN
The second, Abdul Khaliq Khan, Ahmad Shah’s own
nephew, was more stubborn, and less judicious. He raised
his standard at Girishk. He was joined by two Afghan
Sardars, Dilawar Khan Is’haqzei and Zal Beg Popalzei. They
had lost the confidence of the Shah at Baghpat at the time
of crossing the river Jamuna on the 26th of October, 1760.
While the Shah ordered his men to plunge into the river,
these Sardars had hesitated to obey his orders. He then
threw his own horse into the water and swam to the other
side. These men were then obliged to run the risk, for the
troops were ashamed to see their sovereign braving death
while they themselves remained only passive spectators.
Fearing the anger of the Shah, they had left.the camp by
stealth and marched back to their country. On arrival in
Afghanistan, they spread wild rumours that the Shah had
hopelessly lost the battle of Panipat and had met with great
reverses and disasters in India. The Shah heard of this
THE AFFAIRS AT HOME
.L-
fellion at Delhi, and ordered his famous general Abdullah
Khan, better known by his surname Shah Pasand Khan, to
inarch to Afghanistan to quell the rebellion of Abdul Khaliq
Khan and his accomplices. The Shah enjoined upon him,
above all things, to hasten to Qandahar and to make every
endeavour to arrive there before Abdul Khaliq could reach
from Girishk. In spite of all his exertions, Shah Pasand
Khan could not get to Qandahar in time to save it from
falling into the hands of the rebels. Abdul Khaliq had, in
the meantime, captured the capital and driven out Mirza
Suleman, the eldest son of the Shah, who governed there in
the absence of his father. Misled by the rumours spread
by Dilawar Khan and Zal Beg, a number of other Sardars
had joined the rebels. But when they discovered the truth
and when the triumphant Afghan cavalry arrived under the
command of Shah Pasand Khan, they deeply regretted their
folly. The only way they could make amends and secure the
pardon of the Shah was to disassociate themselves from the
arch-rebels, Dilawar Khan and Zal Beg, and to make prompt
submission to Shah Pasand Khan. With only a few excep¬
tions, all the Afghan Sardars hastened to the camp of Shah
Pasand Khan to welcome the heroes of Panipat and to
deliver up to them the city of Qandahar, along with the chief
rebel, Abdul Khaliq himself.
The Shah was at Peshawar, on his way back from Delhi,
when he received the despatches of his general informing him
of his success at Qandahar. As he proposed to stay for some
time at that place, he desired his son, Mirza Suleman, to
use every possible means to capture the Sardars, who had so
treacherously deserted his cause, and to put them to the
sword. Feigning to forget the past, Suleman wrote a friendly
letter to Zal Beg and invited him to Qandahar. Zal Beg
Khan fell into the trap. No sooner did he enter the city
than he was captured and put to death by the orders of the
prince. Dilawar Khan proved to be a cleverer man. He
quietly fled to Herat and placed himself under the protection
of Prince Taimur Shah, the governor of that place. There
was no love lost between the two brothers. Taimur received
him in a somewhat eager manner, gave him the full protec-
misTffy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
ion and showered all kinds of honours upon him. 1 This was
in keeping with the national characteristic of the Afghans,
who are hospitable to those who seek their protection.
FOUNDATION OF NEW QANDAHAR
For some time Ahmad Shah had been thinking of build¬
ing the city of Qandahar anew. To the Shah, who was
intensely patriotic, the town of Nadirabad, founded by the
Persian conqueror in 1738, appeared to be a standing dis¬
grace to the Afghan people, reminding them of their humilia¬
tion and subjugation at the hands of the Persians, over whom
they had ruled as conquerors for a number of years. To
translate his scheme into action, the Shah desired a deep
canal to be dug on the eastern side of the city near the
village of Ghandab, running into the desert, with a view to
raising the new city on its western bank. The lands on this
side belonged to Ghani Khan of the Alikozei tribe, and, as
his people were not willing to leave them, the Shah post¬
poned the idea. In the meantime, his mother died. She was
an Alikozei. The Shah buried her in the Alikozei lands and
built a rauza, or mausoleum, over her tomb. Its surround¬
ings soon grew into a village called Kauza.
He then turned his attention to the western side where
he proposed to raise a fort near the village of Marv. To this
the Barakzeis would not agree. The Shah would use no
harsh measures to have his own way. He was looking for
some other site when the Popalzeis waited upon him in a
body, and placed their estates at his disposal saying, “Which¬
ever of the lands in our estates the Shah selects for his pro¬
posed city shall be gladly given.” The Shah was highly
pleased to receive this offer. He selected a piece of land,
twelve ploughs in extent, in the Popalzei estates and laid the
foundation of the new city under the name of Ahmad Shahi
Qandahar, also called the Ashraf-ul-Balad, the noblest of
cities.
He invited to this place men of all Afghan tribes to build
their houses. Leaving an extensive space for later expansions,
he ordered a strong defensive wall to be built round the city.
1. Ferrier History of the Afghans, 89-91,
mmsTffy
tHE AFFAIRS AT HOME
work, particularly that of the towers, was entrusted to
expert Indian masons. After the foundations of the pillars
had been laid, the master-mason suspended the work for some
time. The Shah wished him to hurry up with the work of
the pillars and towers. But, to his great surprise, the master-
mason, all of a sudden, disappeared from Qandahar and fled
towards Nishapur. The work was then entrusted to other
engineers. Six months passed before it could be started by
new men. Then suddenly one day the old engineer returned
to Qandahar and represented to the Shah that he had dis¬
appeared from his work to allow sufficient time for the founda¬
tions to be properly set and that the time had arrived for
them to be built upon. In due time, the towers and domes
were raised and the Shah was pleased to see the progress his
new city was making. When the defensive wall, with its
bastions, ramparts and twelve towers, and the surrounding
ditch, was complete, the Shah made presents to the Shaikhs,
Sayyads, and other learned and holy men of the country and
sought their prayers and blessings. 2
“Qandahar is situaetd between the Argand and Tarnak
rivers, on a level plain covered with cultivation; on the
north-west a low ridge rises to the height of 1000 feet. The
shape of the city is an irregular parallelogram, the length
being from north to south with a circuit of 3 miles, 1006
yards.” The ditch is 24 feet wide and 10 feet deep. The
wall, which is made of mud, hardened by exposure to the
sun, is 20 Vz feet at the botton, 14% feet thick at the top and
is 27 feet in height. “There are four main gates, through
which run the principal streets, and two minor gates. The
Bar Durrani and Kabul are in the eastern face, the Shikarpur
on the southern face, the Herat and Topkhana on the
western face and Idgah on the northern face. The Bar
2. Tarikh-i-Sultani, 142-44; Siraj-ut-Taioarikh, i. 25-6. The
Tarihh-i-H'usaini, 26, followed by Tarikh-i-Ahmad, 19, places it after the
third invasion of India. I have followed the Afghan writers who should
be more correct in the sequence of events. The Siraj-ut-Tawarikh
clearly mentions the date of the foundation of the new city as 1174 A.H.
which ends on the first of August, 1761. The Shah left Lahore in May,
1761. The foundation of Ahmad Shahi Qandahar, Ashraf-ul-Balad,
may, therefore, be conveniently placed in June-July, 1761.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
rrani and the Topkhana are the minor gates. The gate¬
ways are defended by six double bastions and the angles are
protected by four large circular towers. The curtains bet¬
ween the bastions have fifty-four small bastions distributed
along the faces. From the Herat gate a street runs to the
Kabul gate through the city; commencing from the Shikar-
pur gate and crossing it at right angles near the centre,
another leads to the citadel,”.. .situated to the north of city. 3
3. Hamilton, Afghanistan, 190.
Chapter XXI
THE SIXTH INVASION OF INDIA
THE GHALU-GHARA AND AFTER
(1762)
KHWAJA MIRZA JAN DEFEATED AND KILLED BY SIKHS
The arrangements made by Ahmad Shah for the
administration of the Panjab on his return to Afghanistan
in May, 1761, were all upset by the Sikhs. They had pursued
him up to the Indus. On their way back, they were opposed
by Khwaja Mirza Jan, who then held the charge of the
Chahar Mahal, the four districts. The Khwaja was defeated
and killed in the struggle and his troops were annihilated. 1
UNSUCCESSFUL EXPEDITION OF NUR-UD-DIN BAMEZEI
Arriving at Qandahar, the Shah had sent out an ex¬
peditionary force to the Panjab under the command of his
general, Nur-ud-Din Bamezei, who had sacked and burnt
Bhera, Miani and Chak Sanu in 1759. Crossing the Chenab,
he came into conflict with a Sikh chief, Sardar Charhat Singh
Sukkarchakkia, who had established himself at Gujranwala.
Nur-ud-Din was worsted and had to fly for shelter into the
fort of Sialkot. The Sukkarchakkia Sardar laid siege to it.
Nur-ud-Din had an army of about twelve thousand men but
as the surrounding country was all in the hands of the Sikhs,
he could find no food and fodder for his men and horses
and was reduced to helplessness. Leaving his men to their
fate, Nur-ud-Din left the fort of Sialkot in the darkness of
night and fled to Jammu. The Afghan army surrendered
to the Sikh chief, who allowed them to depart in peace.
Sardar Charhat Singh then returned to his headquarters at
Gujranwala. 2
1. Taliinas Namah, 108b.
2. Umda-tu-Tawarikh, ii. 6-7; Panth Prakash , 762; Kanhaiya Lad,
Tarikh-i-Panjab, 84; Makhzan-i-Panjab; 417.
0. 35
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
AJA UBAID KHAN WORSTED BY SIKHS
Hearing of the discomfiture of the Durrani general,
Khwaja Ubaid Khan, the governor of Lahore, collected a
large force and issued forth from Lahore to chastise the Sikhs.
Halting for a few days at Eminabad, the Khwaja marched
upon Gujranwala. Several Sikh Sardars such as Jassa Singh
Ahluwalia, Hari Singh Bhangi, Jai Singh Kanhaiya, Lahna
Singh, Sobha Singh and Gujjar Singh flocked to the assistance
of their comrade and made a night-attack upon the besiegers.
A detachment of the Sikhs in the Khwaja’s service also joined
their co-religionists and turned upon him. Thus circumstanc¬
ed, Ubaid Khan fled to Lahore, leaving all his artillery and
baggage to fall into the hands of the Sikhs. The guns and
equipage of the governor added considerably to the strength
of Sardar Charhat Singh and his comrades, who spread in all
directions and expanded their conquests throughout the
country. 3
JASSA SINGH AHLUWALIA PROCLAIMED KING OF LAHORE
Emboldened by these successes, the Sikhs, under the
command of Sardar Jassa Singh Ahluwalia, followed up their
Victory to the walls of Lahore and triumphantly entered the
city with the help of the leading citizens who opened the
gates to them. Without completely establishing themselves in
the capital, the fort of which was still held by Khwaja Ubaid
Khan, they proclaimed Sardar Jassa Singh king of Lahore,
with the title of Sultan-ul-Qaum . Leaving a detachment at
Lahore to keep Khwaja Ubaid shut up in the fort, they rushed
into the Jullundur Doab and routed the Durrani faujdars ,
Sa’adat Khan and Sadiq Khan Afridi, while their chief, Raja
Ghumand Chand Katauch, quietly slipped into the hills on
their approach. Thus passed the entire Panjab from the Indus
to the Sutlej into the hands of the Sikhs, with only a few
3. Tahmas Namah , 108b-109a; Umda-tu-Tawarikh, i. 154; ii. 7-8;
Ibrat Namah (Ali-ud-Din), 264-66; Khushwaqt Rai, 77-80, 188-98;
Ahmad Shah, Tarikh-i-Hind, 340-41 (890-91); Bute Shah, Tarikh-i~
Panjab, B. 5; Ratan Singh, Prachin Panth Prakash , 494-96; Gian Singh,
Panth Prakash, 762; Kanhaiya Lai, Tarikh~i~Panjab, 84.
misr^
Sultan-ul-Qaum
SARDAR JASSA SINGH AHLUWALIA
A leading Sikh chief of the eighteenth century
mtST/fy.
THE SIXTH INVASION OF INDIA
actories, here and there, owing allegiance to the Shah
of Afghanistan. 4
THE SIEGE OF JANDIALA BY SIKHS
The Sikhs celebrated their famous seasonal festival of
Diwali at Amritsar on the 27th of October, 1761. There in an
assembly of the Sarbat Khalsa — the general body of the
Sikhs — they passed a national resolution, called the Gurmata*
to seize the strongholds of the Panjabi allies and supporters
of Ahmad Shah, who were a hindrance to the release of the
country from the foreign invaders. The nearest at hand was
Aqil Das, the Guru of the dissentient Niranjani sect of the
Sikhs, at Jandiala, about twelve miles to the east of Amritsar, 5
The decision was conveyed to Aqil Das by Sardars Jassa
Singh Ahluwalia and Jassa Singh Ramgarhia with a view to
demanding his submission to the Khalsa, as the Sikhs called
themselves. Aqil Das immediately wrote to the Shah and
sent off a camel-sawar post-haste to seek his help. 6
THE SIEGE RAISED
The Shah had, in the meantime, heard of the activities
of the Sikhs and left for the Pan jab for the relief of his
officers. On his arrival at Rohtas, he received the messenger
and also a second letter from Aqil Das, beseeching him to
hasten to his rescue. With only a few selected horsemen, he
hurried from Rohtas and arrived in the neighbourhood of
Jandiala. His force followed him soon after. But to his great
surprise, the Sikhs had raised the siege and disappeared. On
receipt of the intelligence of the Shah’s march, Jassa Singh
Ahluwalia had told the besiegers that the Shah intended to
surprise them by a night-attack. Aqil Das was under the
impression that the raising of the siege by the Sikhs Was
only a trick to throw the defenders off their guard and to
return to it when vigilance slackened and the gates of the
town opened. He, therefore, sent out scouts for information
regarding their whereabouts. But the Sikhs had crossed the
4. Gian Singh, Panth Prakash, 809-11; Tahmas Namah, 109a-b;
Khazanah-i-Amira, 114.
5. Khushwaqt Eai, 78; Ali-ud-t)in, Ibrat Namah, 266-67.
6. Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah, 267; Gazetteer Amritsar District , 1S5;
Kanhaiya Lai, Tarikh-i~Panjabj 85,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<5L
and were not to be seen anywhere in the neighbourhood.
The scouts, however, came and informed Aqil Das that at a
distance of four miles from Jandiala they had seen a man,
wearing four jewels on his turban, sitting under an awning
of broad cloth, with twelve musketeers standing respectfully
in front of him. Guessing him to be the Shah, Aqil Das
hastened to pay his respects to him.. After making the
customary presents, Aqil Das informed the Shah that he had
been besieged by ninety thousand Sikh horsemen and that
they had left Jandiala on hearing of His Majesty’s arrival.
By the evening Shah Wali Khan also arrived at the camp and.
as many as three thousand soldiers joined him. The Shah
sent out spies for intelligence and returned to Lahore. 7
The Sikhs had raised the siege of Jandiala and gone to
the trans-Sutlej side for several reasons. Hearing of the
arrival of the Shah, they wanted to send away their families
to places of safety with their friends and relatives, either to
the south-western areas of the Brar Sikhs in the direction
of the Lakhi Jungle, or to the south in the neighbourhood
of Raipur and Gujjarwal. They had known how Mathura and
Brindaban in 1757, and Panipat and its neighbourhood m
1761, had been sacked and devastated by the armies of Ahmad
Shah and how large numbers of women and children ha
been made captives and carried away in slavery. They woui
not have the same thing happen to them in the case of a
reverse. Secondly, unencumbered and care-free, they could
fight running battles, harass the enemy from the flanks and
the rear, run away beyond his reach when needed and
return to attack him whenever possible. Thirdly, they had to
avenge the death of Sardar Dyal Singh Brar, who had
been put to death by Zain Khan, the governor of Sirhmd.
Ml UlST/fy
THE SIXTH INVASION OF INDIA 277
Hearing of the assemblage of the Sikhs in the villages to
the south of Raipur and Gujjarwal, within six to ten miles
of Malerkotla, Bhikhan Khan, the Afghan chief of the place,
called in the assistance of Zain Khan and informed the Shah
of their presence in his territory where they could be easily
surrounded and annihilated. 8
SHAH MARCHED AGAINST THE SIKHS
On receipt of this welcome intelligence, the Shah left
Lahore on the 3rd of February, 1762, and hurried down
through Jandiala and Taiwan. On the 4th of February, the
Shah despatched swift Durrani couriers to inform Zain Khan
that he would fall upon the flank, of the Sikhs the next day
and that Zain Khan should march out with all his troops
in the morning and attack them from the front. Receiving
these orders, Zain Khan, Bhikhan Khan of Malerkotla,
Murtaza Khan Baraich, Qasim Khan Marhal, Diwan Lachhmi
Narayan and other officers prepared themselves for the next
day’s onslaught. 9
THE DAY OF THE HOLOCAUST
Early in the morning of the 11th of Rajjab, 1175 A.H.,
h ebruary 5, 1762, Zain Khan moved out with his troops and
detached Qasim Khan to lead the attack. The Sikhs were
taken by surprise. They were about thirty thousand in num¬
ber, including a large number of women, children and non-
combatant followers, encumbered with bar-bardari or camp-
8. Gian Singh, Panth Prakash , 815-16; Ratan Singh, Prachin
Panth Prakash > 444.
9. Tahmas Namah, 110a,b; Ratan Singh, Prachin Panth Prakash,
444; Gian Singh, Panth Prakash, 815.
On the 10th of Rajjab, 1175 A. II., February 4, 1762, Shah Wali Khan,
while acknowledging the receipt of his letter, wrote to Raja Har Sahai,
the vakil of Sawai Madho Singh of Jaipur, that “after the extirpation of
the indolent Sikhs from the surface of this land, the Shah would go on
a sporting excursion to Sirhind and its neighbourhood. Fully assured
and steadfast, you should continue writing about the happenings on
your side”. In reply to this letter Har Sahai, some time later, wrote
to the Shah that as a mark of his allegiance and devotion the Maharaja
had deputed Bhim Singh Rathor to attend upon His Afghan Majesty,
to pay formal respects on his behalf and receive the Shah’s orders for
hm.—Murasalat-i~Ahmad Shah Durrani 9 No. 36, 39.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
equipage and other luggages. The battle began with the
attack of Qasim Khan on the bahir, the camp followers and
non-cambatants, of the Sikhs near the village of Kup, about
six miles to the north of Malerkotla. The Sikhs soon came
together and began fighting. With the rise of the sun, the
Shah appeared on the scene. His messengers informed Zain
Khan that he had detailed his Uzbek contingents to lead the
attack, with orders to kill everyone found in Indian dress,
and that Zain Khan should, therefore, instruct his men to
wear green leaves of trees or green grass on their heads to
distinguish themselves from the Sikhs. 10
Learning of the attack, the Sikh Sardars rushed to the
rescue of their bahir. Qasim Khan could not stand against
them and took to flight and disappeared with all his men
towards Malerkotla. Tahmas Khan then joined Murtaza Khan
Baraich, who was standing on an eminence with five hundred
men. At this time, the troops of Ahmad Shah came and sur¬
rounded them under the impression that they were the friends
of the Sikhs. Tahmas Khan, who wore a cap on his head,
went to the Afghans and informed them that they were the
men of Zain Khan. The Shah then bestowed a shawl upon
Murtaza Khan and ordered him to join Shah Wali Khan
and Zain Khan, who were going to attack the Sikhs with
eight thousand sawars.
The Sikhs then held a council and decided to send away
their bahir with the vakils of the Malwa Sardars. Sangu
Singh, the agent of the Bhais of Kaithal, Sekhu Singh Hambal-
wala, tjie agent of Sardar Ala Singh of Patiala, and the agent
of Bhai Buddha Singh were asked to lead the bahir away to
safer places. But they had hardly gone about three miles
when Shah Wali Khan, Zain Khan and Bhikhan Khan fell
upon them. But they failed to disperse the Sikhs who threw
a cordon (gol qila) round the bahir and moved on fighting
and fought on moving, occasionally turning upon their
assailants and inflicting losses on them. Not being able to
break through the Sikh cordon, the Shah pushed forward
mare troops under the command of Sardar Jahan Khan.
10. Khazanah~i~Amira, 114; Gian Singh, Panth Prakash , 815-16;
Husain Shahi } 65,
THE SIXTH INVASION OF INDIA
too failed to do anything more than creating some con¬
fusion in their ranks. More Afghan troops were then sent
forward to break their line, but, with their usual dogged
tenacity, the Sikhs kept to their positions. Seasoned soldiers
as they were, Sardar Jassa Singh Ahluwalia and Charhat
Singh Sukkarchakkia spurred their horses from one point to
another and directed the movements of the bahir, and of the
main army trying to protect them. As it was difficult to deal
any hard blow to them without a pitched battle, the Shah
sent off messengers to Zain Khan and Laehhmi Narayan,
upbraiding them for their inability to hold the Sikhs in the
front. “If you hold them in the front and stop their onward
progress, I shall annihilate them in no time,” said the Shah.
“But it is impossible to hold them back in the front,” replied
Zain Khan.
Thus moving on fighting, the Sikhs arrived at the village
of Gahal. But they could find no shelter there. Fearing the
Shah’s vengeance, the villagers closed their doors and gave
them no quarter. The Sikhs had, therefore, to move on. In
the afternoon they came to the villages of Qutba and Bah-
mani and rushed into them for shelter. But these villages
belonged to the hostile Afghans of Malerkotla. Under the
instructions of their masters, the Ranghar villagers surround¬
ed the Sikhs on all sides and subjected them to plunder and
massacre. Beating their drums, they pounced upon the
remaining bahir outside. Charhat Singh rushed to then-
rescue and heat back the Ranghars. But by this time the
Sikh cordon had been pierced through in many places and
the Afghans and their Indian allies had succeeded in inflict¬
ing upon them heavy loss of life, particularly among the non-
combatant followers and women and children who had almost
all perished. In spite of this, the Sikhs manfully stood
the repeated attacks of their pursuers and of the hostile vil¬
lagers, who had swarmed round them from all directions.
And they refused to be put to flight or dispersed. With in¬
vincible fortitude and tenacity they held themselves in the
field of action and continued fighting a running battle.
Not far from Qutba and Bahmani was a pond of water,
and both the sides, the Afghans as well as the Sikhs, rushed
to it to quench their thirst. For a short time the battle was
MINfSr^
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
But it could not be renewed with
"suspended. But it could not be renewed, with the ShtfiS
vigour. Towards the evening the Shah had to call a halt in
the neighbourhood of Barnala. The pursuit could not be
carried further. His men were exhausted. They had covered
about one hundred and fifty miles in about thirty-six hours,
and had been incessantly fighting for over ten hours against
a tough enemy. The Shah had, no doubt, inflicted a heavy
loss of about ten thousand lives on the Sikhs, but they were
still unbeaten, and their spirit uncrushed. Moreover, he had
gone far into the waterless sandy desert where the Sikhs
might, with fresh reinforcements, turn upon their pursuers.
The Shah would not run any unnecessary risks.
The loss of ten thousand lives, mostly women, children
and old men, in one day, for a small community of the Sikhs
was so great that this battle, which was more of a carnage,
has been called Wadda Ghalu-ghara, the great Holocaust, the
first smaller one having taken place on the 2nd of Jeth, 1803
Bikrami, June 2, 1746, when the Sikhs suffered a similar
loss at the hands of Governor Zakariya Khan’s Diwan, Lakh-
pat Rai of Lahore. 11
SACK OF BARNALA—SARDAR ALA SINGH OF PATIALA
Barnala was in the territory of the Sikh Sardar Ala
Singh of Patiala. The Shah’s Indian allies, Zain Khan of
Sirhind, his Diwan Lachhmi Narayan and Bhikhan Khan of
Malerkotla, were Ala Singh’s worst enemies. Instigated by
them, he ordered the fort and the town of Barnala to be
stormed and sacked and its neighbourhood laid waste. Ala
Singh was then in the fort of Bhawanigarh. Diwan Lachhmi
Narayan assured the Shah that if he were captured, a ransom
11. Tahmas Namah, 110-llla; Khazanah-i-Amira, 114; Husain
Shahi 3 64-65; Ratan Singh, Prachin Panth Prakash , 445-58; Gian Singh,
Panth Prakash, 816-27; TJmda-tu-Tawartkh, 157; Ali-ud-Din, 268; Bakht
Mall, Tarikh-i-Sikhan, 46; Tarikh-i-Sultani, 145-46; Tazkirdh-i-KKan~
dan-i-Phulkian, 17; Karam Singh, Ala Singh , 218; Phulwari , iv. 923-27;
Rajwade, vi. 465.
The loss suffered by the Sikhs on this occasion has been variously
estimated, ranging from five to thirty thousand. I have followed the
figure of Ratan Singh, who tells us on the authority of his father and
uncle, who were present in the battle, that out of thirty thousand about
twenty thousand came back to the camp in the evening—p. 457.
mmsr/fy
THE SIXTH INVASION OF INDIA
281
ty lakhs of rupees could be easily secured. No sooner
did Ala Singh hear of the Shah's march than he quietly
slipped away. However, he soon secured the support of
Najib-ud-Daulah and, through his mediation, appeared before
the Shah at Sirhind, paid the sum of six lakhs and twenty-
five thousand rupees—Rs. 1,25,000 for permission to appear
before him with his hair (the symbol of his religious
faith) in tact, and 5,00,000 as tribute—and promised to
remit a certain amount of revenue for the future. The
Shah was pleased to accept this amount and spared his
territories. Ala Singh was, however, detained in his camp
for some time and was, later on, released on the recommen¬
dation of Shah Wali Khan. After a few days' halt at Sirhind,
the Shah left on the 15th of February, 1762, and arrived at
Lahore on the 3rd of March. Zain Khan was once again left
as the governor of Sirhind and Sa'adat Khan was appointed
to the Jullundur Doab. 12
While at Sirhind, the Shah had called the leading Ruhila
Afghans and Indian nobles to his presence. Only Najib-ud-
Daulah responded to his summons and remained with him
up to the first week of April. The Shah was highly pleased
with the loyalty of Najib and publicly remarked, “This is the
only man worth the name among the Indian Afghans. I have
shown many favours to that race, but not one of them, not
even Shuja-ud-Daulah, has come to my side." Najib-ud-
Daulah returned to Delhi on April 15. 33
AMRITSAR BLOWN WITH GUN-POWDER
The Shah now turned his attention to the Sikhs. He had
carried with him to Lahore fifty carts of the severed heads
of the Sikhs and a large number of captives. He thought he
12. Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namcih, 268; Karam Singh, Ala Singh, 222;
Tahmas Namah, 111b; Tazkirah-i-Khandan-i-Phulkian, 17; Bute Shah,
Tarikh-i-Panjab , i. 627.
According to the last two authorities, the amount paid by Sardar
Ala Singh was four lakhs of rupees. Kanhaiya Lai, in his Tarikh-i-
Panjab, 85, gives the amount as seven lakhs.
13. In tlie first week of Shabari, probably on the 7th. of March 1762,
the Shah and Shah. Wali Khan wrote to Sa’dulla Khan Ruhila.— Mura-
salat-i-Ahmad Shah Durrani, No. 37, 38.
G. 36
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Sl
d thus frighten the Sikhs into submission and silence,
ay before the Baisakhi festival, April 10, 1762, he appeared
at Amritsar with a large force and ordered the Sikh temple,
called the Har Mandir, to be blown up with gun-powder, the
allied bungahs, or buildings, to be razed to the ground and
the sacred tank to be desecrated with the blood and bones
of men and cows and filled up with rubbish and debris of the
demolished edifices. While the Har Mandir was being blown
up. a flying brick-and-lime piece hit him on the nose and
wounded him. 14
RELATIONS WITH THE MARATHAS
Before his departure for Afghanistan in March, 1761, the
Shah, had deputed his agent Yaqub Ali Khan to go
with the Maratha agent Hingne to the Peshwa at Poona
for the conclusion of a treaty of peace with him. But after
the departure of the Shah, Yaqub Ali Khan became helpless
in the hands of the Wazir-designate Ghazi-ud-Din Imad-ul-
Mulk, who was himself a puppet in the hands of Suraj Mall
Jat of Bharatpur. The mutual jealousies and rivalries of
Ghazi-ud-Din, Suraj Mall, Najib-ud-Daulah, the Ganga-par
(trans-Ganges) Ruhilas, Shuja-ud-Daulah and the Mara-
thas had then added to the confusion of Indian politics which
were further complicated by the death of Peshwa Balaji Rao
(June 23, 1761).
The new Peshwa Madhav Rao, the second son of Balaji
Rao, was only a raw youth of 17 when he received his investi¬
ture on July 20, 1761. His hands were full with the affairs
of southern India, and he could personally take no active
interest in the politics of northern India. The Shah, on the
other hand, was anxious to come to terms with the Marathas
to be able to establish his dominion in the Panjab unmolested.
Having dealt a blow to the Sikhs, he invited the Maratha
vakils Bapuji Mahadev Hingne and Purshotam Hingne, to
14. Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah, 270; Umda-tu-Tawarikh, i. 155;
Ahwal-i-Najib-ud-Daulah, 56b-57a; Khushwaqt Rai, Tarikh-i-Sikhan,
78; Ganesh Das, Chahar Gulshan-i-Panjab, 171; Firqa-i-Sikhan, 39;
Forster, Journey from Bengal to England, 278; Gulistan-i-Rahmat, 149;
Mufti Ghulam Sarwar, Tarikh-i-Makhzan-i-Panjab, 198, 471; Tarikh-
i-Kapurthala, 180.
THE SIXTH INVASION OF INDIA 283
T , ' .
lore. Bapuji arrived there in the middle of March, while
Purshotam took two months in securing the permission of
the Peshwa from Poona. When the talks began the Marathas
wished to resume the negotiations afresh on terms of equa¬
lity from the point at which they had been left by Sadashiv
Bhau. But this could not be done. Writing from the Shah’s
camp at Lahore on the 22nd of Zi-Qada, 1175 A.H., June 14,
1762, Bapuji Hingne informed Dada Sahib that as nobody
there had any knowledge of the basis of negotiations between
Sadashiv Bhau and Shah Wali Khan in the days before the
battle of Panipat, they could not be reopened on the same
lines. Shah Wali Khan, however, did not wish to send away
the Maratha vakils dejected. As a letter addressed to Kedarji
Shinde (presumably by Purshotam Hingne) tells us, Shah
Wali Khan was favourably disposed towards Peshwa Madhav
Rao Ballal. As a gesture of goodwill to win over the Mara¬
thas, he suggested to the Shah and induced him to recognize
Madhav Rao as the head of the Maratha state. The Shah was
pleased to bestow on him through these envoys the tika of
Rajaship, the impression of his palm dipped in saffron (kesri-
panja), robes, jewels, horses and elephants. The Wazir
deputed an envoy of his own in June 1762 to accompany the
Maratha vakils to the Deccan. This secured the Shah the
neutrality of the Marathas in the affairs of the Panjab. 15
SUKH J1WAN REPLACED BY NUR-UD-DIN BAMEZEl IN
KASHMIR
Kashmir had been annexed to the dominions of the Shah
in May, 1752, by Abdullah Khan Ishak-Aghasi. But he had
stayed there only for six months and returned to. Afghanistan
leaving a near relation, Khwaja Kichak, as his naib and Sukh
Jiwan as his manager. Sukh Jiwan, at first, threw Khwaja
Kichak into prison and then turned him out of Kashmir. He
then entered into negotiations with Imad-ul-Mulk Ghazi-ud-
Din and, through his mediation, secured for himself the gov¬
ernment of Kashmir from Emperor Alamgir II. Sukh Jiwan
proved to be a humane and enlightened ruler. He was liberal
13
15. Rajwade, vi. 382, 384, 423, 425; Sarkar, Fall of the Mughal
Empire, ii. 488; Sardesai, New History of th$ Marathas, ii, 448,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
In his religious views and charitable to the poor. He ordered
the mausoleums of the Muslim saints and the gardens^ of
Kashmir to be repaired and properly maintained. After
finishing his official duties, he personally supervised the feed¬
ing of tv/o hundred Muslims every day. On the 12th and
15th of each month, he distributed cooked food to the
people. He was particularly kind and generous to darveshe$
and beggars. He was a great patron of learning. Every
week he held public meetings, where poets from all over
Kashmir were invited to recite their poems. He planned the
writing of a new history of Kashmir, for which he deputed
the five topmost poets selected at these meetings. Each of
them was to be assisted by ten other scholars of eminence.
Muhammad Taufiq was appointed the head of this historical
board, the other members being Muhammad Ah Khan Matin,
Mirza Qalandar and Muhammad Amin Khan. 16
But as he had turned out the Afghan governor and upset
the authority of His Afghan Majesty and had the coins struck
and khutba read in the name of the Mughal Emperor, the
Shah ordered him to be removed, and appointed Nur-ud-Dm
Bamezei to take his place. As desired by the Bamezei, Shah
Wali Khan sent his own son, Haji Nawab Khan, to Jammu
to secure for him the support of Raja Ranjit Deo and to call
him to Lahore to make the necessary arrangements for the
campaign. Finding the Raja reluctant, Shah Wali Khan sent
his second son, Sher Muhammad Khan, to assure him of the
goodwill of the Shah. Ranjit Deo, at last, agreed to come to
Lahore in the company of the minister’s son. The Shah was
pleased to receive him, bestowed on him a rich dress of honour
and desired him to accompany Nur-ud-Din Bamezei on his
expedition to Kashmir. Ranjit Deo willingly accepted the
proposal and detailed his son, Brij Raj Deo, to guide the
Afghan forces into the valley. 17
16. Khazanah-i-Amira, 114-15; M«W*«^ra»ar^
Gulab Namah, 78-79; Gulzar-i-Kashmir, 232-33; Saulat-i-Afj - >
Majma-iU-Akhbar, 230a; Tarikh-i-Muzafiari, 650-51.
17. All-ud-Din, lbrat Namah, 268-69; Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, 920;
Rajwade, vi. 384,
MINIS
THE SIXTH INVASION OF INDIA
ukh Jiwan, on the other hand, was prepared to meet the
Ivancing force. He had fortified the mountain passes. But
in spite of it, the combined army of three to four thousand
Afghans and some Jammu Dogras marched into Kashmir-
through Tosa Maidan. A battle was fought at Chira Odar
in the parganah of Desu, but no serious resistance was offered
by Sukh Jiwan’s men. One of his relatives, who commanded
his force, fled from the field. Finding himself helpless, Sukh
Jiwan also took to flight and fell into the hands of a miller,
who made him over to Nur-ud-Din. The Bamezei put out
his eyes and sent him to the Shah, who ordered him to be
put to death. The services of Raja Ran jit Deo were rewarded
by the Shah by an annual grant of sixty thousand donkey¬
loads of rice from Kashmir, while Nur-ud-Din was confirmed
in the government of the valley. 18
THE SIKHS DEFEATED ZAIN KHAN OF SIRHIND
The great carnage of the 5th February had not made any
depressing effect upon the Sikhs. Within three months, while
the Shah was still in Lahore, they were once again up in
arms against Zain Khan of Sirhind and inflicted a defeat upon
him (Baisakh, Shaka 1684, April-May 1762). Taken by sur¬
prise and defeated in a sharp action, Zain Khan agreed to
pay them a heavy tribute of fifty thousand rupees and made
peace with them. But they had hardly gone about ten to
twelve kos from Sirhind when, instigated by Diwan Lachhmi
Narayan, Zain Khan fell upon their rear and looted their
baggage. The main Sikh army then turned about, attacked
Zain Khan and his Diwan, drove them to a pitched battle at
Harnaulgarh, 15 kos from Sirhind, and plundered their equip¬
age and other property. 18
18. Khazanah-i-Amira, 115-16; Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah, 269-70;
Siyar-ul-Mutakherin, 920; Rajwade, vi. 384; Gulab Namah, 78-79;
Gulzar-i-Kashmir, 232-33; Mulakhas-ut-Tawarikh, 415; Saulat-i-
Ajghani, 253.
19. Rajwade, vi. 384 (p. 453); Sarkar, ii. 490. The year of the
Marathi letter No. 384 should be 1684 Shaka and not 1680, as given in the
book.
AHMAD SHAH DTJRBANI
<SL
fflR EXPANSION
During the months of summer, the Shah removed his
camp from the burning heat of Lahore to the milder climate
of Kalanaur, the place of Akbar’s coronation, in the north¬
eastern district of Gurdaspur. Emboldened by their success
against Zain Khan and by the inactivity of Ahmad Shah, the
Sikhs rose on all sides. While Sardar Jassa Singh Ahluwalia
and Tara Singh Ghaiba ransacked the Jullundur Doab, Sar¬
dar Charhat Singh Sukkarchakkia and the Bhangi Sardars
carried their arms to the north and north-west of Lahore. In
the month of September, a strong army of theirs was encamp¬
ed in the neighbourhood of Panipat and Karnal. But as the
Diwali festival was fast approaching, they marched back
homewards and arrived at Amritsar towards the end of the
second week of October, 1762. About sixty thousand horse
and foot strong, they were determined to measure swords
with the Shah to avenge the loss they had suffered in the
Ghalu-ghara. 20
INDECISIVE BATTLE OF AMRITSAR
By that time the Shah had returned to Lahore. “Ahmad
Shah Dummy,” says James Browne, “receiving advice of
this, sent a person to the Sick (Sikh) leaders in quality of
Ambassador, to negotiate a peace with them, and prevent
that effusion of blood, which their desperate determination
threatened to produce;—but on arrival of this person in the
camp of the Sicks, instead of listening to his proposals, they
plundered him and his followers, and drove them away.”
Finding all efforts at peace fruitless, the Shah marched from
Lahore and arrived at Amritsar on the evening of the 16th
of October, 1762, the day before the Diwali. Early in the
following morning, October 17, the Sikhs drew up their army
and immediately proceeded to attack the Durranis. The
Afghans, with equal resolution, received their attack. The
battle was long and bloody and raged furiously from morning
till evening, coming to a close with the darkness of the darkest
night of Amavasya. The enthusiastic and fierce courage of
20. Umda-tu-Tawarikh, i. 160; Delhi Chronicle; James Browne,
History of the Rise and Progress of the Sicks, 25.
the Sixth invasion of india
S^Sjkhs compelled the Shah to draw off his forces and ret!
to Lahore during the night. 21
Before the Shah could march upon the Sikhs again, they
had left Amritsar, crossed the Sutlej and slipped into the
Lakhi Jungle. He, however, had a minor skirmish with them
while hunting out in the Majha territory. One day a small
body of Sikh horsemen appeared on the hunting-ground and
the Shah ordered them to be captured. All of a sudden,
another body appeared on the scene and grappled with the
Shah’s men. One of them darted at the Shah himself, but
before he could deal a blow, he was hit by an arrow through
the chest. Some of them fell under the swords of the
Afghans, while the others gave them a slip and disappeared
in the jungle. 22
DELHI AFFAIRS
Before his departure for Afghanistan, the Shah also
wished to settle the affairs of the Mughal empire. He had,
therefore, called Najib-ud-Daulah and the agents of Emperor
Shall Alam II to Lahore. Najib arrived there early in Octo¬
ber and was soon joined by Nawab Yakub Ali Khan from
Delhi and by Nawab Munir-ud-Daulah, Agha Raza and Abdul
Ahad Khan from the court of the Emperor. As the Shah
had no intention to effect any changes, he was glad to recog¬
nize and confirm Shah Alam II as emperor of India. He
further agreed to use his influence with the Indian princes,
by correspondence but without lending his armed aid, to
recognize him as such and to instal him in the capital of the
empire at Delhi. Najib-ud-Daulah and Munir-ud-Daulah, on
the other hand, undertook on behalf of the Emperor to pay
to the Shah a tribute of forty lakhs of rupees a year. 23
21. James Browne, History of the Rise and Progress of the Sicks,
25-26; Forster, Journey from Bengal to England, 279-80; Malcolm,
Sketch of the Sikhs, 1001-01. Some writers have questioned the proba¬
bility of this event. Gupta thinks that “such a feat by the Sikhs was
not outside the range of possibility”. There was a total solar eclipse
at 18 gharis of the day, on the Katik Amavasya of 1819 Bikrami, October
17, 1762, and it became so dark during the day that the stars became
visible in the sky. — Umda-tu-Tawarikh, i. 160; Delhi Chronicle.
22. Ahmad Yadgar, Salatin-i-Afghanan, 172-73.
23. Delhi Chronicle, Sarkar; ii. 489.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
NGEMENTS FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PANJA.
The Shah then made the following arrangements for the
governments of the Panjab, Kashmir and Sirhind.
Lahore:
Sirhind:
Hill Territories between
the Sutlej and Beas:
Jullundur Doab;
Kalanaur;
Bari Doab:
Rechna and Sind Sagar:
Kashmir:
Kabuli Mali, governor of the pro¬
vince, with headquarters at
Lahore.
Zain Khan, the old governor, was
allowed to continue.
Raja Ghumand Chand Katauch of
Kangra.
Sa’adat Khan, allowed to continue.
Khwaja IJbaid Khan.
Murad Khan.
Jahan Khan (in addition to the
province of Peshawar).
Nur-ud-Din Bamezei 24
The Shah left Lahore for Afghanistan on the 12th of
December, 1762. 25 He marched down the Sutlej to Baha-
walpur and. then moved northward to Multan and Dera
Ismail Khan on his way to Ghazni, through the Gomal Pass.
The scorching heat of the Panjab plains during the summer
of 1762 had an adverse effect upon his health, and, on his
arrival at Ghazni, he was confined to bed for some time. A
large number of pimples appeared on his cheeks and they
added to the pain of the wound on his nose. His troops also
suffered a great deal from the after-effects of the Panjab heat.
After a short stay at Ghazni, he moved on to his capital at
Qandahar 26
24. Ali-ud-Din, Ihrat Namah, 271; Umda-tu-TavydrikK, i. 159;
Kliushwaqt Rai, 79; Gulab Namah, 79; Gulzar-i-Kashmir, 233; Sauhi -
i-Afghani , 253.
25. Delhi Chronicle .
26. Ghubar, Ahmad Shah Baba, 289, 297-98.
MiNisr^
AHMAD SHjf DURRANI’S EMPIRE IN 1762
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Chapter XXII
THE SEVENTH INVASION OF INDIA
STRUGGLE FOR DOMINATION IN THE PANJAB
ACTIVITIES OF THE SIKHS IN THE PANJAB (1763-4)
Nothing is known of the activities of Ahmad Shah in
Afghanistan from the time of his return from the Panjab in
December, 1762, to October, 1764, when he descended upon
India for the seventh time to re-establish his dominion in the
Panjab which, during this period of two years, had been
wrested by the Sikhs from the hands of his representatives.
No sooner had the Shah left the Panjab than the Sikhs
issued forth from their strongholds in the country and rapidly
spread themselves in all directions. They had divided them¬
selves into two big divisions, called the Buddha Dal, the Army
of the Elders, and the Taruna Dal, the Army of the Juniors,
luither subdivided into as many as twelve groups, known as
Bdm Mislan. While the Buddha Dal went about the country
establishing their thanas and punishing their enemies, the
Taruna Dal stationed itself at Amritsar and undertook to
cleanse the Srovar, or the sacred tank, attached to their
temple, which had been demolished and desecrated by the
Shah. 1
The Sikhs had collected at Amritsar to celebrate their
national festival of Baisakhi on the 10th of April, 1763, when
some Brahmans of Kasur appealed to them against Usman
Khan of that place who had forcibly seized one of their
women. The Sikhs at once decided to rescue the helpless
woman and marched against the Afghan tyrant. Usman
Khan, with five hundred of his men, was killed in the affray,
the wife of the Hindu was restored to him, and the town,
particularly the mansions of the Afghans, was subjected to
wholesale plunder. 2
1. Tahmas Namah, 113a; Vmda-tu-Tawarikh, i. 160.
2. Bute Shah, Tarikh-i-Panjab, 534-35; Ahmad Shah Batalia,
491-92; Ratan Singh, Prachin Panth Prakash, 473-81; Gian Singh Panth
Prakash, 797-807.
G. 37
AHMAD SHAH D U K E A 1st t
The Jullundur Doab held by Sa’adat Khan was at the
same time overrun by the Buddha Dal under the command
of their redoubtable leader, Sardar Jassa Singh Ahluwalia,
who defeated Diwan Bishambar Das of Lasara in the battle
of Urmar Tanda, took possession of a number of villages and
carved out a small principality for himself. The terror-
stricken Sa’adat Khan shut himself up in his fort and dared
not come out to fight. 3
JAHAN KHAN’S EXPEDITION FAILED
Hearing of these activities of the Sikhs, Ahmad Shah
deputed Sardar Jahan Khan to march against them. Cross¬
ing the Indus, the Jhelum and the Chenab, Jahan Khan
entered the Rechna Doab in the month of November, 1763,
and made straight for Sialkot, evidently, with a view to
securing the help of Raja Ranjit Deo. Sardar Charhat Singh
was then in Gujranwala, at a distance of about thirty miles
to the south-west. He called the Bhangi Sardars, Jhanda
Singh and Gujjar Singh, to his assistance and surprised Jahan
Khan with a large force. In the battle that ensued Jahan
Khan’s horse was killed under him and he fell to the ground.
With one voice the Sikhs shouted; “Victory to the Lord
(Wahiguru Ji Ki Fateh),” and cried out, “We have killed
Jahana.” Then, sword in hand, they furiously rushed upon
the Afghans and scattered them with a heavy loss. Jahan
Khan himself took to flight. All his camp equipage and rela¬
tives and dependants fell into the hands of the Sikhs. “But
as the Sikhs of old would not lay their hands on women,”
says Ali-ud-Din, “they sent them safely to Jammu.” 4
THE SIKHS CONQUERED AND OCCUPIED SlRHIND
Within a few weeks of this success, Sardar Jassa Singh
Ahluwalia crossed the Sutlej with the Buddha Dal arid, to
3. Umda-tu-Tawarikh, 160.
4. Delhi Chronicle; Umda-tu-Taioarikh, ii. 11; Ahmad Shah
Batalia, Tarikh-i-Hind, 964-65 (400-01); Zikr-i-Guruan, etc. (Supple¬
ment to Umda-tu-Tawarikh, i.), 14; Ali-ud-Din, Ihrat Namah 9 274-75;
358. The last authority ascribes this defeat of Jahan Khan to his
differences with Kabuli Mall, the Governor of Lahore, who is said to
have instigated the Sikhs against him.
29:
THE SEVENTH INVASION OF INDIA
his vengeance upon Bhikhan Khan for his part in. the
Ghalu-ghara, besieged his fort of Malerkotla in December,
1763. The Khan came out to meet them. But he was over¬
powered by the Sikhs and killed in the battle/ 1
The Dal next moved in the north-easterly direction and
sacked the town of Morinda, about fourteen miles to the
north-east of Sirhind, and put to the sword the descendants
of the local Kanghars, Jani Khan and Mani Khan, who had
been responsible for the capture and murder of the young
sons of Guru Govind Singh in December, 1704. 5 6
Zain Khan of Sirhind had, at this time, become very
unpopular with his subjects on account of his oppressive and
high-handed policy. “Sardar Zain Khan, I found,” says
Tahmas Khan, the author of the Tahmas Namah , “had upset
all previous rules and regulations. He stopped paying
salaries to his troops and started unjust plundering and
ravaging of the villages in his district; and the looted grain
was given to the soldiers in lieu of their unpaid wages at the
rate of one-fourth of what was actually due to them. He
entered into friendly relations with the hill-chiefs and looked
only to the amassing of wealth. From these unjust and
foolish acts, which always have misery and desolation in their
train, it was foolish, I thought, to expect any good result. I
told each and every friend of mine that the army would soon
perish and that the city of Sirhind would be ruined and
devastated.” The prophecy of Tahmas Khan soon turned out
to be true. 7
After the sack of Morinda, the Sikhs marched upon
Sirhind. They were only looking for an opportunity to
avenge themselves on Zain Khan for the great carnage of
5. Umda-tu-Tawarikh, i. 160.
According to Tazkirah-i~Khandan-i-Phidkian, 16, the Patiala con¬
tingent was led by Sardar Himmat Singh, the grandson of Sardar Ala
Singh. Inayat Ali Khan in his Description of the Principal Kotla
Afghans , 19-20, says that after his defeat, Bhikhan Khan was returning
to Malerkotla “when he was shot dead from behind, by a villager, while
drinking water at a well on the way.”
6. Ratan Singh, Prachin Panth Prahash , 467-72; Gian Singh, Panth
Prakash, 832-33.
7. Tahynqs Namah , 113b-114^.
mtST/fy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
ruary 5, 1762, At this time both the Dais, the Buddha as
well as the Taruna, were united. Charhat Singh Sukkar-
chakkia, Jhanda Singh and Ganda Singh Bhangi and Tara
Singh Ghaiba of Rahon had also arrived. Ala Singh of Patiala
also joined them with his contingents under the command of
Himmat Singh and Chain Singh. Zain Khan, on the other
hand, was feeling helpless. He could expect no help from
any quarter. His master, Ahmad Shah Durrani, was far
away in Afghanistan. Sa’adat Khan of Jullundur was terror-
stricken. Kabuli Mall of Lahore had no strong army. Jahan
Khan had fled away defeated. His own captains, Murtaza
Khan Baraich and Qasim Khan, had left him in disgust. 8
Zain Khan was out on his village-plundering and revenue-
collceting expedition when the Sikhs arrived in the neigh¬
bourhood of Sirhind. On receipt of this information, he
returned towards the city. But his path was blocked near
Budlada on the evening of the 13th of January, 1764. In his
effort to give the Sikhs the slip on the following morning
January 14 (the 4th of Magli, 1820 BK.), he was
surrounded near the village of Manhera, about seven
miles to the east of Sirhind, by Sardar Jassa Singh Ahlu-
walia and was killed in the battle. With his fall,
his troops took to flight. The infuriated Sikhs then rushed
into the city and subjected it to an indiscriminate plun¬
der. Most of the buildings were razed to the ground
and levelled with the earth. To fulfil a prophecy ascribed to
Guru Gobind Singh, a number of donkeys were sent for and
the leading Sardars ploughed up some of the places with their
own hands. The booty that fell into the hands of the Sikhs
was immense. Above everything else, the entire province of
Sirhind, about 220 miles in length and 160 miles in width,
extending from the Sutlej in the north to the districts of
Karnal and Rohtak in the south, and from the boundary of
the Bahawalpur State on the west to the Jamuna in the east,
lay prostrate at their feet. 9
8. Ibrat Namah, 271; Tahvias Namah , 119a; also Gian Singh and
Ratan Singh.
9. Tahmas Namah, 119a; Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah , 271; Umda-tu-
Tawarikh, i. 161, ii. 11; Tazkirah-i-Khandan-i-Phulkian, 17; Ratan
THE SEVENTH INVASION OF INDIA
^^/The victorious Sikhs then hastily parcelled out the
country among themselves. “Tradition still describes,” wrote
Joseph D. Cunningham in 1848, “how the Sikhs dispersed as
soon as the battle was won, and how, riding by day and night,
each horseman would throw his belt and scabbard, his articles
of dress and accoutrement, until he was almost naked, into
successive villages, to mark them as his.” But nobody would
accept the city of Sirhind on account of its ‘evil’ associations.
The leading residents of the city were then invited to choose
their own master. They declared in favour of Bhai Buddha
Singh and thus was it assigned to the Bhai with a religioxis
prayer. It was, however, later on, purchased by Ala Singh
for a sum of twenty-five thousand rupees. 10
THE SIKHS IN THE JAMUNA-GANGETIC DOAB
It did not take the Sikhs more than a month to occupy
the country. Their work was very much facilitated by the
voluntary submission of a large number of villages, which
had only recently suffered at the hands of Zain Khan and
now sought the protection of the new conquerors to save
themselves from, further devastation. While the Taruna Dal
returned to the north of the Sutlej, the Buddha Dal, swept
on by the impulse of victory, crossed the Jamuna at Buriya
and poured into the Jamuna-Gangetic Doab. They ransacked
Saharanpur on the 20th of February, 1764, and then pushed
on to Shamli and Kandhla. Najib-ud-Daulah, exhausted by
his campaign against Suraj Mall Jat of Bharatpur (killed,
December 25, 1763), did not find himself strong enough to
meet the Sikhs in the open field, paid them eleven lakhs of
rupees and induced them to return to their country by the
end of February. * 11
Singh, Prachin Panth Prakash, 498-502, 505-07; Gian Singh, Panth Pra -
hash, 841-850; Cunningham, 109-110; Bute Shah, Tarikh-i-Panjab,
522, 584; Miiqadama-i-Chaharmian; Tawarikh Kapurthala, 202; Purser,
JuUundur Settlement Report, 33.
10. Ratan Singh,, Prachm Panth Prakash, 506-07, Muqadama-i-
Chaharmian, C. 4-8, 16, 20; Cunningham, History of the Sikhs (1849),
110; Kanhaiya Lai, Tarikh~i~Panjab, 86; Histoi-y of the Sikhs (London,
1846), i. 221.
11. SPD. xxix. 55; Nur-ud-Din, Ahioal-i-Najib-ud-Davldh, 72a;
Tahmas Hamah , 119a; Williams, The Sikhs in the Upper Doab, Cal,
Rev, Vol. 50 (1875), p. 26; Sarkar, ii, 493,
ml JULLUNDUR DOAB FELL TO THE SIKHS
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
On the arrival of the Taruna Dal in the Jullundur Doab,
its Afghan governor, Sa’dat, Khan, quietly left his territory
and fled away. Thus fell this Doab also completely into the
hands of the Sikhs who partitioned it among themselves. 12
THE SIKHS AT LAHORE
They next marched upon Lahore and surrounded it in
February, 1764. Khwaja Ubaid Khan, who had arrived
from Kalanaur, was killed in a battle. Some time before
this thirty cows had been publicly slaughtered in the
city. The Sikhs demanded of Kabuli Mall, the governor, to
hang all those butchers who maintained slaughter-houses for
bullocks and cows, and to prohibit the killing of this useful
animal. Kabuli Mall represented that he was the servant of
a Muslim king ( hadshah-i-dindar ) and that the prohibition
of cow-killing might bring upon him his wrath. However, to
appease the Sikhs and to save the city of Lahore from their
hands, he secured the consent of some of the leading citizens
and cut off the hands and noses of two or three butchers. He
also agreed to pay a large tribute to the Sikhs, and to keep
in Lahore a Vakil of Sardar Hari Singh Bhangi, Tek Chand
by name, and to pay him ten rupees a day. 13 This was the
beginning of the Sikh control in the capital of Lahore.
The Afghan dominion in the Panjab to the east of the
Chenab was thus reduced to a nominal government, virtually
confined to the city and fort of Lahore. The country all
around was taken possession of by the Sikhs. And whatever
little control the Shah’s representatives had between the
Chenab and the Jhelum in the north-west, and in the direc¬
tion of Multan in the south-west was brought to an end by
Sardar Charhat Singh Sukkarchakkia and the Bhangi Sardars
in the summer of 1764.
SARBULAND KHAN DEFEATED, CAPTURED AND RELEASED BY
CHARHAT SINGH
Early in summer, Sardar Charhat Singh, accompanied by
Sardar Gujjar Singh Bhangi, issued forth in the north-
12. Gupta, History of the Sikhs (1739-68), 199.
13. Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Ncimah, 273-74; Kanhaiya Dal, Tarikh-U
Panjab, 87; Gian Singh, Shamsher Khalsa , 162; Sarkar, ii. 494,
MiNisr^
Jy the SEVENTH INVASION OF INDIA
terly direction to attack Sarbuland Khan, the Afghan
faujdar of Rohtas. In the absence of these Sardars, Sarbuland
Khan had crossed the Jhelum, taken possession of Gujrat
and put to death Chaudhri Rahmat Khan and Diwan Shiv
Nath for their supposed friendly disposition towards the
Sikhs. The two Sardars crossed the Chenab into the Chaj
Doab, overpowered the Afghan resistance and then pushed
forward beyond the Jhelum. Sarbuland Khan moved out to
oppose the Sikhs, but was forced back to seek shelter in his
fort. The Sikh Sardars laid siege to Rohtas. It held out for
four months without any prospect of its early reduction.
Charhat Singh then pretended to raise the siege and move
away. Sarbuland Khan came out to pursue the Sikhs and
fell into their trap. All of a sudden, Charhat Singh turned
back and rushed upon the fort and took it unawares. Sarbu¬
land Khan fell into his hands and was made a captive. He
was, however, treated with the respect due to his position,
both as a highly placed Afghan official and as an uncle of
Ahmad Shah. He was so pleased with the kindness he
received at.the hands of the Sardar, that he offered to serve
under him as a governor if Charhat Singh were to proclaim
himself king. Phe kingship is already bestowed on us by
the Guru,” said Charhat Singh, “we want to keep you as a
prisoner so that the world may know that Charhat Singh
has captured the uncle of the Shah”. “But there is a still
greater name in releasing me,” said Sarbuland Khan. “They
will say,” he continued, “that Charhat Singh captured the
uncle of Ahmad Shah and then set him at liberty.” The Khan
then paid two lakhs of rupees to the Sardar, who allowed him
to return to his country. 14
This victory of the Sikhs placed the entire country
between the Jhelum and the Indus at their disposal and a
14. Vmda-tu-Tawarikh, ii. 11-12; Ganesh Das, Chahar Gulshan-i -
Panjab 9 178-79; Ratan Singh, Prachin Panth Prakash, 496-98.
According to the Umda-tu~Tawarikh> followed by Gupta, Sar¬
buland Khan was returning from Kashmir under the order of the Shah.
But according to other authorities, confirmed by the histories of
Kashmir, Nur-ud-Din Bamezei was the governor of that province in
1764, and Sarbuland Khan had not yet been sent there. Cf. Kirpa Ram,
Gulzar-i-Kashmirj 234; Gulab Namah .
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
fater part of it was immediately taken possession of by
Sardar Charhat Singh and his Bhangi allies.
SIKH POWER EXTENDED TO MULTAN AND THE DERAS
While Charhat Singh and Gujjar Singh were busy in the
north-west, Sardar Hari Singh Bhangi and his sons, Jhanda
Singh and Ganda Singh, and the Nakai Sardar, Hira Singh,
marched to the south-west for over two hundred and fifty
miles, crossing the Indus and penetrating into the Deras. As
Qazi Nur Muhammad tells us in his Jang Namah , “These
accursed infidels of the Sikhs had spread themselves from
Lahore to the Dera, and had razed the Muslim mosques to
the ground, .., had overpowered the Muslims and overrun
the territories of Multan.” 15
JIHAD AGAINST THE SIKHS
Hearing of the Sikh risings in the provinces of Lahore
and Multan, of the loss of Sir hind and Jullundur Doab and
of the failures of Sardar Jahan Khan and Sarbuland Khan
in suppressing them, Ahmad Shah made up his mind to march
into the Panjab. He called upon his Baluch ally, Amir
Naseer Khan, to join him in that crusade against the Sikhs.
“I have heard from Multan and also from the Dera,” wrote the
Shah to Naseer Khan, “that the accursed dogs and lustful
infidels [as he called the Sikhs] have overcome the Muslims
and overrun the territories of Multan. They have destroyed
mosques and carried away the Muslims as prisoners. How
can you think of going to Mecca while this depraved sect is
causing havoc ? You should march from that (Kalat) side
while I am moving from this, so that we may destroy these
people root and branch. Jihad (holy war) on these idola-
tors, you may rest assured, is more meritorious than Hajj . . *
You are like a son to me and a brother in faith. Come, so
that we may destroy this faithless sect, and enslave their
women and children.” Naseer Khan, in the meantime, had
already received intelligence of the Sikh inroads into Multan
and the Deras, had secured the fatwa of the Ulema (decision
of the men learned in Islamic theology) for a Jihad and had
15. Jang Namah, 38,40.
tfHE SEVENTH INVASION OF INDIA
rred the matter to the Shah for his permission. He was
ly waiting for His Majesty's sanction, when his orders for
a march to the Panjab were received at Kalat. 16
THE SHAH MARCHED TO INDIA
The Shah moved from Afghanistan with a strong force of
eighteen thousand men in the month of October, 1764, and
sent despatch-riders from the way to Mir Naseer Khan,
desiring him to hasten to his presence. The Shah was
encamped at Eminabad when the Baluch chief joined him
at the head of twelve thousand Baluchis. Crossing the river
.Ravi, the Shah arrived at Lahore. Here Jahan Khan com¬
plained against the conduct of Kabuli Mall and accused him
of complicity with the Sikhs, but, on enquiry, he was found
to be innocent. On the recommendation of Qazi Idris, the
butcher affair was dismissed as a piece of timely diplomacy in
the interest of the state. Kabuli Mall was confirmed in the
government of Lahore and his sister’s son, Amir Singh, was
appointed the bakhshi of the army. Leaving Amir Singh and
his own son-in-law, Jagan Nath, in Lahore, Kabuli Mall
joined the camp of the Shah and remained with him
throughout the campaign.
COUNCIL OF WAR
As he was marching from the north-west, the Sikh
Sardars had quietly left their places on the Grand Trunk
road and vanished out of his sight. Finding no enemy to
fight at Lahore, the Shah summoned a council of war and
enquired of his chiefs the best method of annihilating the
Sikhs. When all other officers had expressed their opinions,
they pointed out to Mir Naseer Khan to reply to the question
of the Shah. The Khan respectfully submitted, “We are
ready to obey whatever orders the Shah issues. Wherever
we are desired to march, we are prepared to go and destroy
the enemy. Even if there were a mountain of iron, we shall
break it to pieces; the resistance of faithless Sikhs, who dare
not stand against us in an open battle, is out of the question.
They come stealthily like thieves and attack like wolves from
16. Jang Namah, 40,44.
G. 38
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Jush. If they were to come in regular formation, th !
would find themselves in black hell. They run away from
before the royal armies and fight by tricks. The lashkar of
the Ghazis should move against them and throw them into
confusion by a sudden attack. We should destroy them root
and branch, extirpate them entirely, and their women and
children should be captured and made prisoners.” ‘ Bravo !
well said,” exclaimed the Shah, “but the fire-worshippers
have gone far away from us. They are hiding in the Lakhi
Jungle at a distance of one hundred and fifty miles from
here. There is no water and no fodder in that place, and I
fear that the whole army may not be destroyed there. As
soon as we get near that jungle, we should fall upon them
all at once and thus destroy them wholesale.” 17 This was
agreed upon and the chiefs returned to their places to make
the necessary preparations.
A BATTLE NEAR LAHORE
Early in the following morning, when all the celebrated
Afghan leaders were as usual standing in the presence of
the Shah, a horseman came running from the advance guard
with a message that “an innumerable lashkar of the dogs
[Sikhs] had arrived and worsted the Ghazis of the advance
guard, and if the Shah did not come immediately to their
help, there would be utter confusion’. Under the orders of
the Shah, armies from all sides rushed to the scene of action.
Naseer Khan also shot forth with the ambition of the holy
war in his heart
17. Ali-ud-Din, I brat Namah, 275-76; Jang N amah. 77-79. The
words like idol-worshippers and fire-worshippers used for the Sikhs
are not to be taken literally. They are only used as terms of contempt.
In fact, the Sikhs are neither idol-worshippers nor fire-worshippers.
They are pure monotheists, believing in One, Formless, Self-existent
and All-pervading God, as the opening verse of their scripture, Guru
Granth Sahib, tells us. .
The Sikhs were not then hiding in the Lakhi Jungle. Fifteen
thousand of them had gone to help the Jat Raja, Jawahir Singh, son of
Surai Mall, against Najib-ud-Daulah. See 'Qanungo, History of the
Jats, 174-76; Sarkar ii, 464; Nur-ud-Din, Ahwal-i-Najib-ud-Daulah,
82a-85a.
misr/fy.
THE SEVENTH INVASION OF INDIA
e Sikhs were led by Sardar Charhat Singh and had
taken the Afghan advance guard, commanded by Sardar
Gahram Khan Magasi and Ahmad Khan Balidi, by surprise.
The attack was so furious that Ahmad Khan and his son
were killed in the first brush. Mir Abdul Nabi Keisani and
Mir Naseer Khan rushed to the help of their comrades. In
the melee, Naseer Khan’s horse was killed by a Sikh shot and
he fell to the ground. Two of the Khan’s brave servants,
Muhammad Husain and Mir Mangah, at this time came to
his rescue. They shot the Sikh and his horse dead and saved
the life of Naseer Khan. The names of Mazhar Muhammad,
Ghulam Husain Bangalzei, Bahadur Sasuli, Mir Barfi, Fatuhi
Darogha and Mulla Dar are mentioned for their bravery
during this first battle with the Sikhs. It was a bitter contest
and came to a close only by nightfall. The Sikhs followed
their usual tactics of firing from a distance and then retiring
to reload their muskets while another body of theirs attacked
from the other side and disappeared in the same mariner.
“What a pity,” writes Nur Muhammad who was himself
present in the battle, “that the Ghazis became martyrs at the
hands of the kafirs from a distance! Had there been a hand-
to-hand fight, the world would have seen some fun.” When
Mir Naseer Khan went to see the Shah, he congratulated him
for his bravery and warned him, at the same time, against the
danger in rushing alone upon the enemy and risking his
life. 18
THE SHAH AT AMRITSAR
It was then reported to the Shah that the Sikhs had
moved away in the direction of Amritsar, called Chak Guru,
about 32 miles to the east of Lahore. The Shah had already
demolished its edifices a number of times, and they had
every time been rebuilt by the Sikhs. Determined to destroy
them once again, he marched upon Amritsar with a light
army and reached there on the fourth night. But the Sikhs
were not to be seen there. Only thirty of them, says Qazi
Nur Muhammad, were there in an enclosure (the Bunga of
the Akal Takht). As soon as the grand army of the Shah
Jang Namah, 80-97,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
'ed the Sikh temple on the 1st of December, 1764, tb
$ty warriors of the jatha of Bhai Gurbakhsh Singh Shahid
fearlessly rushed out to grapple with as many thousands of
the Afghans and Baluchis. “They had neither the fear of
slaughter nor the dread of death,” says the Qazi. “They
grappled with the ghazis, spilt their own blood,—and sacri¬
ficed their lives for the Guru.” The Shah then sent out
scouts in search of the enemy, but they came back
unsuccessful. There was no trace of the Sikhs in the neigh¬
bourhood of Amritsar. He, therefore, returned to Lahore. 19
As the Shah could not get at the main body of the Sikhs
to fight a pitched battle with them, he called his chiefs to a
conference and said, “What plan shall we adopt for the
destruction of the accursed Sikhs ? Wherever we go, we
find them missing... .These dogs have no fixed place for
themselves.” As Najib-ud-Daulah was then being harassed by
Haja Jawabir Singh,, son of Suraj Mall of Bharatpur, with the
help of fifteen thousand Sikhs, it was suggested by Mir
Naseer Khan that the Afghan army should march in the
direction of Sirhind, destroy the Sikhs on the way and halt
there for news about Najib-ud-Daulah. 20
SHAH’S MARCH THROUGH THE JULLUNDUR DOAB
The Shah ordered his army to move to Sirhind through
the Jullundur Doab. As it was the country of the hostile
enemy, the crusaders were given the fullest liberty to plunder
it. They travelled by easy marches of about four miles a
day and arrived at Batala, fifty-six miles to the north-east,
in fifteen days. The entire country was ransacked. “Which¬
ever side the army moved, the people were massacred in
broad daylight. There was no distinction between the Sikhs
and non-Sikhs. The people ran away and hid themselves
wherever they could... .Nobody remembered the in¬
numerable things that fell into the hands of the crusaders.
Whether men or beasts, they fed upon nothing but
sugar-candy and sugar-cane. The stomachs of all, big and
small, slaves and slave-girls, were filled with these four
19. Jang Namah, 97-100; Eng. Trans, 35, footnote No. 2,
20. Jang Naviah, 101-02,
SEVENTH INVASION OF INDIA
3
gs—flesh of cows, sugar-cane, sugar-candy and seasame.”
Sacking and plundering villages and towns in this manner,
the army crossed the Beas and entered the present district
of Hoshiarpur 21
All of a sudden, one day, the Sikhs appeared in front of
the Afghan army and blocked the path of the advance guard,
commanded by Sardar Jahan Khan. As the Afghan com¬
mander had fought against them on several occasions and
knew their tricks and tactics, he stuck to the place where
he stood, waiting for reinforcements. The Sikhs came
running into the field and created a havoc. They had
muskets and smouldering wicks ready in their hands and they
rushed sometimes to the right and sometimes to the left. On
the arrival of the main army under the command of Naseer
Khan, they adopted their usual tactics and quietly
disappeared. The Khan pursued them for six miles to a
devastated village. The night was coming on, and, as none
of them was to be seen there, Naseer Khan returned to the
Camp. They again appeared on the bank of the Sutlej,
when the Afghans were crossing that river, but they could
not lay their hands on anything. 22
SHAH DECIDED TO RETURN HOME
The idea of going to Sirhind or pursuing the Sikhs was
given up and the Shah made straight for Kunjpura, evidently,
with a view to helping Najib-ud-Daulah in his struggle
against the Jats and the Sikhs. But, in the meantime, by
the middle of February, 1765, peace had been concluded
between the Ruhila and the Jat. There was then no purpose
in moving further southwards. Mir Naseer Khan counselled
him to move on to Delhi, spend the summer and rainy
months there and settle the affairs of Shah Alam II. And,
as they had not been able to get at the Sikhs for a pitched
battle and a decisive victory, it was further suggested that,
at the Mughal capital, the Shah should develop friendly
relations with the various Indian nobles and chiefs and secure
their help for a successful campaign against them. “When
21. Jang Namah , 103-04.
22. Jang Namah, 104-11,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
rything else is settled,” said Naseer Khan, “you should
bring together all the armies of Najib, Shuja. and the chiefs
of Delhi and of the Jats and the Marathas, and then fall
upon the heads of the dogs [Sikhs] and destroy them root
and branch, because the hare of a country can only be caught
by a dog of that very country.” But the Durranis disagreed
with Naseer Khan. They had before them the bitter
experience of the early months of 1757, when hundreds of
their countrymen had been swept away by the epidemic of
cholera, and of the rainy season of 1760, when they had been
rendered helpless by torrential showers and flooded rivers.
“Our opinion is,” said the Durrani Khans, “that at this time
we should return to our own country where we will be
more comfortable and happy. Otherwise, during the four
months of rainy season, many of our horses and camels will
perish. In Delhi there is neither grain nor grass. The property
of the lashkar will all be looted away, and, in the heat
of Hindustan, we will be afflicted with pain and calamity.
When we have spent these four months at Kabul^ you may
mobilize the armies again.” The Shah also agreed with the
Durranis; and, much against the will of Mir Naseer Khan,
the idea of going to Delhi was dropped and the bugle of
retreat was sounded. Another thing that might have
influenced the decision of the Shah was the return of fifteen
thousand Sikhs, who had been freed from the Jat-Ruhila
campaign and were then marching to their Country. 23
SARDAR ALA SINGH OF PATIALA CONFIRMED IN THE
GOVERNMENT OF SIRHIND
In three or four days the Shah arrived at Sirhind. “The
whole city lay in ruins,” says Qazi Nur Muhammad, “no man,
not even a bird, except the owl, was to be seen there, though
I roamed about a great deal in the city. The shops and
bazaars were there, but the shopkeepers had left for the
world beyond.” Sirhind was then in the territory of Sardar
Ala Singh of Patiala, with the country around it in possession
of the Sikhs. The Shah decided to leave it to them arid
confirm Ala Singh in its government. He could see that no
23. Jang Namah , 119-22 (42-44); Qanungo,
177-78; Sarkar, ii. 389-91; 46(5-88,
History of the Jats,
SfiVftNTH INVASION 03? INDIA
m
other than a Sikh could then hold it, and Ala Singh
was^onsidered to be the best man to be thus honoured. He
was a great zarrrindar, an important ruling chief and the
commander of a large army. The Shah, therefore, sum¬
moned him to his presence and treated him with respect. He
granted him the title of Raja , with the robes of honour, and
bestowed upon him a drum and a banner, tabl-o-alam, as
insignia of royalty. In reply to a question, Ala Singh informed
the Shah that the city of Sirhind had been destroyed by
the Sikhs. They would not withdraw from fighting, said he,
because men from all directions came into their fold and
added to their numbers. “If the Shah remits one year’s
revenue of Sirhind in my favour, I will make it more
populous than before in a short time,” submitted the chief
of Patiala. 24
If some other chiefs of the Sikhs had also similarly sub¬
mitted to the Shah, he would have been glad to recognize
them as rulers in the Pan jab and end the incessant struggle
with them. “To say nothing of the zamindars of the country,
who had fled away on the arrival of the Shah,” says Qazl
Nur Muhammad, “even the Sikhs could be forgiven by the
Shah if they undertook to be obedient to him.” But they
were made of a different mettle. Seasoned into unbending
warriors during the last six decades of continuous struggle
and sacrifices and having tasted of independence won by the
prowess of their arms, they could not be persuaded to sub¬
mit to a foreigner, much less to one who had slaughtered so
many of their brethren in the Ghalu-ghara and had demo¬
lished and desecrated the holiest of their temples. Moreover,
they were then practically masters of the country, which
the Shah visited only temporarily. They preferred, there¬
fore, to continue the struggle for a more complete freedom
rather than submit for a meaningless honour. 25
SHAH HARASSED BY THE SIKHS
On promising to pay an annual tribute of three lakhs
and a half, Raja Ala Singh was allowed to depart, and the
24. Jang Hamah, 125-28; Risaldh-i~Nanak Shah , 135b;
Patiala , 62; Karam Singh, Ala Singh, 241.
25. Jang Namah, 127; Karam Singh, Ala Singh, 240-41.
Tarikh-i-
minis r#y
AHMAD SHAH DtJRRANt
moved homewards. He crossed the Sutlej, at the
Ropar, and entered the Jullundur Doab. On the follow"
ing morning when the Afghans had hardly gone about a mile,
a large force of the Sikhs came upon them and blocked their
passage. Hearing of it, the Shah smiled within his lips and
said, “What! during my own reign the royal palanquin is
trembling at the hands of the Sikhs. When my own army is
sluggish in the holy war, it is but proper that the Sikhs should
come rushing upon them. What shall the world say to me
when in every part of the country the infidel Sikhs are rush¬
ing upon my army.” He then called Naseer Khan to his
presence and ordered him to get ready for the fight. With
himself in the centre, he placed Shah Wali Khan, Jahan Khan
and Anzala Khan at the head of twelve thousand men on
the right, and Naseer Khan and his twelve thousand Balu¬
chis on the left. 26
The Sikhs, on the other side, had also arranged them¬
selves in battle array. Jassa Singh Ahluwalia, accompanied
by Jassa Singh Thoka (Ramgarhia) and some other Sardars,
commanded the centre. The right was led by Sardar Charhat
Singh Sukkarchakkia, Jhanda Singh and Lahna Singh
Bhangi and Jai Singh Kanhaiya; the left was under the
command of Hari Singh, the lame, Ram Das, Gulab Singh
and Gujjar Singh of the Bhangi Misal. Following the usual
tactics, Charhat Singh kept on firing from a distance, while
the Bhangis under Hari Singh rushed upon Shah Wali Khan
and Jahan Khan, retired to draw the Afghans in their pursuit
and then turned back to fall upon them. When the right
was thus being pressed hard by the Sikhs, the Shah called
Naseer Khan from the left and warned him against this
trick. “Look here, you young man,” said the Shah, “you are
a lion amongst men in the field, but do not be hasty in a
battle with the Sikhs. Stand like a mountain where you
are in the field and let the enemy come to you and expose
their chests to your arrows. The Sikhs are headstrong and
26. Tarikh-i-Patiala, 62; ICaram Singh, Ala Singh, 241; Jang Namah ,
129-34. According to the first two authorities, Ala Singh paid two
hundred and eighty thousand rupees in cash, and remitted the balance
of seventy thousand later on.
wmsr/fy
SEVENTH INVASION OF INDIA
like fire in the battle-field. Even their forefather3
in the same manner and, single-handed, pounced
upon the armies of their enemies. I, therefore, advise you
not to move from where you are.” But in spite of this warn¬
ing, the reckless warrior of Baluchistan rushed upon the
Sikhs and had to be called away by the Shah lest he should
fall into their trap. While the Baluchis had left their posi¬
tions in pursuit of the Sikhs, another body of the Sikhs rushed
in to take their places quickly and got in between the Shah
and Naseer Khan and cut off one from the other. The Sikhs
then threw a cordon around the retreating Baluchis. The
two armies once again grappled with each other and a bloody
battle ensued, coming to a close with the darkness of the
night. 27
With the rising of the sun the next morning, the Sikhs
again fell upon the Afghans and harassed them as usual.
That day they had reversed the order of their army forma¬
tion, They came running into the Shah's army and came
to grips with them. Immediately the Shah ordered a halt,
planted the standards and desired the Baluch chief not to
move even a step forward without his orders. Similar orders
were issued to the whole army. The Shah waited for some
time and then ordered an attack. The Sikhs at once resorted
to a tactical flight and were pursued by the Afghans for three
miles. When they had gone out of sight, the Afghans retired
to their camp. But the Sikhs suddenly wheeled round and
came upon them, and, scattering themselves, attacked them
on all sides. “Keep yourself riveted to the spot like the
mount Qaf,” shouted the Shah to Naseer Khan, “and when
you see the enemy actually approaching, then alone pounce
upon his head. I have advised all the ghazis in the same
way.” With the coming of the evening the Sikhs, as usual,
suddenly disappeared. 28
In this manner for seven days, the Sikhs daily rushed
upon the Afghans while they were passing through the
Jullundur Doab, attacked them in the morning, fought on
throughout the day and slipped away at night. “Without
»<CT
27. Jang Namah, 134-44.
28. Jang Namah, 161-64,
G. 39
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
_jy shame or modesty,” says Qazi Nur Muhammad, “they
would come again and again and retire with the same fre
quency.” But these were their tactics, as the Qazi so often
tells us in the Jang Namah. “If their armies take to flight,”
says he, “do not take it as an actual flight. It is a war tactics
of theirs. Beware, beware of them for the second time.’"
The last battle with the Sikhs was fought on the bank of the
Beas, when they finally retired, as if to prepare for their
attack on Lahore when the Shah had left the country. 29
ON THE BANK OF THE CHENAB
The Shah does not seem to have stopped at Lahore. He
crossed the Ravi undisturbed and marched to the bank of
the Chenab. Here he had a heavy toll to pay. When the
Shah sent out his men in search of a ford, some¬
body came in and said chat it was easier to ford
the river at the foot of the hill where the river was
divided into eight streams. The army moved to that
point and crossed six of them. The remaining two were
very deep, swift and violent, and were overflowing. When
the army and the baggage entered into these streams, the
strong currents began their work of destruction and carried
away thousands of laden camels and saddled horses, and in¬
numerable donkeys, bullocks, buffaloes, tents, treasure and
men and women. “It appeared,” says Qazi Nur Muhammad,
who had himself to struggle hard against the currents, “as
if the Day of Judgment had come.” After describing at
great length the horrors and havoc of the flood, the Qazi thus
continues his account: “I was then riding a horse and
moving in a line. On my upper (right) side were thousands
of camels carrying women. With the camels the women
were dropping in the stormy water and were being carried
away by its currents. Accidently at that time a beautiful
woman with charming features fell down from a camel in
front of me on the saddle of my horse. From head to waist
she was on my saddle while her feet were dangling in the
water. My own life was in danger. I made every effort to
throw her away. But she caught hold of my waist with
29. Jang Namah, 165-68.
MIN IST/ff,
|\tHE SEVENTH INVASION OF INDIA
ids and I could, not extricate myself from her dutches^
t, her guardian arrived and I was freed from her hold.
Such was the confusion on that day that nobody cared for
anybody; fathers forsook their sons and mothers threw their
children into the water. There was a great loss of life and
property. I may assure you that so many lives had not been
lost in the battles with the Sikhs.” 30
After crossing the Chenab, the Shah moved by slow
marches of two or three jarsangs a day and deputed Jahan
Khan to go ahead and arrange for a bridge on the Jhelum.
From the bank of the Jhelum, Kabuli Mall was permitted to
return to his government at Lahore. There the Shah one day
sent for his brave ally, Mir Naseer Khan of Kalat, thanked him
for the services rendered by him during the campaign, and
permitted him to leave for his country. Naseer Khan sub¬
mitted some demands which were all granted, including the
territory of Shal (Quetta). The Shah desired to give him
the territories of Chenab, Jhang, Multan and the Deras, but
neither Mir Naseer Khan nor any other Baluchi chief accepted
them, apparently for fear of their inability to hold them
against the rising power of the Sikhs. 31
SHAH RETURNED TO AFGHANISTAN
The river Jhelum was crossed on a bridge of boats,
and, on the arrival of the imperial camp at Rohtas, Mir Naseer
Khan and his Baluchi companions took their leave of the
Shah and left for their country, while the Shah marched
on to Afghanistan. 32
30. Jang Namah, 168-72,
31. Jang Namah, 172-75; Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah , 276; Khush-
waqt Bai, Tarikh-i-Sihhan , 80-81.
32. Jang Namah f 175-76,
VIQN\ 4°
Chapter XXIII
*SL
THE EIGHTH INVASION OF INDIA
THE LOSS OF THE PAN JAB
During the years 1765 and 1766, the Shah was busy with
administrative and other affairs at home and could not find
time to attend to the Panjab. The Sikhs had, in the mean¬
time, completely established themselves in their country. No
sooner did the Shah leave the Panjab at the end of March
1765 than they returned to their possessions
THE SIKHS OCCUPIED LAHORE
The Sikhs celebrated their Baisakhi festival at Amritsar
on the 10th of April and there decided, by a Gurmata, to take
possession of Lahore. Kabuli Mall, the governor, was then
at Jammu, recruiting two thousand Dogra musketeers for
service in Lahore. Sardar Lehna Singh and Gujjar Singh
Bhangi moved from Rangarh-Waniyeke at the head of two
thousand Sikhs and, with the assistance of some residents
of the village of Baghbanpura, 1 who were employed in the
fort, entered it through an opening and established themselves
there on the night of Baisakh Vadi 11, 1822 Bk., April 16,
1765. Amir Singh, the nephew of Kabuli Mall, issued out of
his mansion the next morning and fired a few shots from a
gun mounted on the city wall. Tara Singh of Muzang rushed
out with a band of only twenty-five men, dispersed the half¬
hearted followers of the Bakhshi of Lahore forces and cap¬
tured him along with Jagan Nath, son-in-law of Kabuli Mall.
Sobha Singh Kanhaiya also joined the Bhangi Sardars, and
they divided among themselves the city and its neighbour-
1. Pi iiicipal Sita Rani Kohli, in one of his notes, observes :
The Mian family of Baghbanpura later helped Maharaja Ranjit
Singh against the Bhangi Sardars in the occupation of Lahore. It was
this very family of Mian Muhammad Shaft and Mian Shah Din and
Begam Shah Niwaz of the Muslim League fame who later helped
the British in establishing their rule in Lahore,
misr^
THE EIGHTH INVASION OF INDIA
30
Thus passed the capital of the Panjab into the hands
ie Sikhs. 2 *
The Sikhs looked upon this achievement as the gift of
their Guru and issued their coin in the names of Gurus Nanak-
Govind Singh with the following inscription borrowed
from the seal of their first ruling chief, Banda Singh
Deg-o-Tegh-o-Fateh-o-Nusrat-i-bedirang
Yaft az Nanak Guru Govind Singh
The Kettle and the Sword—the Symbols of Service and
Power Victory and ready Patronage have been obtained from
Gurus Nanak-Govind Singh.3
EXPEDITION AGAINST PATIALA—DEATH OF ALA SINGH
The submission of Ala Singh to the inveterate enemy of
the Sikhs, as they considered the Shah to be, was taken as a
national disgrace by the Sikhs who led an expeditionary force
against him under the command of Hari Singh Bhangi. A skir¬
mish took place near the villages of Lang and Chilaile, about
eight miles to the north of Patiala, and Sardar Hari Singh
Bhangi was killed in the very beginning. Compromise was,
however, soon effected through the intervention of Sardar
Jassa Singh Ahluwalia and the Patiala chief made up with '
is brothers-in-faith. Not long afterwards Baba Ala Singh
died on Bhadon Vadi 6, 1822 Bk., August 7, 1765, and was
succeeded by his grandson, Amar Singh. 4
Undisturbed by the Shah in the Sirhind province and
unaffected m the Panjab, the Sikhs carried their arms in all
directions and established their rule. They even penetrated
into the Jamuna-Gangetic Doab, ransacked the territories of
, ',, h and measured swords with the Marathas on
behalf of Jawahir Singh of Bharatpur.
2. Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah, 276-77; Vmda-tu-Tu>arikh, i. 163.
o. Oanesh Das, Chahar Gulshan-i-Panjab', 177-78.
4. Tankh-i~Patiala, 57-59; Karam Singh, Ala Singh, 246-47,
MINIS T/fy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
r !GHTH INVASION OF INDIA BY THE SHAH
Ahmad Shah descended upon the Panjab for the eighth
time in November, 1766, “for,” to quote Shah Wali Khan’s
words, “the extirpation of the ill-fated Sikhs.” There are
also reasons to believe that the Shah had been invited to
India by Mir Qasirn of Bengal to restore him to the throne
of Murshidabad of which he had been deprived by the
English. 5
The Shah crossed the Indus in the last days of November
and arrived unopposed at Behgy, about ten kos from Eohtas.
Ballam Singh and some other Sikhs had thrown up a number
of strongholds in the country with garrisons of seven or eight
thousand horse, but in the absence of a common command
and unanimity in their counsels, they were easily overpowered
by the Afghans. A Sikh chief was slain and a great number
of their army were killed, taken prisoners and drowned in the
Jhelum. The Sikhs made another attempt to block the pas¬
sage of the Shah’s army but they were pushed back. 6
Crossing the Jhelum, the Shall arrived at Gujrat on the
4th of December. He then crossed the Chenab by the bridge
of Shah Daula, entered the Bari Doab, and made for Sialkot.
On the 10th, he left that city and encamped at Jhangi
(Jamke), about eleven miles to the south-west He halted
there for three days and granted interviews to the Zamindars
of Aurangabad, Pasrur, Gujrat and Sialkot. As a number
of Sikhs were said to have been ‘concealed in the neighbouring
villages, the Shah’s chamberlain, Sa’adat Khan, suggested
a tribute of a lakh and a half of rupees to be levied on the
Zamindars. They were further ordered to give muchalakas
(undertakings in writing) ‘to apprehend and despoil with
every degree of severity all persons carrying the marks of a
Sikh’. Accordingly, they undertook not to give protection
to the Sikhs and, should a Sikh fall into their hands, to send
him to the Shah to undergo punishment. 7
The Shah left Jamke on the 15th of December and stopped
at Daska. There, Pir Muhammad, son of Naurang, came to
5. Calendar of Persian Correspondence , ii. 12a; iii. xvi,
6. CPC, ii. 16a.
7. CPC U. 16a.
misT/f
THE EICHTH INVASION OF INDIA
respects. The other Zamindurs fled away out of fear)
were pursued and captured by the troops of the Shah
and brought back to his presence On being questioned by
Shah Wali Khan, they submitted that they had no intention
of running away. As the troops of Naseer Khan had marched
through their defenceless country, they had left it, but since
the arrival of the Shah’s armies their fear had been dispelled.
To remove their apprehensions and of the people around, it
was more prudent, suggested Sa’adat Khan, to treat them
kindly than to put anyone of them to death; else, no one
would come to the Shah’s presence in future. The Shah
was pleased to accept this advice, levied a sum of only three
lakhs of rupees on them and dismissed them with assurances
of safety. 8
THE SHAH AT LAHORE
After two days’ halt at Daska, the Shah left for Eminabad.
Hearing of the approach of the Shah, the Sikh Sardars,
Sobha Singh, Lehna Singh, Gujjar Singh, Hira Singh and
Ajaib Singh, who were in the city of Lahore with a body of
eight thousand men, abandoned the fort and the city and
dispersed in different directions. Gujjar Singh and Lehna
Singh retired to Kasur while Sobha Singh, Hira Singh and
Ajaib Singh made for Pakpattan (of Baba Farid). The
Afghan advance guard under Jahan Khan, Barkhurdar Khan
Arzbegi and Darwesh Ali Khan Hazarah, occupied the city .
On the 21st of December, the Shah continued his march from
Eminabad and arrived at Fazilabad, about eleven miles to
the north-west of Lahore. The next day, he crossed the Ravi
and encamped at Mahmud Buti, to the north-east of the city. 9
SARDAR LEHNA SINGH REJECTED THE OFFER
OF SUBEHDARl OF LAHORE
At Mahmud Buti a deputation of the leading citizens of
Lahore waited upon Ahmad Shah, and submitted that Lehna
Singh was a kind-hearted benevolent ruler, that in spite of
authority and power he made no distinction between the
Hindus and the Mussalmans, and that on the day of Id-u-
Zuha, he bestowed turbans on the Qazis, Muftis and Imams
§L
8. CPC. i 16a.
9. CPC. u. 16a, 20, 36.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
&
the Muslim mosques and treated all other people
respect and regard. ‘‘If he is such a just and humane ruler,
why should he have run away?” said the Shah. He then
wrote a letter to Sardar Lehna Singh inviting him to his
presence and promising to grant him the Suhehdari of Lahore.
The Sardar sent back the reply through Rahmatullah Beg
of the village of Maura that he would have been glad to see
him but, as it was not in keeping with the honour of his
people, he was helpless. A week later, the Shah appointed
Dadan Khan, brother of Maulvi Abdullah, governor of
Lahore, with Rahmat Khan Ruhila at the head of 1500 horse
and foot, as his deputy. 10
THE SHAH HARASSED BY THE SIKHS
Leaving his heavy baggage at Lahore, the Shah moved
out of his camp at Mahmud Buti on the 29th of December
and arrived at Amritsar (Chak Guru) on the 30th. Jahan
Khan, who had been sent to this place from the neighbour¬
hood of Lahore on the 27th, was ordered to stay there, while
the Shah himself moved out on the 1st of January, 1767,
in the direction of Jandiala. From Jandiala the Shah moved
to Jalalabad with a view to encamping in the neighbourhood
of Vairowal. It had been suggested to him by Said Khan
to station the main army there “to form diverse parties in
order to pursue the Sikhs and set afoot a general slaughter
and dispersion of them,” while Jahan Khan sacked them at
Amritsar. He had not yet been able to fix his camp, when
intelligence arrived that Charhat Singh, Hira Singh and Lehna
Singh had fallen upon the Shah’s camp at Lahore and had
plundered his baggage and that they were marching upon
the city. The Shah immediately hurried back to Lahore, but
the Sikhs had slipped away beyond his reach. As usual,
they avoided a general action, kept on hovering round his
army, pounced upon it when an opportunity offered itself
and carried away whatever baggage and camp-equipage they
could lay their hands upon. * 11
10. Umda-tu-Tawankh, i. 165; Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Hamah, 279-80.
According to Khushwaqt Eai ( Tarikh-i-Sikhan, 81), the name of the
deputy was Dawar Khan.
11. CPC. ii. 16a, 20, 36, 65, 108a.
THE EIGHTH INVASION OF INDIA
^^mf^SlKHS REFUSED TO ENTER INTO
NEGOTIATIONS WITH HIM
Thus circumstanced, the Shah was willing to enter into
peace negotiations with the Sikh Sardars and, at the sugges¬
tion of Shah Wali Khan, Jahan Khan, Shah Pasand Khan,
Faiz Talab Khan, Naseer Khan Baluch. and other Afghan
chiefs, he wrote to Jhanda Singh, Jassa Singh Ahluwalia,
Khushhal Singh and other Sardars on the 15th of January,
1767, from the neighbourhood of Nuruddin Kot ho the effect
that if they were desirous of entering his seiwice, they should
come and join him, but that if they had any hostile intentions,
they should meet him in the field.' The Raja of Chamba sent
a vakil to them, and Saadat Yar Khan of the family of Adina
Beg Khan sent them word that they should make peace with
the Shah. The latter said that since His Majesty had no
intention of dispossessing the Sikhs of their country, he would
introduce them to the Shah and settle what country they
should cede and what sum they should pay, and that he would
put them in possession of Lahore. But the Sikhs refused to
entertain any idea of negotiations. They knew that the Shah
would soon be compelled to return to his own country and
that they would then resume their old possessions.
JAHAN KHAN DEFEATED NEAR AMRITSAR
On the 17th of January, the Sikhs worsted Jahan Khan
in the neighbourhood of Amritsar when he issued out of his
camp with the Durrani vanguard of about fifteen thousand
horse plundering the villages. Jassa Singh, Hira Singh,
Lehna Singh and Gujjar Singh fell upon him all of a sudden.
Five to six thousand Durranis were killed and wounded, and
Jahan Khan was forced to retreat. Hearing' of this reverse,
the Shah himself marched to his commander’s assistance.
But the Sikhs at once disappeared in the direction of Lahore.
The Shah then ordered the buildings of Amritsar and the
neighbouring forts to be demolished, and put three to four
thousand Sikhs found there to the sword. 13
3 Cl
12. CPC. ii. 50, 108a.
13. CPC. ii. 65.
G. 40
<§L
AHMAD SHAH DtfRHANi
'THE ENVOYS OF INDIAN CHIEFS PAID RESPECTS TO SHAH
The Shah then crossed the Beas and entered the
Jullundur Doab, where the envoys of the various Indian
rulers paid him their respects. The Shall directed them to
write to their masters to come personally to his court. The
vakil of Raja Amar Singh and Kanwar Himraat Singh, grand¬
sons of Raja Ala Singh, also made his obeisance and presented
five thousand rupees and two horses as nazar to him, and
two thousand rupees each to Shah Wali Khan and Jahan
Khan. Not long afterwards, the Raja and Kanwar them¬
selves arrived in the Shah’s camp at Nur Mahal. 14
THE SIKHS RENEWED THEIR ACTIVITIES
The Sikhs allowed the Shah no rest even in the
Jullundur Doab. While his own army was constantly
harried, his baggage was snatched away from the custody of
Naseer Khan Baluch, Twenty thousand of the Sikhs fell
upon him unawares and inflicted a defeat upon him in a
pitched battle. They also waylaid a caravan of three hundred
camels laden with fruit and cut the Afghan escort to pieces.
The Raja of Chamba had sent grain to the Shah’s army, when
the Sikhs fell upon the convoy near Talapur, and, having
slain the escort, plundered it. 15
The Shah’s position at this time was extremely insecure,
and, in the words of a contemporary news-write^, “The Shah’s
influence is confined merely to those tracts which are covered
by his army. The zamindars appear in general so well affected
towards the Sikhs that it is usual with the latter to repair
by night to the villages, where they find every refreshment.
By day they retire from them and again fall to harassing
the Shah’s troops. If the Shah remains between the two
rivers Beas and Sutlej, the Sikhs will continue to remain
in the neighbourhood, but if he passes over towards Sirhind
the Sikhs will then become masters of the parts he leaves
behind him.” 16
14. CPC. ii. 65, 79, 139.
15. CPC. ii. 107C, 130A.
16. CPC. ii. 161A.
misr/fy
THE EIGHTH INVASION OF INDIA 31!
G0T1TIES OF THE ENGLISH IN BENGAL AGAINST THE SHAH
The Shah crossed the Sutlej in the beginning of March,
1767, and marched southward in the direction of Delhi. The
Sikhs on the other side immediately ‘took possession of
Lahore and the country between the two rivers Ravi and
Sutlej, and placed their garrisons there/ 17
On the arrival of the Shah at Ismailabad, twenty miles
south of Ambala, Najib-ud-Daulah waited upon him on the
9th of March. The Shah was surprised, rather irritated, to
find that not one of the Indian chiefs from beyond Delhi, who
had been so loud in their professions of allegiance to him, had
come personally to do him homage. It will be interesting to
know that owing to the presence of Mir Qasim/s envoy in the
camp of the Shah, the English in Bengal were feeling much
perturbed. ‘They feared, and with good reason, that the
relations they had established with the Vazir (Shuja-ud-
Daulah) and the Emperor (Shah Alam) woxfid be entirely
upset if they joined the Shah. They, therefore, asked the
Vazir and the Emperor to refrain from waiting upon the
Shah or from sending him any money and to oppose him,
should he attempt to advance eastward from Delhi, The
Ruhilas, the Jats and the Mahrattas were likewise urged to
form a league against him and the full support of the
Company was assured to them. Ahmad Shah/s victory at
Panipat, however, had breathed a terror into the hearts of
the chiefs of India; in their eyes he was invincible/ They,
therefore, wavered for some time. Should they join the
Shah or keep away from him ? In the meantime, the spell
of his invincibility was broken by the stout opposition offered
to him by the Sikhs and by the reverses, however small, his
troops had suffered at their hands. This brought about a
change in their attitude and encouraged them to become more
rigid in their conduct, 18
%
17. CPC. ii. 213,
18. Delhi Chronicle; CPC. iii. Int. xv. For a more detailed study
of how. the English in Bengal stood in the way of closer relations between
Emperor Shah Alam and the Shah, see Appendix iv.
mtsfy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
REPRESENTATION OF NAJIB-UD-DAULAH
‘It is said that the Shah, on several of the Vakils
representing to him the good consequences of maintaining
his situation, flew into a violent rage, (and) declared that he
would move immediately to Delhi.’ Najib-ud-Daulah, on
hearing this, consulted Yaqub Ali Khan and Rao Megh Raj
and then went to the Shah and said, “If Your Majesty is
resolved to march to Delhi, it is well, but beyond all doubt
there will be a general flight of all the inhabitants wherever
you pass, and the whole country will become a desert, as
already is the case in many parts of it. I have now arrived in
Your Majesty’s presence and have attained the summit of my
wishes, an interview. If Your Majesty actually proceeds (to
Delhi), I have one request to make : that you first sacrifice
me and then pursue your intentions”. The penetrating eye
of the Shah at once saw the inadvisability of proceeding
further towards Delhi in face of the unfriendly attitude of
the Indian chiefs and decided to move back homewards. On
the 1. / th of March, the Shah left I'smailabad, arrived at
Ambala on the 18th, and then moved on to Sirhind. 19
RAJA A.MAR SINGH OF PATIALA HONOURED BY THE SHAH
Najib-ud-Daulah paid two lakhs of rupees to the Shah
on account of the stipulated amount and the Shah was pleased
to grant the governorship of Sirhind to his son, Zabita Khan.
Raja Amar Singh, who was the owner of the place, was called
upon to pay a sum of nine lakhs which was said to have been
due from him since his grandfather’s confirmation in the gov¬
ernment of that territory in 1765. While in the camp of the
Shah, Najib-ud-Daulah once remarked to Amar Singh, “What
is this Patiala fort of yours? I will show you how strong is
my fort of Pathargarh at Najibabad.” Amar Singh took it
as a hint that he might be carried as a prisoner to Najibabad.
His grandmother, Rani Fatto (Fateh Kaur), widow of
Ala Singh, secretly visited the humane Shah Wali Khan and
besought his good offices for the release of her grandson from
the hold of the Ruhila chief. She also made some presents
to him. Shah Wali Khan interceded on behalf of the Patiala
19. CPC. ii. 294; Delhi Chronicle ,
MiMS/yjy
\THE EIGHTH INVASION OF INDIA
id the next morning the Shah not only granted Ama:
lis freedom, but also the government of Sirhind and
the title of Rajah-i-Rajgan. In grateful acknowledgment of
these favours, Amar Singh struck coins in the name of His
Afghan Majesty and added the word ‘Bamezei’, the name of
Shah Wali Khan’s tribe, to his own name on his seal. 20
The Shah arrived near Machhiwara on the left bank
of the Sutlej on the 23rd of March. Intelligence was received
there in the beginning of April that about one hundred and
twenty thousand Sikhs bad collected for the Baisakhi festival
at Amritsar and were equipped for war. The Shah wisely
decided not to cross the Sutlej immediately and stayed there
for about two months, sending out detachments of troops
to chastise the Sikhs. As Najib-ud-Daulah had not been
keeping good health for some time, he obtained leave of the
Shah on the 11th of May and left for his home, leaving his
son, Zabita Khan, and other relations in the Shah’s camp. 21
THE SIKHS ATTACKED THE TERRITORY OF NAJIB-UD-DAULAH
Early in May, a body of the Sikhs slipped past the
Durrani camp and entered the territory of Najib-ud-Daulah.
As he and his brothers and sons, with their troops, were
then actively ranged against them, the object of the Sikhs
was to detach them from the Shah’s camp and to deprive
him of the local assistance. They sacked Ambehta and
Nanauta and then pushed down to Meerut and Shamli. Hear¬
ing of this inroad, the bewildered Najib-ud-Daulah appealed
to the Shah for help, and the latter ordered Jahan Khan to
march with eight thousand men into the Doab and drive
away the Sikhs. With Zabita Khan, son of Najib-ud-Daulah,
as his guide, and five thousand Ruhila troops, Jahan Khan
hurried to Shamli, covering about 180 miles in three days.
The Sikhs got news of his advance four gharis beforehand
and crossed over to the other side of the Jamuna on the 19th
of May. Those who remained behind were put to the sword.
A Sikh Sardar was killed in the skirmish and Sardar Baghel
Singh Karorsinghia was wounded. Having successfully finished
Sl
20. CPC. ii. 310; Husain Shahi; 67-68; Khushwaqt Rai, Tarikh-i -
Sikhan f 164.
21. CPC. ii. 323, 345, 422; Delhi Chronicle .
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
§L
■campaign, Jahan Khan returned to the Shah’s cam;
course of seven days, 22
DISSATISFACTION IN TROOPS—SHAH RETURNED TO
AFGHANISTAN
The Afghan troops had been in arrears of pay for some
time. A dissatisfied contingent of four to five hundred of
them became insubordinate and marched away to Afghanistan
via Kasur, Pakpattan and Multan. The unbearable heat of
the Panjab was then daily increasing and the rainy season,
when the rivers would run in high floods, was fast approach¬
ing. It was also feared that the mutineers might spread
disaffection at home and that the remaining troops might
catch the contagion. The Shah, therefore, returned to his
country by way of Multan, evidently, to avoid clashes with
the Sikhs. 23
THE SIKHS REOCCUPIED THE PANJAB
Although two more efforts were made by the Shah to
regain his lost position in the Panjab, this may be taken as his
last invasion of India, and with it his dominion in the Panjab
came to an end. Soon after his return, the Sikhs were
once again the masters of the country from the Indus to the
Jamuna. Dadan Khan, the nominal Afghan governor of
Lahore, quietly surrendered the city and fort to their former
masters (the Sikhs) and retired from public life on a pension
of twenty rupees a day, while Rahmat Khan Ruhila returned
to his own country. The territories of Sirhind, as usual,
remained in the possession of Raja Amar Singh and other
Sikh chiefs of the Phulkian and other confederacies. 24
22. Tahmas Namah, lSla-b; Nur-ud-Din, Ahwal-i-Najib-ud-
Daulah, 111-12; Sarkar, ii. 498-99.
23. Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah, 280.
24. Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah f 281; Khushwaqt Rai ? Tarikh-i-Sikhan,
81-82.
Chapter XXIV
THE LAST CAMPAIGNS TO BALKH AND BUKHARA,
THE PANJAB AND KHURASAN
(1768-1770)
EXPEDITION AGAINST BALKH AND BUKHARA
The people of Balkh in the north, and Badakhshan in the
north-east, had for some time been creating disturbances;
and, in the absence of a clear line of demarcation, there had
been occasional disputes with the people of Bukhara. With
a view to establishing peace and order in these parts, Ahmad
Shah deputed his minister, Shah Wali Khan, with an army
of six thousand selected horsemen, in the beginning or 1182
A.H., 1768 A.D. Hearing of the advance of the Afghan
minister, Murad Bey, the ruler of Bukhara, moved out with
an army to the help of the refractory people of Balkh. Shah
Wali Khan informed the Shah about the movements of Murad
Bey. His Afghan Majesty immediately issued forth from
Qandahar at the head of a large force and marched in the
north-westerly direction for Herat. 1 rom there he turned
to the north-east and, crossing the river Murghab, also called
the Rud-i-Marv, re-established his authority in Maimna,
Shibarghan, Andkhui and Balkh. He despatched Shah Wali
Khan to Badakhshan and himself marched to the north-west
in the direction of Bukhara. Murad Bey, on the other side,
prepared himself for a contest with the Afghan king and fixed
his camp at the village of Qarshi (Karki) on the western bank
of the Oxus (Amu Darya), sixty-four miles to the north of
Andkhui. Peace negotiations, however, were soon entered
into and brought to a successful conclusion by fixing the Amu
Darya as the boundary-line between the two countries. It
was further agreed that Murad Bey would present to Ahmad
Shah the khirqa (a patched garment) of Prophet Muham¬
mad, which had for some time been in the possession of
Hadhrat Uwais Qarani and was, then, preserved at Bukhara.
AHMAt) SHAH DtTRKANl
<sl
^The Shah looked upon this relic of the Prophet as a great
holy possession and carried it with profound reverence to
his capital at Qandahar. 1
THE LAST INVASION OF INDIA
The Shah made his last expedition upon the Panjab in the
beginning of 1769. He crossed the Indus and the Jhelum
and reached as far as the left bank of the Chenab and fixed
his camp at Jokalian to the north-west of Gujrat, ten miles
from. Kunjah. By this time the Sikhs had established them¬
selves firmly in the country and it had then become more
difficult to dislodge them than ever before. Moreover,
dissensions broke out among Shah’s followers and he was
compelled to return to Afghanistan. On the way between
Peshawar and Kabul, a tumult arose in his army; his whole
camp was plundered and many of his chiefs and soldiers were
either killed or dispersed. From Kabul, the Shah returned
to Qandahar. 2
THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST NASRVLLAH MIRZA
The Shah’s attention was then drawn to the rebellious
activities of Nasrullah Mirza, son of Shah Rukh, in Khurasan.
Encouraged by the reverses of the Afghan generals in the
Panjab and by the failure of the Shah in suppressing the Sikhs,
Nasrullah Mirza had also made up his mind to strike a blow
for the independence of Mashhad and the allied Persian
territories. But he had no strong army at hand. In 1181
1. Siraj-ut-Tawarikh, 27. For a detailed account of the Khirqa,
see the same authority, p. 27-28.
Ghubar, in his Ahmad Shah Baba, makes no mention of the Shah
having himself gone to settle the affair with Murad Bey. According to
him, the whole affair was managed by Shah Wali IChan. The sacred
Khirqa , according to him, was also brought to Qandahar by the Wazir
from Faizabad in Badakhslian. But he has quoted no authority, con¬
temporary or otherwise, in support of his statements. To me, how¬
ever, the account of Siraj-ut-Tawarikh appeal’s to be more reliable.
The author of this work says that the story of the Khirqa was related
to him by his patron His Majesty Amir Habibullah Khan (p. 27).
2. Ali-ud-Din, Ibrat Namah, 282; Umda-tu-Tawarikh, i. 165; CPC.
ii. 1365, 1499.
)|W LAST CAMPAIGNS TO BALKH 32l
. , ^67-68 A.D.), he had visited the court of Karim Khan
Zand to seek his help. But he was not very successful
there. His eyes next fell upon the Kurds, and, to raise
a lashkar of theirs, he moved towards their country in 1182
A.H. (1768 A.D.). At Chinaran he was welcomed by Jafar
Khan, Yusuf Ali Khan and Naqd Ali Khan with six
thousand Persian horse, and they presented him some of the
jewels that had fallen into their hands on the death of Nadir
Shah. Some other important chiefs, like Muhammad Husain
Zafranlu, Raza Quli Khan, son of Muhammad Raza Khan
Khampklu, and Daulat Khan Shadarlu, also took up service
with him. Allahwardi Khan, son of Muhammad Husain, the
ruler of Kuchan, however, joined him reluctantly and was
ordered to be placed in the pillory. This unwelcome and
rash treatment of a chief of Allahwardi Khan’s position threw
cold water on the enthusiasm of the Kurds and they were
thinking of returning to their homes when the news arrived
that Ahmad Shah had arrived at Herat on his way to
Khurasan. Nasrullah Mirza set the Kuchan chief at liberty
and patched up his differences with his allies. 3
Hearing of the hostile intentions of the son of the blind
Shah Rukh, who owed his position at Mashhad to the
magnanimity and large-heartedness of the Shah himself, he
marched to Khurasan via Herat in 1183 A.H. (1769-70 A.D.)
and occupied Turbat-i-Shaikh Jam and Langar. Nasrullah
Mirza then hurried back to Mashhad with all his force and,
on the advice of Shall Rukh, sent Nadir Mirza, the younger
brother, to beseech the help of Karim Khan Zand. On his
way, he visited Tabbas, about 106 miles to the south-west of
Kakhk. Its chief, Ali Mardan Khan, placed all his resources
at the disposal of Prince Nadir and organized an army to
oppose the Shah. In the meantime, the Shah arrived at
Mashhad and laid siege to it. Nasrullah closed the gates of
the city and strengthened its fortifications. Occasionally, he
sent out parties of five hundred to one thousand men, who
fell upon the flanks of the besiegers, discharged their muskets
3. Muimil-ut-Tawarikh, 136-38; Elphinstone, Caubul, 297; Ahmad
Shah Baba, 292.
G. 41
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI 'HL
ran back to the city before the Afghans could get at them.
In one of these sorties, says Ibn Muhammad Amin, eight
hundred of the Afghans were killed. 4
While the siege of Mashhad was continuing, news
arrived that Ali Mardan Khan, accompanied by Nadir Mirza,
was coming with reinforcements from Tabbas, Ahmad Shah
detached Rasul Khan Qaular-aqasi at the head of four
thousand men to meet them, but he was worsted by the
Persians near Gunabad and about nine hundred and fifty
Afghans were slain. The Shah then sent his famous general,
Jahan Khan, and the Baluch warrior, Mir Naseer Khan of
Kalat, with eight thousand horse and six thousand foot
respectively. On their arrival at Sultanabad, Abdul Ali
Khan, the chief of that place, moved to another fort where
he was joined the same night by Nadir Mirza and Ali Mardan
Khan. Next morning, Ali Mardan Khan led an attack upon
the Afghans. But as he came within the range of their
muskets, they fired a volley and he was shot dead. The
leaderless Persians then took to flight. Mirza Nadir fled to
Sultanabad and was there followed by Jahan Khan and
Naseer Khan. But he managed to escape to Mashhad. 5
THE SHAH AT MASHHAD
It was, however, reckoned impious to fire on the sacred
city of Mashhad which contained the mausoleum of Imam
Raza. Shah Wali Khan had, therefore, opened negotiations
with Shah Rukh and Nasrullah Mirza, and, on their successful
conclusion, Ahmad Shah entered the city and re-established
friendly relations with them. Shah Rukh gave his daughter,
Gauhar-Shad, in marriage to Prince Taimur, son of Amad
Shah, and promised to furnish a contingent of Persian troops
to serve His Afghan Majesty. The marriage was solemnised
in the Shah’s camp in the city of Mashhad. As a mark of his
submission, Mirza Nasrullah, on his own behalf, presented a
beautiful white horse, named ft Gharib”, worth fifteen thousand
rupees, to the Shah who was pleased to honour the Mirza
with the title of “Farzand Khan”. Amad Shah had no
4. Mujmil-ut-Tawarikh , 138-40; Ahmad Shah Baba, 292-93.
5. Mujmil-ut-'Tawarikh , 140-42.
miST/fy.
HE LAST CAMPAIGNS TO BALKH
323
_of taking Khurasan under his own direct control.
He, therefore, entrusted the country to Shah Rukh to be
governed as usual on his behalf. As a guarantee of his good
behaviour in future, Shah Rukh handed over one of his sons
Yazdan Bakhsh as a hostage. Thus ended the last military
expedition of Ahmad Shah and he left for Qandahar on the
8th of Safar, 1184 A.H., June 9, 1770 A.D. 6
<SL
6. Mujmil-ut-Taviarikh, 143-46; Elphinstone, Caubul, 297-98;
Ahmad Shah Baba, 293-96.
Chapter XXV
THE LAST DAYS AND DEATH OF AHMAD SHAH
THE SHAH’S INABILITY TO INVADE INDIA IN 1771
Mir Qasim, who had been deprived of his dominion of
Bengal, had for some time past been trying to organize a
league against the English in India. He had been in 'corres¬
pondence with the Sikhs and the Marathas with a view to
recruiting their assistance for an invasion of Bengal. But
nobody came to his help. His only hope lay in Ahmad. Shah.
Writing to the Nizam of Hyderabad-Deccan on the 17fh of
March, 1770, he said that he “saw no friend except Shah
Abdali,” but “he is involved in his own affairs in Afghanistan.”
Similarly, the Ruhilas of India also looked up to him for
aid against the Marathas in the beginning of 1771, and they
were willing to pay twenty-five lakhs of rupees for his
expenses. “The Rohilla Sardars,” wrote Mir Ghulam Husain
Khan in March, 1771, “have agreed to pay 25 lakhs of rupees
to the Vazir for assisting them... .In case the Vazir does not
give them assistance, they will pay the amount to Abdali.
There are two ways of rooting out the Marathas. The one is
for all the Sardars of Hindustan to unite together (of which
at present there is no prospect), and the other is the arrival
of Abdali. He has great confidence in Nawab Dunde Khan
and will certainly come if the Governor (of Bengal) and
Nawab Dunde Khan write to him. If he cannot do so
personally, he will send his son Taimur Shah.One good
point about Abdali is that he never remains in Hindustan. He
goes back to his country as soon as his affairs are settled.” But
the Shah was then busy with his own affairs at home and
did not find it advisable to undertake an expedition to the
far eastern parts of India, or to involve himself in a struggle
against the Marathas, in face of such formidable opponents as
the Sikhs occupying the territories on his frontier and the
intervening country for about four hundred miles. 1 General
1. CPC. iii. 79, 94, 97, 98, 132, 682.
,1AST DAYS AND DEATH OF AHMAD SHAH
‘ s observations were both historically and prophet^
ly true when he said, in his letter of August 19, 1771,
addressed to Sardar Jhanda Singh Bhangi, that “it is clear
that as long as the Khalisah army is on the watch, no one
can march upon Hindustan unopposed.” 2
THE SHAH NOMINATED PRINCE TAIMUR AS HIS SUCCESSOR
Ahmad Shah had not been keeping good health for some
time. The strain of successive expeditions had shattered his
strong constitution. He was, perhaps, suffering from
diabetes. But his worst malady was the wound on his nose
which had developed into an ulcer and was slowly eating
into his face. He had been compelled to substitute an
artificial nose of silver.
Seeing his end approaching, the Shah determined to
proclaim his second son, Taimur Shah, his viceroy and suc¬
cessor to the throne. This decision appeared to his Sardars
to be unjust to his eldest son, Suleman Mirza, whose prima¬
genitary right, thought they, was being violated by this
choice. They all assembled together and presented to the
Shah their resolution in favour of the eldest son and expressed
something like discontent at not having been consulted in a
matter of such great importance* The Shah replied that he
had not been ruled by his own particular bias but that he had
been guided in that decision entirely by considerations of
public good. “Taimur” said he, “it is true, is younger than
Suleman but he is infinitely more capable of governing you
than his brother.” On being questioned on the point, the
Shah simply replied that Suleman had failed to win esteem
and affection of the Afghan tribes; that he was violent
without clemency; that he had never been able to foresee
and put down a revolt; and that he had hastily put to death
Sardar Zal Beg* “But,” said the Sardars, “it was by your
order.” “Did I not also order Taimur to put Dilawar Khan
to death?” said the Shah; “and what did he do ? Political
reasons might induce me to order two culprits to be put to
death, but other secret reasons, which were known to the
prince Suleman, ought to have led him to disobey me.” With
2. CPC. iii. 368,
Chapter XXV
THE LAST DAYS AND DEATH OF AHMAD SHAH
THE SHAH'S INABILITY TO INVADE INDIA IN 1771
Mir Qasim, who had been deprived of his dominion, of
Bengal, had for some time past been trying to organize a
league against the English in India. He had been in fcorres*'
pondence with the Sikhs and the Marathas with a view to
recruiting their assistance for an invasion of Bengal. But
nobody came to his help. His only hope lay in Ahmad Shah.
Writing to the Nizam of Hyderabad-Dee can on the 17 th of
March, 1770, he said that he “saw no friend except Shah
Abdali,” but “he is involved in his own affairs in Afghanistan.”
Similarly, the Ruhilas of India also looked up to him for
aid against the Marathas in the beginning of 1771, and they
were willing to pay twenty-five lakhs of rupees for his
expenses. “The Rohilla Sardars,” wrote Mir Ghulam Husain
Khan in March, 1771, “have agreed to pay 25 lakhs of rupees
to the Vazir for assisting them... .In case the Vazir does not
give them assistance, they will pay the amount to Abdali.
There are two ways of rooting out the Marathas. The one is
for all the Sardars of Hindustan to unite together (of which
at present there is no prospect), and the other is the arrival
of Abdali. He has great confidence in Nawab Dunde Khan
and will certainly come if the Governor (of Bengal) and
Nawab Dunde Khan write to him. If he cannot do so
personally, he will send his son Taimur Shah.One good
point about Abdali is that he never remains in Hindustan. He
goes back to his country as soon as his affairs are settled.” But
the Shah was then busy with his own affairs at home and
did not find it advisable to undertake an. expedition to the
far eastern parts of India, or to involve himself in a struggle
against the Marathas, in face of such, formidable opponents as
the Sikhs occupying the territories on his frontier and the
intervening country for about four hundred miles. 1 General
1. CPC. iii. 79, 94, 97, 98, 132, 682.
MINlSr^
1st DAYS AND DEATH OF AHMAD SHAH 32!
;er’s observations were both historically and propheti¬
cally true when he said, in his letter of August 19, 1771,
addressed to Sardar Jhanda Singh Bhangi, that “it is clear
that as long as the Khalisah army is on the watch, no one
can march upon Hindustan unopposed.” 3
THE SHAH NOMINATED PRINCE TAIMVR AS HIS SUCCESSOR
Ahmad Shah had not been keeping good health for some
time. The strain of successive expeditions had shattered his
strong Constitution. He was, perhaps, suffering from
diabetes. But his worst malady was the wound on his nose
which had developed into an ulcer and was slowly eating
into his face. He had been compelled to substitute an
artificial nose of silver.
Seeing his end approaching, the Shah determined to
proclaim his second son, Taimur Shah, his viceroy and suc¬
cessor to the throne. This decision appeared to his Sardars
to be unjust to his eldest son, Suleman Mirza, whose primo-
genitary right, thought they, was being violated by this
choice. They all assembled together and presented to the
Shah their resolution in favour of the eldest son and expressed
something like discontent at not having been consulted in a
matter of such great importance. The Shah replied that he
had not been ruled by his own particular bias but that he had
been guided in that decision entirely by considerations of
public good. “Taimur,” said he, “it is true, is younger than
Suleman but he is infinitely more capable of governing you
than his brother.” On being questioned on the point, the
Shah simply replied that Suleman had failed to win esteem
and affection of the Afghan tribes; that he was violent
without clemency; that he had never been able to foresee
and put down a revolt; and that he had hastily put to death
Sardar Zal Beg. “But,” said the Sardars, “it was by your
order.” “Did I not also order Taimur to put Dilawar Khan
to death?” said the Shah; “and what did he do ? Political
reasons might induce me to order two culprits to be put to
death, but other secret reasons, which were known to the
prince Suleman, ought to have led him to disobey me.” With
2. CPC, iii.
WMSTffy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
the Sardars were satisfied and accepted the decision of
the Shall.
THE LAST DAYS OF THE SHAH
In the summer of 1772, his disease reached such a fearful
stage that it affected the upper part of the nose and
nasopharynx. Maggots developed there and they dropped
into his mouth when he ate or drank. He could hardly eat
anything without the help of spoons. All medical aid having
failed, he retired to a palace at Toba-Maruf in the Suleman
hills, about ninety miles: to the east of Qandahar. When,
Prince Taimur heard of the serious illness of his father, he
set out from Herat and arrived at Qandahar. Shah Wali
Khan was not favourably inclined towards him. He poisoned
the ears of the Shah and secured his orders for the prince
to go back to his province. In vain did he expostulate and
appeal to the Shah; the unfortunate prince had to march
away without seeing his father.
THE SHAH’S DEATH
The Shah’s malady soon became worse. Towards the end
of his life his speech became indistinct, and his mumblings
Could only be understood with the help of his signs, by Yaqut
Khan, who was in close attendance upon him. But after
some time, he too failed to understand him. The Shah had
then to write out whatever he had to say. In this state of
helplessness, Ahmad Shah passed away during the night of
Friday, the 20th of Rajjab. 1186 A.H., October 23. 1772. a
THE SHAH BURIED AT QANDAHAR
Yaqut Khan, the chief eunuch and a confidant of the
Shah, kept the death a closely guarded secret and wrote to
3. Mujmil-ut-Tawarikh, 147-48; Husain Shahi 4 68-70; Tarikh~i~
Snltani , 146-47; Ferrier, History of the Afghans, 91-02; Malleson, History
of Afghanistan , 291-92; Elphinstone, Cauhul, 298.
Elphinstone, followed by Ferrier and Malleson, places the date of
the Shah’s death in June, 1773. The Mujmil-ut-Taiuarikh puts the
event in the end of Jamadi-us-Sani, 1185, which corresponds to Octo¬
ber, 1771. The Umda-tv,~Tawarikh, i. 166, says that the Shah died on the
2nd of Rabi-ul-Awwal, 1186, June 10, 1772. I have followed the Afghan
authorities, the Tarikh-i-Sultani and the Siraj-ut~Tau?arikh, The Husain
Shahi gives no date,
misT/ff,
Mausoleum of Ahmad Shah at Qandahar
‘ G< %*>\
ST OATS AND DEATH OF AHMAD SHAH k
Shah to hasten to Qandahar to take possession of the
throne. At the same time, he proceeded to the capital with
the royal corpse. He placed it in a litter and gave out that, on
account of his serious illness, the Shah had ordered that no
one should be allowed to disturb him. He drew the curtains
carefully and kept the body concealed from everyone. Yaqut
Khan himself approached the litter from time to time, as if
to receive orders from his sovereign or give him some refresh¬
ment. He also carried his treasure, loaded on mules, which
always preceded the litter so that he might be able to keep
his eyes constantly upon them. No one discovered the truth
during the greater part of the journey. They were a day’s
march from Qandahar, when Prince Suleman came to receive
his father. It was then that the Shah’s death was made
public. The body was interred in Qandahar in the western
quarter of the city in an octagonal structure. The engraved
epitaph reads in the following manner :
“Ahmad Shah Durrani was a great king!
Such was the fear of his justice, that lion and
the hind lived peacefully together.
The ears of his enemies were incessantly deafened
by the noise of his conquests.” 4
4. Ferrier, History of the Afghan, 92; Mafleson, History ot
Afghanistan, 292; Hamilton, Afghanistan, 190; Muhammad Hayat Khan,
Hayat-i- Afghani, 22.
<§L
Chapter XXVI
AHMAD SHAH: THE MAN AND HIS ACHIEVEMENTS
As we have seen in the foregoing pages, Ahmjad Shah’s
genius found its fullest expression in his remarkable military
exploits. He combined with his soldier’s career some great
human qualities. A born soldier, the great Afghan was a
natural leader of men, a humane ruler, an able administrator
and a patron of learning and literature.
AHMAD SHAH’S PERSONAL APPEARANCE
‘His person,’ said Dow in 1767, when the Shah was about
forty-five years of age, ‘is tall and robust, and inclined to
being fat. His face is remarkably broad, his beard very
black; and his complexion, moderately fair. His appearance,
upon the whole, is majestic and expressive of an uncommon
dignity and strength of mind.’ 1 Hardy and enterprising by
nature, he presented an ideal picture of Afghan manhood. It
was only towards the end of his life that his face became
slightly deformed on account of the wound on his nose and
the pimples on his cheeks and forehead.
He possessed a towering and magnetic personality, and
there was something really remarkable in his luminous face
and demeanour that won him the admiration and affection
of all. A prodigy from boyhood, he had attracted the notice
of Nadir Shah, who always kept him on his personal staff
and showered on him the highest praises. “I have not seen in
Iran, Turan and Hindustan any man,” said Nadir once in an
open court, “of such laudable talents as possessed by Ahmad
Abdali.” 2 And the words of Nadir turned out to be
prophetically true. Nizam-ul-Mulk Asafjah of the Deccan
predicted his rise to royalty when he saw him for the first
time outside the Jali gate near the Diwan-i-Am in the fort
of Delhi, in March, 1739. Sabir Shah darvesh saw in him the
1. Dow, History of Hlndosian, ii. 408-09.
2. Husain Shahi , 11.
misrify
AHMAD SHAH HIS ACHIEVEMENTS
of the ‘next’ man after Nadir Shah. And when he put
him up as a candidate for election to the Sardari of the Afghan
people in 1747, Ahmad Shah was acclaimed by one and all,
including Haji Jamal Khan Muhammadzei himself, a candi¬
date, who commanded the greatest number of votes and who
was the most influential and powerful of the Afghan nobles.
PERSONAL CHARACTER AND TASTES
‘In persona] character,’ says Elphinstone, ‘he seems to
have been cheerful, affable and good-natured. He maintained
considerable dignity on State occasions, but at other times his
manners were plain and familiar; and with the Dooraunees
he kept up the sam,e equal and popular demeanour which
was usual’ 3 with him before he assumed the title of King.
Ahmad Shah had a religious bent of mind and was fond of the
society of learned and holy men. He treated the Mullahs
and darveshes with great respect and his devotion to Sabir
Shah was universally known. On his way from Kabul to the
Punjab, he always paid reverential visits to Shaikh Umar
of Chamkanni, near Peshawar, and to the saints of Lahore
and Batala when he was there. He made a pilgrimage to
the mausoleum of Khwaja Nizam-ud-Din Auliya in Delhi
in January, 1760, while marching against the Jats, and to
that of Bu Ali Qalandar at Panipat after his historic battle
against the Marathas. While all the high officials and the
chiefs and nobles of the state kept respectfully standing in
his presence, the Sayyads and priests were permitted to be
seated. He also invited the ulema and fuqra, the learned
theologians and religious mendicants, to dinner every Thurs¬
day evening in order to ‘be able to converse with them on
the sciences and religion’ in which he was deeply interested.
He was himself a divine and an author, and was always
ambitious of the character of a saint.’
He was ever true to his word and he could always be
lelied upon for the fulfilment of his promises. His for¬
bearance and clemency towards the descendants of Nadir
Shah, in spite of their repeated acts of hostility, showed his
generosity and spirit of loyalty.
3. Elphinstone, Caubul, 298-99; Tarikh-i-Sultani 147
G. 42 ’
MIN ISTQy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
Once a Hindu Sannyasi mendicant, Swami Pran Puri
Urdhbahu, during his rambles, fell in with the army of the
Shah in the close vicinity of Ghazni. The Shah must have
heard of the great reputation of the Sannyasis of India for
their knowledge of medicinal herbs and prescriptions of extra¬
ordinary efficacy. On hearing of the arrival of Swami Pran
Puri in his camp, he Consulted him about the ulcer on his
nose and requested him to prescribe some remedy for it.
But the Shah’s malady required knowledge of surgery of
which the Swami was completely ignorant. He had, there¬
fore, recourse only to his wits by insinuating to the Shah
that 4 ‘there subsisted a connection between the ulcer and his
sovereignty, so that it was not safe to seek to get rid of one
lest it might risk the loss (? existence) of the other. This
suggestion met with the approbation of the Prince (Ahmad
Shah)!” This evidently took place in the closing years of
the Shah’s life when he had realized that his trouble was
really incurable.
“He was free from most of the crimes ” says Ferrier,
“commonly found in the individuals of Eastern nations, such
as drunkenness, whether from wine or opium, duplicity,
avarice, cruelty, ,..; he was always a most firm supporter of
religion.” Possessing a kind heart and generous and charita¬
ble in disposition, Ahmad Shah was popular with all sections
of his people. He was fond of manly sports of riding and
hunting, and was a great lover of horses. It is related by
Imam-ud-Din Husaini, on the authority of Taimur Shah, that
once, when Shah Wali Khan enquired of the Shah why he
looked sad and morose, he replied, “My horse Tarlan is sick.”
“But there are thousands of horses in royal stables,” submitted
the Wazir. “After a long search I had become a do-aspah
(master of two horses, Tarlan and Hamdam),” said the Shah.
“Now one of them is sick. I am feeling gloomy lest I should
again become Y ak-a$pah (master of only one horse) ” 4
4. Eiphinstone, Caubul, 298-99; Malieson, History of Afghanistan,
272-73; Ferrier, History of Afghans, 92-3; Husain Shahi, 41; Journal of
Punjab Hist. Soc. (1923), IX.
misr^
g\
I AHMAD SHAH: HIS ACHIEVEMENTS
'DRESS AND FOOD
Ahmad Shah was very simple in his dress and could
hardly be distinguished from his chiefs and nobles in this
respect. In a portrait preserved in the Central Museum,
Lahore (P. 87), he is shown as wearing a Persian Kulali with
an aigrette and a sarpech. Over an uncollared shirt of tight
sleeves, he wore a postin (a tight fur jacket). He wore no
strings of pearls and gems on his cap and arms nor any pearl-
necklaces like Nadir Shah. With an Afghan Shalwar as
trousers, he is seated on an unornamented oblong throne.
He seldom sat on the royal throne, and his dress consisted
of a big shawl worn as a turban, a painted jacket over a Cotton
shirt, a leather coat and a loose Afghan shalwar as trousers.
This was then, and had been up to the earlier decades of the
present century, the national dress of the Afghans.
Muhammad Hayat Khan in his Hayat-i-Afghani tells us
that the dress of the Afghan nobles included a beautiful big
turban over a cap, a long coloured shirt with a chugha (a
loose overcoat) over it, a loose shalwar, a kamarband (a belt
of cloth wrapped round the waist over the shirt but under
the chugha), with a pesh-qabz, or dagger, tucked in front in
the belt, and a sword either buckled with a leather strap
or tucked in the kamarband on the left side. In winter a
thick fur jacket or a long dark brown leather coat protected
them from cold and wind. They wore shoes of thick leather
with extra-strong toes bent upwards and backwards like the
upturned trunk of an elephant. In winter these shoes were
replaced by long boots and kid-leather socks.
Ahmad Shah was equally simple in his food which was
free from multiple courses and unnecessary dainties. Like
all other Afghans, he ate palav of seasoned flesh and rice—
sometimes coloured and garnished with eggs and onions—,
fresh or dried meat, Kabab or roasted meat, cheese and
butter-milk, along with leavened-baked bread and fruits and
sharbat. 5
HIS HEALTH
For over a quarter of a century of his active life, Ahmad
Shah maintained an excellent health. It was only after his
5. Hayat-i-Afghani, 130; Ghubar, Ahmad Shah Baba, 00-53,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
,<SL
iy-seventh year that he felt the effects of his long
‘estless exertions. Added to this was his chronic disease of
diabetes which had been gradually dissolving his energy. But
his worst complaint was the lupoid ulcer upon his nose which
literally ate into his face during the last two years of his
life. These factors contributed to physical enervation and
he became a sacrifice to his life’s work at the age of fifty-one.
EDUCATION AND LOVE OF LEARNING
Although there is nothing on record to show that Ahmad
Shah ever attended any school for his education, the fact
remains that he was not only literate but also well-versed in
the national languages of the country. In his early youth he
seems to have attended some mosque-school where he
acquired proficiency both in Pashtu and Persian. He had
a fairly good taste in poetry. His own verses are simple in
language and traditional in construction; and yet they are
remarkable for their emotion. A collection of his poems
was published at Kabul in 1319 Afghani, 1940 A. D., under
the title of Loe Ahmad Shah Baba,
Ahmad Shah was a great admirer of poet Waqif of Batala
and he invited him to his court at Qandahar. On his arrival
in royal presence, Waqif is said to have composed the follow¬
ing couplet:
No one has seen the shadow of the Prophet;
By the praise of God, I have seen the representative (the
shadow) of God.
He has left no autobiographical memoirs or any other
writings to enable us to judge the style of his prose. Mahmud-
ul-Musannai, the author of the Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi ? tells
us that Ahmad Shah had great admiration for the language
and style of Mir Mehdi Khan Astrabadi’s Tarikh-i-Nadiri and
that he was in search of someone with similar attainments
for writing his own history. 6
6. Elphinstone, Caubul, 299; Allen, Diary, 5; Mahmud-ul-Musannai,
Tar\kh-i-Ahmad ShaH; Muhammad Husain Azad, Nigaristan-i-Fars ,
MINISr^
Jj| AHMAD SHAH: HIS ACHIEVEMENTS 333
are about a dozen official letters and fairmans
ascribed to Ahmad Shah in the Murasalat-i-Ahmad Shah
Durrani. But official correspondence was generally written
by secretaries and clerks under royal orders. It cannot,
therefore, be said with certainty whether those letters and
farmans are of the Shah’s own composition
AHMAD SHAH AND THE ARTS
In an age when sword was mighter than pen, no other
arts than the art of war could have flourished so well. Ahmad
Shah had very little leisure for anything else. Whatever
little time he had between any two military operations was
spent in the consolidation of his conquests and in preparation
for the next operation. Moreover, he was not spared to live
long enough to devote much of his attention to pursuits of
peace.
As a man of some education and taste in poetry, he extended
patronage to poets and writers. As already stated, poet
Nur-ul-Ain Waqif of Batala was a favourite of his and
was invited by him to Qandahar where he was wel¬
comed and entertained as a state guest. A mention of him
is made in Maulana Muhammad Husain Azad s Nigaristan-i-
Fars , pp. 225-32.
Nizam-ud-Din Ishrat was Ahmad Shah’s another favou¬
rite poet. He was a resident of Sialkot. On the Shahs
return march from Delhi in the summer of 1757 he came from
Sialkot, paid homage to His Afghan Majesty after he had
crossed the river Chenab and accompanied him to Kabul.
Nizam-ud-Din had composed a poetical account of Nadir
Shah under the title of Nadir Natrnah in 1162 A.H., 1749
A. D . The Shah seems to have been impressed by the poet’s
work and desired him to write an account of his own reign.
226; Ghubar, Ahmad Shah Baba, 54. The real name of the poet was
Nur-ul-Ain. He was a resident of Batala in the district of Gurdaspur,
Panjab, where his father was a Qazi. During the disturbed days of
the second half of the eighteenth century, poet Nur-ul-Ain Waqif
settled down at Bahawalpur. (He was also known as Lahau,ri—oj
Lahore) He died in 1190 A.H., 1776 A.D.— Nigaristan-i-Fars, 225-27.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
nder the Shah’s orders, material was supplied to Mm by the
official historiographer, Mirza Mahmud of the Dar-ul-Insha,
the Imperial Secretariat, and Nizam-ucl-Din returned to
Sialkot. In 1762, he accompanied Sardar Nur-ud-Din Khan
Bamezei to Kashmir and was appointed an Amin, a judicial
functionary, in the valley. Nizam-ud-Din composed the
Shah-Namah-i~Ahmadiya, a masnavi of 614 pages. It is an
interesting poetical account of the reign of Ahmad Shah,
which concludes with the death of the Shah and the acces¬
sion of his son Taimur Shah in 1772.
In prose, he admired the style of Mirza Muhammad
Mehdi Astarabadt, the author of the Tarikh-i-Jahankusha-i-
Nadiri , also called Tarikh-i-Nadiri. He, therefore, selected
in 1167 A.H., at Mashhad, Mirza Mahmud-ul-Musannai on
account of his long and intimate connection with Mirza Mehdi
and appointed him an historiographer in the Dar-ul-Insha
to compile a history of his reign in a style similar to that
of the Tankh-i-Nadiri . Mirza Mahmud wrote this work
under the title of Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi and an abridgment
of it called the Mulakhis Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shah?
Ahmad Shah displayed keen interest in the construction
of towns and buildings. He had been greatly affected by the
destruction of the ancient city of Qandahar by Nadir Shah,
On his return to Afghanistan after the victory of Panipat,
he laid the foundation of the modern city of Qandahar
(Qandahar-i-Ahmad Shahi), also called the Ashraf-ul-Balad,
details of which have already been given in Chapter XX.
In the centre of the northern quarter of the city was built
the royal fort, which had on its sides cantonment buildings
for the army, the Top-khana (artillery), Aslah-khana
(Arsenal), Juha-khana (Armoury), ammunition-factory and
the royal stables. In front of the royal fort at the end of the
Bazaar Shah was built the Jameh-i-Shahi, or the royal
mosque. But the finest edifices constructed by Ahmad Shah
in Qandahar were the memorial which was raised to preserve
7. Muhammad Husain Azad, Nigaristan-i-Fars, 225-27; Mahmud-
ul-Musannai, Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi; I$hrat, Shah Namah-i-AhmacUya,
misrty.
HMAD SHAH: HIS ACHIEVEMENTS
^ display the sacred garment ascribed to Prophet Muham¬
mad and the building which was intended to serve as his
own mausoleum after his death. 8
In 1753 (1166 A.H.) he gave a regular shape to the city
of Kabul with a view to constructing ramparts around it.
Here he also built in 1769 (1183 A.H.) the mausoleum of
Shah Is’haq Khatlani, known as Shah Shahid, near the Bala
Hisar under the supervision of his trusted Khwaja-sam Yaqut
Khan. In 1170 A.H. (1756-57 A.D.), he deputed Mehrab
Khan and Abdul Karim Khan to build in the holy city of
Mecca a rubat, or rest-house, for Afghan pilgrims. The modem
town of Tash-qurghan, forty miles to the east of Mazar-i-
oharif, was also built by Ahmad Shah in place of the ancient
Khulm, called Dih-i-Fir’aun, or Pharaoh’s village. The city
of Hyderabad was founded during his reign in the then
vilayat of Sindh, by his viceroy Ghulam Shah Khan.
The Shah was a great patron of masons and wood-
carvers. He invited and welcomed many such experts to the
new city of Qandahar from the eastern parts of Afghanistan
and from India and established a separate colony of them
known as Mahalla-i-Binaycin, which still exists under the same
name and is inhabited by the descendants 9 of the original
immigrants.
Ahmad Shah’s own mausoleum is a typical example of
the architecture of his days. Considerable skill in wood-
car ving, embroidery and inlaying had also been developed,
and specimens of these may still be seen in the houses built
in those days. The Shah does not seem to have paid
much attention to music and painting. Not many of his
paintings are known to exist. There is only one available
in the Central Museum at Lahore, and a photographic copy
of it was reproduced in the present writer’s edition of Qazi
Nur Muhammad’s Jang-Namah, published in 1939. Another
portrait of his drawn towards the end of his life is included
8 Ghubar, Ahmad Shah Baba, 175-76; Bellew, Journal, 82.
Nadirabad ^ ‘'I- 1737 had laid the foun dation of a new town, called
Nadirabad after his own name, two miles to the south-east of the
bX ?76 77 Qand£lhar ' L ° Ckha ' t ’ Nadir Shah ’ 115: Ghubar > Ahmad Shah
9. Ghubar, Ahmad Shah Baba, 176-77.
MiN/sr^
• G0 ^
5 j
y AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
in Mir Ghulam Muhammad Ghubar’s Ahmad Shah Baba,
printed at Kabul in. 1944.
HUMANE RULER
A humane ruler as he was, Ahmad Shah would not draw
out his sword unnecessarily. He was reluctant to punish
even the worst of his enemies and constantly manifested
clemency ‘which induced him so often to pardon the rebel¬
lious chiefs who could not bring themselves to bow under the
yoke of his obedience, and between whom he was obliged to
be the peace-maker.’ He forbade the cutting of the nose
and ears of anyone, whatever his crime, and withdrew from
the master the right to kill his slave. He condemned his
eldest son for the murder of the rebel sardxir, Zal Beg Khan,
which, according to the Shah, betrayed unnecessary violence
of temper and the absence of mercy in his character. When
his chiefs represented that the prince had done it under His
Majesty’s orders, he remarked, “Political reasons might induce
me to order two culprits to be put to death, but other secret
reasons, which were known to prince Suleiman, ought to
have led him to disobey me.” His excesses in India may be
mostly attributed to the ferocious nature of his military chief,
Sardar Jahan Khan, who was quite the antithesis of the
Shah in many traits of his character, or to his soldierly ven¬
geance against his foreign political enemies, who stood in
the way of the extension of the Afghan dominion.
CHARACTER OF HIS GOVERNMENT
Raised by his people to the highest honour and dignity
of kingship, Ahmad Shah proved himself worthy of the trust
in every manner. He brought together the heterogeneous
mass of a large number of warring tribes and knit them into
a homogeneous Afghan nation. His greatest achievement was
to free his people from the yoke of foreign domination, to raise
them from ‘the dust of subjection to the throne of indepen¬
dence,’ and to consolidate the various Afghan lands into one
political unit—Afghanistan. ‘The country, now termed
Afghanistan,’ says Sir Percy Sykes, ‘had merely consisted of
10. Ferrier, 91-94; Elphinstone, Caubul, 298.
A!H M A £> SHAH: HIS ACHIEVEMENTS
337
: ^v^B0ries of petty states, ruled by tyrannical chiefs, who
were frequently at war with one another. Later it became
provinces of great empires which were ruled by foreign con¬
querors and their descendants. Later again, it was a dis¬
membered country, with its provinces held by three neigh¬
bouring states. Now for the first time in its chequered his¬
tory, Afghanistan became an independent state,’ ruled by
an Afghan monarch. And it was Ahmad Shah who wrought
this miracle. 11
Tracing the history of Afghanistan down from 500 B.C.,
when it formed part of the Achaemenian Empire of Darius,
we find it overrun by the Greeks under Alexander (331 B.C.),
whose successors held it, however nominally, up to 250 B.C.,
when Ashoka established his full authority over the Hindu
Kush and beyond. Then came in the Yue-Chis, followed in
turn by the Kushans, whose well-known king Kanishka
helped Buddhism and its culture, introduced in these parts
by Ashoka, reach their highest development. Not much is
known about the Parthians who were overthrown at the
beginning of the third century by Ardashir, the founder of
the Sasanian dynasty. The fourth and the fifth centuries
witnessed a struggle for supremacy between the white Huns
and the Mongolian Turks which resulted in the re-establish¬
ment of the Persian rule under the Sasanid Emperor,
Khusrau Anushirwan.
When Hiuan-Tsang, the great Chinese pilgrim, passed
through Afghanistan from Balkh, he found it ruled by a
Buddhist Turk. In 699-700 came as far as the Kabul River
valley the first Muslim expedition of the Arabs from Basra
under Abdur Rahman. The vanquished Turk was allowed to
retain his throne under Arab sovereignty. It was however
reserved for Qutaybah Ibn-Muslim (Abu Muslim) to Isla-
mize the Turkish population of the country.
The Yamini dynasty of Ghazni was founded by Alaptigin
in 961. It was Mahmud, the third and the greatest of this
line, who invaded India for the twelfth time in 1024 and
destroyed the idol and temple of Somnath. The Ghaznavis
were followed by Ghauris who, in turn, were succeeded by
11. Sykes, Afghanistan, 367; Ferrier, 96.
G. 43
Ml NlSTfty
<§L
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
the Turks under Muhammad Khan, King of Khwarizm, popu¬
larly known as Khwarizm Shah, who was overthrown in
about 1221 by the Mongols of Changez Khan, while the Tajik
dynasty at one time (1332-70) attained virtual independence
in Herat, on the relaxation of Mongol control. Kabul and
Ghazni and the greater part of the eastern country continued
to be ruled by the Mongols. Taimur Gurgani, a Barlas
Turk, with his capital at Samarqand, occupied and ruled the
eastern parts by the end of the fourteenth century to be
followed by Babur who, driven from Samarqand, captured
Kabul in October, 1504. Qandahar surrendered to him in
1522 .
Babur founded the Mughal empire in India in 1526, and
it was only the eastern parts of the Afghan country that were
at times held by him or his descendants as parts of the Indian
empire. The whole of Afghanistan, as at present constituted,
never at any time formed part of any one united empire or
kingdom. The Vilayats of Herat and Mazar-i-Sharif and
the Hakumats of Farrah and Maimna never formed parts of
the Mughal empire. The Vilayat of Badakhshan was occu¬
pied by the Uzbaks in about 1584. It was taken by the
Mughals in 1639 but they could only precariously hold it
for a period of about eight years, surrendering it to its origi¬
nal masters in 1647-48.
Qandahar was seized by the Persians in 1558. Akbar
recaptured it in 1595 and held it up to his death in 1605.
The struggle continued between India and Persia with occa¬
sional transfer of control over Qandahar up to 1747 when it
was finally occupied by Ahmad Shah Durrani. It was only
the province of Kabul that continued to remain a part of the
Mughal empire up to 1738, when it was captured by Nadir
Shah.
Ahmad Shah appeared on the scene in 1747 and he
changed the whole course of Afghan history.
Born and bred among the Afghans, with the Afghan
blood running in his veins, he could feel the pulse of these
people and enter into their spirit and sentiments. He,
therefore, adapted his rule to the character and preju¬
dices of his subjects. Centralizing only the main springs of
authority into his own hands, lie left the administration of the
MIN ISTfy
MAD SHAH: HIS ACHIEVEMENTS
their respective chiefs, who were only required to
mmte contingents of sawars, in proportion to their
strength, for the military campaigns of the Shah.
“His government,” according to Ferrier, “resembled much
more a federative republic, of which he was the head, than
an absolute monarchy.” To help him in the general adminis¬
tration of the country, he had a council of nine chiefs, and
never was a measure of importance adopted without their
consent. Nor did he ever assume an arrogant tone of supe¬
riority towards the tribal chiefs, who had once been his
equals and who had raised him to sovereign power. He also
raised the tone of the Afghan people by infusing in them a
spirit of independence, and abolished the slavish practice of
Kornish (bending the body and kissing the earth) for those
who came to him for salaam , and commanded that for a
salute it was enough to carry the hand to one’s forehead. 12
Sl
AHMAD SHAH'S RELIGIOUS POLICY
Although the Afghan country was populated predomi¬
nantly by Muslims and there, were not many Hindus or Sikhs
in the villages, the cities and towns had a good sprinkling
of them. “The cities and towns,” said George Forster, who
travelled through Afghanistan in 1783, just a decade after the
death of Ahmad Shah, “are chiefly inhabited by Hindus and
Mahometans of Punjab.” “At Qandahar,” wrote the same
traveller, “are established many Hindoo families, chiefly of
Moultan and the Kajepoot districts, who by their industry and
mercantile knowledge, have essentially augmented its trade
and wealth. The Turcoman merchants of Bochara and
Samarkand also frequent this mart, whence they transport
into their own country a considerable quantity of indigo with
which commodity Qandahar is annually supplied from vari¬
ous parts of upper India. The extensive range of shops occu ¬
pied by Hindu traders with ease and contentment expressed
in their deportment, affords a fair testimony of their enjoying
at Qandahar liberty and protection.”
Religious toleration is one of the chief virtues of the
Afghan people. Throughout his reign, Ahmad Shah and his
12, Tarikh-i~Sultani f 147; Ferrier, 93-95; GJiubar, 44,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
nni countrymen were pitched against the Shiahs of
Khurasan and the Hindus and Sikhs of India, and although,
not unoften, he used Jihad against the infidels as a political
weapon against his opponents, he seldom carried it to the
extremes of religious bigotry. In fact, while busily engaged
in preparing to meet the Marathas in battle, the Shah had
it proclaimed by beat of drum on the 13th of Sha’ban,
1173 A.H., March 31, 1760, after the visit of Ahmad
Khan Bangash, that “no one from amongst the men from
vilayat (Afghanistan) shall exhibit any religious bigotry
towards the Hindus or Musalrnans of Hindustan, and that
the conquerors (the soldiers of the Shah) shall not be tyran¬
nical and persecuting towards the weak, nor shall anyone
object to the religious and social practices of any one.”
The Shah employed Hindu vakils Anand Bam and
Kulraj for his negotiations with the Marathas, and appointed
Hindus, Sukh Jiwan and Kabuli Mall, as governors of Kash¬
mir and Lahore respectively.
In addition to liberty and protection’ of trade in the
country, the Hindus and Sikhs enjoyed full freedom of reli¬
gious worship, and their temples and Gurdwaras were never
interfered with. Some of the Hindus and Sikhs have lived
in Afghanistan for centuries without any apprehensions from
their Afghan neighbours. The greatest proof of the security
these scattered people enjoyed was furnished in 1947 when,
in the new neighbouring State of Pakistan, the Sikhs and
Hindus were killed at sight, and men, women and children
were subjected to wholesale massacre and inhuman tortures,
without a single incident of this nature in the whole of
Afghanistan.
There was a colony of Armenian Christians settled near
the Bala Hisar fort in Kabul. They had originally been
captured by Nadir Shah in his Turkish war and established
in the northern parts of Persia whence they were removed
by Ahmad Shah to Afghanistan. According to Forster’s
account of 1783, “they intermarry with their own women and
are allowed the free use of Christian religion, which is admi¬
nistered by a national priest. They were attached to the
body-guard of the late (Ahmad) Shah whom they attended
in various expeditions.”
MINISr/f^
HM AD SHAH: HIS ACHIEVEMENTS
341
spite of the deep-rooted prejudices of the Persian
Shiahs against the Sunnis, Ahmad Shah, who was a Sunni,
treated them with liberality. “The Schiahas”, says Forster,
“have imbibed strong religious prejudices, are more inflamed
with the zeal of devotion, and consequently less tolerant to
the other sects than the Soonis. In Persia they do not permit
a Sooni to eat at their board, and in common language, with¬
out provocation or heat of temper, they call him an infidel...
In the division of Khurasan, subject to the Afghan empire,
the Persians enjoy a fair portion of civil and religious liberty,
and are rarely treated with insults.” 13
A NATION BUILDER
The chief merit of Ahmad Shah’s work lay in the
consolidation of the Afghan tribes. He made a nation of
them. On his return from his second Indian invasion in
1750, Ahmad Shah ordered the census of the Afghan people
to be taken. To him they appeared to be a tiny nation in
comparison with the multiplying Indians on the one side
and the Persians on the other. He wished to see the Afghans
also flourish and grow in strength. In order to increase their
number, he brought into the fold of the Afghan nationality
all the Pashto-speaking tribes, even of Aimak and Baluch
origin, settling them in the various provinces of his new state,
particularly in the districts of Farrah and on the banks of
the Halmand. He desired the Afghans to ally themselves
more closely with one another and not to give their daughters
in marriage to strangers. 14
HIS SOCIAL REFORMS
Ahmad Shah raised the status of women. He abolished
the inequitable practice of divorce, which gave men immense
advantage over women. lie strongly advocated the remarri¬
age of widows. At the death of an Afghan, his nearest
relative, the father, son and real brother excepted, should
marry his widow, said the Shah. If there was no relative,
13. Forster, A Journey from Bengal, ii. 79, 86-87, 103, 130-31;
Ferrier, 93; Elphinstone, Caubul, 277-78, 299; Muraslat-i-Durrani, 50;
Sardesai, History of Marathas , ii. 448.
14. Hayat-i-Afghani, 225, 692; Elphinstone, Caubul , 299; Ferrier,
93; Malleson, History of Afghanistan , 292,
AHMAD SHAH DURBAN!
widow should reside in the house of her dei
usband, and live on the proceeds of his property till her
death. In case a married woman died without a child, her
father, brother or other relatives could not demand her
dowry from the husband. The succession, however, said the
Shah, should go entirely to the son, to the exclusion of the
daughters, who up to that time had participated in the
property left by their fathers, and had, at times, passed it on
to their non-Afghan husbands. 15
HIS REGARD FOR HIS SOLDIERS
Ahmad Shah had accumulated a huge amount of wealth
which consisted of booty from his foreign Campaigns; but Hhe
revenues of Afghanistan, properly termed, never found their
way into his private coffers.’ He was not avaricious. Like
a lion, he was large-hearted to entertain his friends and
followers on the game he secured, and never behaved like
a cat that withdraws into a corner when it finds a morsel to
eat. He freely distributed the spoils of his wars among his
men whom he always looked upon as partners in his gains.
According to the Tarikh-i-Sultani, his soldiers were once
reduced to straitened circumstances in the siege of Nishapur
and they laid their hands on the royal treasury. When the
treasurer reported the matter to him, he took no notice of it.
When that officer again pressed it upon his attention, he
turned round and said, “Don’t you know, you fool, that I am
also one of them, that it is by their unanimity, and with the
help of their swords, that 1 have been raised to this high
position. I should certainly look upon my soldiers as
partners of this wealth. If they make a demand upon my
wealth, which, in reality, is the result of their efforts, and I
do not share it with them, I stand condemned both before man
and God.” 16
He maintained an army of a hundred and twenty
thousand horse, including the contingents of his vassals and
tribal chiefs. He believed that repose and idleness would
have a demoralising effect on his warlike chiefs and his
Afghan subjects; he, therefore, kept them almost . always
15. Tarikh-i-Sultani , 147; Ferrier, 93.
16. Tarikh-i-Sultani f 147.
misT/f
HMAD SHAH: HIS A C Hi £ V EM JENtS
in foreign campaigns. Besides keeping the army in
a state of discipline, these campaigns added to his personal
glory as a great soldier, raised his country in the eyes of the
world, provided him with means for the maintenance of his
armies and contributed to the general prosperity of his people.
TITLES OF DISTINCTION
The Shah followed the old Afghan and Mughal practice of
honouring his sardars, chiefs and nobles, and high civil and
military officials with titles of distinction. Some of these
seem to have been significant of the qualities of the officers
on whom they were conferred, such as honesty, integrity,
loyalty and devotion to the king, or administrative ability.
These were:
Shah Wall Khan, Shah Pasand Khan, Shah Dost Khan,
Jahan Khan, Jan-Nisar Khan, Farzand Khan, Wafa-
dar Khan, Kifayat Khan, Khan-i~Khanan, Musharraf
Khan y Nizam-u-Daulah, Mukhlis-u-Daulah, Avim-ul-Mulk,
Iltifat Khan, etc., etc, 17
‘The laws he made during his reign, he caused to be
rigorously executed, and commanded his descendants and
successors to do the same.’ ‘But Ahmad Shah/ says Ferrier,
‘is much more deserving of eulogy for the talent with which
he subjected the various Afghan tribes to his laws, than
for having given such a vast extension to his kingdom, or the
victories he won/ ‘His reign was remarkable/ continues the
same writer, ‘for the good he spread around him, and his
simple and modest demeanour in the midst of courtly pomp
made him loved by all who apprbached his person; he was
of easy access, and administered justice on the most equitable
principles without a harsh word even to those who deserved
it; he was conciliating, persuasive, and none ever complained
of the judgment he gave/ 18
CONCLUSION
Such was the impression created by Ahmad Shah’s
military courage and activity in war, and by his civil
administration at home that a contemporary historian of
4iL
17. Ghubar, Ahmad Shah Baba , 173.
18. Ferrier, 93-94.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
(clia, Alexander Dow (1767), considered him ‘to be^the
most likely person ... to restore the ancient power of
empire, should he assume the title of king of Delhi.’ 19 But
that was possible only if, like Babur and others before him,
he had decided to make India his permanent home and cut
himself entirely from his motherland. The mere shifting of
the capital from Kandahar to Delhi would not have been
enough. The times had changed. The Sikhs had become
a strong military power. The Dal or the national army of the
Sikhs was composed of devoted soldiers and capable leaders,
some of whom had already given evidence of possessing
extraordinary degree of political and military acumen. They
had also extended the principle of Rakhi or protection to
those who were willing to make a nominal contribution of
twenty percent of the produce of their land for the ghass-
dana or maintenance of the detachments of the Dal detailed
for this purpose. They had won freedom from the Mughal
kings of Delhi after a hard struggle and were not prepared to
submit to the authority of the Afghans of Kabul. No sooner
did the Durrani cross the Sutlej on his way to Delhi or
recrossed the Chenab on his way back home than the Sikhs
re-asserted themselves in their homeland and recovered what
they had relinquished for the moment. To supplant them
and to subjugate them permanently was well nigh impossible.
With a people of such invincible courage and patriotic
aspirations intervening between Afghanistan and Delhi, the
Shah would have been exposed to the risk of being cut off
mom Afghanistan, his only source of life and power, had he
chosen to make Delhi his imperial capital. This risk the
Shah was not prepared to run.
To the south of Delhi, there were the Marathas coveting
the throne of Hindustan. Though defeated by the Shah in
the battle of Panipat, they were yet a strong power in
India waiting only for a favourable chance to reassert them¬
selves at Delhi. Then, there were the valiant Jats of
Bharatpur whose chief Suraj Mall had challenged the might
of the Shah in March, 1757, when the Great Mughal, Emperor
Alamgir II, lay low in dust before him. Moved by religious
19. History of Hiudostan, 409,
misTfy
a
(AD SHAH: HIS A C HIE YEMENI'S
345
T _ : Jgg^A racial pride, they would have preferred to join
the Marathas and add to their strength against an alien foe.
On the other hand, the Shah had in India no such allies
as could either keep down the Sikhs in the Panjab or
successfully oppose the Marathas in the neighbourhood of
Delhi. The Afghans of Malerkotla were too weak to be of
any help to him. Besides, they owed their independent
existence not to their own strength but to the grateful regard
of the Sikhs for the memory of Nawab Sher Muhammad
Khrm who had expressed sympathy for the young sons of
Guru Gobind Singh done to death by Wazir Khan of Sirhind
in December, 1704, and to the goodwill of the Phulkian chiefs
who stood by them in days of danger. Shuja-ud-Daulah, the
Nawab Wazir of Oudh, was too far away from the Panjab
and could ill-afford to openly ally himself with the Shah and
go against the Mai’athas and the East India Company who
were both opposed to the Afghan domination in India. Sur¬
rounded on three sides by them, he was at their mercy. The
Bangash Ruhilas of Farrukhabad were too insignificant to be
counted upon; and their co-operation with the Shah was
never active. Najib-ud-Daulah alone actively associated
himself with the Shah during his invasions of India. But he
was only a petty chief with limited resources, living by his
wits against the Marathas, the Jats and the Sikhs. Whenever
the Shah came to India, he had not unoften to fight Najib’s
battles. He was thus more a liability to the Shah than an
asset.
Added to these unfavourable circumstances in India
were the occasional rebellions and risings at home and in
Khurasan which every time demanded his personal attention
and immediate withdrawal from India.
Above everything else was the Shah’s own attitude
towards the throne of Delhi. He does not appear to have
ever intended to occupy it or to make India his home or Delhi
the capital of his empire. He evidently wished to confine his
Indian conquests to the neighbouring country of the Panjab
which he annexed to his own dominions in 1752. In 175 7,
he left his son Taimur as his viceroy at Lahore, but the Prince
could not stay in the country for more than a year. Again
in 1761, after the battle of Panipat, and in 1762 after the
G. 44
AHMAD SHAH DURRAm
<§L
great Ghalughara y he appointed his own governors at Sirhind
and Lahore, but with no better success. Early in 1764 the
Sikhs defeated the Afghan governor of Sirhind and occupied
practically the whole territory to the south of the Sutlej.
Within a few months, they occupied the province of Lahore
to the north of that river, ransacked the territories of Multan,
crossed the Indus and entered the Deras (Ismail Khan and
Ghazi Khan). All subsequent efforts of the Shah and of his
descendants failed to dislodge the Sikhs and they continued
undisputed masters of the Panjab up to the middle of the
nineteenth century.
One great effect of the unambitious policy of Ahmad
Shah towards the throne of India was that it paved the way
for British expansion to the north-west, to Delhi and
ultimately to the Panjab and the Afghan frontier beyond the
Khyber hills.
But the Shah accomplished the greatest of great things
in making the Afghans a nation and giving them an indepen¬
dent homeland. He is known to the world more as
Baba-i-Afghan, father of the Afghan nation, and the maker
of modern Afghanistan than anything else.
An Afghan first, an Afghan last and an Afghan
throughout, he spent the whole of his active life for the
glorification of his country. Although he passed away
from the scene of his earthly activities one hundred
and eighty-five years ago, he still lives in the heart
of every Afghan, young or old, who worships his memory as
a great conqueror, a true and noble leader of men and the
father of the united and independent Afghanistan, and loves to
call him Ahmad Shah Baba, Ahmad Shah, the Grand Man.
• VICIN' i°
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
ussed and deliberated on matters forwarded to them by
the Shah and submitted their resolutions to him. Although
the Shah was the absolute head of the State, all-powerful in
all matters, being the chief of civil administration, the
supreme commander of the army and the defender of the
faith, he always carried his Majlis with him and seldom hap¬
pened to disagree with them. The result was that to the last
moment of his life the members of the Majlis stood by him in
all matters of internal administration and external policy.
The Prime Minister . The immediate assistant of the
Shah as executive head of the State was his prime minister,
called Askraf-ul-Wuzra , whose duty it was to advise the Shah
when called upon to do so, to see to the execution of his
orders, to exercise a general supervision over all departments
of the government and to direct and manage the political af¬
fairs of the government at home and abroad. At times the
prime minister was called Wazir-i-Azam (the grand minis¬
ter) , Amir-i-Kabir (the highest of the nobles) and Mukhtar-o-
Mushir (commissioner and adviser). This high office during
the reign of Ahmad Shah was held by Baggy Khan Bamezei,
entitled Shah Wali Khan, to whose credit it may be said that
he was equally fluent in the use of sword as well as pen.
FINANCE DEPARTMENT ( Wizarat-i-Maliya ,)
The Finance Department during the reign of Ahmad
Shah was the largest of all civil departments. In addition to
direct and indirect revenues, all matters relating to agricul¬
ture, irrigation, royal estates (the Khalsa) y loans for agricul¬
ture and trade known as taqavi, public works, grain stores,
J'ints, treasuries, etc., were dealt with by this department.
Accounts of receipts and expenditure of all the different
departments, except of the Tahwilat , or the monies advanced
to the War Department for making purchases on behalf of the
government, were collected and compiled by the Finance
Department. During the reign of the Shah the head of this
department, the Finance Minister, was called the Diwan, Begi
or Diwan-i-Ala, and the office was held by Abdullah Khan
Bamezei. According to Faiz Muhammad’s Siraj-iit-Tawarikh ,
the office of Diwan-i-Ala was also for some time held by Ali
Raza Khan. The khazanchi or khqzanadar (treasury officer)
MINfSr*^
Appendix I
o
z
§
CIVIL ADMINISTRATION
Ahmad Shah had very little leisure lor any elaborate
organization of his civil government. For the first eleven
years (1747-58) of his reign, he was busy with the consoli¬
dation of Afghanistan and the expansion of the empire.
During the next twelve years (1759-70) he had to struggle
hard for the protection and maintenance of his dominions.
For the last two years of his life, he was confined to bed and
could take no active part in the administration of the coun¬
try. In the absence of any dastiir-ul-amal, or descriptive
account of his administration, it is extremely difficult to draw
a satisfactory picture of it here. The following information
has been derived from various biographies and historical
works.
CENTRAL GOVERNMENT
The Shah. The Shah, with the title of Durr-i-Durran,
was the head of the central government. He had the fullest
control of all departments of the State, both civil and mili¬
tary, in his hands, in addition to the management of the
political affairs of the government at home and abroad. He
had the exclusive privilege of having coins struck and
khutba read in his name. This privilege, as an exceptional
case, was extended to the heir-apparent appointed as gover¬
nor. The right of war and peace and of entering into tn a-
ties rested exclusively with the Shah. He, however, con¬
sulted his majlis in all matters of importance. All high ap¬
pointments were also in the gift of the Shah.
The Majlis. The Shah was assisted by a council of nine
chiefs who advised him in all matters of general policy, both
in civil administration and military operations. The mem¬
bers of the Council were generally drawn from amongst the
chiefs of the leading Afghan tribes. The selection was in the
hands of the Shah. The members held office for life and lost
it only on the extreme displeasure of His Majesty. They
mmsTQy
CIVIL ADMINISTRATION
important official of the Finance Department. He ha'
in his custody all cash and other valuables in kind, in addition
to important documents pertaining to revenues of the govern¬
ment and the farmans of the Shah. Under orders of compe¬
tent authorities of the State, he made payments and kept
accounts thereof.
The revenues of Ahmad Shah are said to have amounted
to about three krors of rupees (about two and a quarter
million sterling), which may be considered to be a respectable
figure for Afghanistan of those disturbed and uncertain days.
JUDICIAL DEPARTMENT (Mahkama-i-Shariya)
The administration of law and justice at the centre was in
the hands of a chief justice called the Qazi-u-Qazzat. In addi¬
tion to his ordinary functions, the Minister for Law also
supervised the work of police officials who were responsible
for the maintenance of law and order in the country. Mullah
Faizullah Khan was the Qazi-u-Qazzat during the reign of
Ahmad Shah,
In the capital of the government at Qandahar, as in other
provincial capitals, the Qazi or the judge was assisted by eight
Naib-qazis (deputy judges) and Muftis (givers of fatwas or
expounders of Muhammadan Law), in addition to a number
of Katibs or clerks.
The Qazis administered justice in the cities according to
the Islamic law. In the rural areas, the cases of acknow¬
ledged crime were decided by a jury of the village elders
called jarga which corresponded to the panchayat of the Pan¬
jab villages. The cases wherein crime was not acknowledged
were referred to the Qazis. The punishments awarded by the
Qazis were inflicted by the Muhtasib.
Attached to the Qazi-tchana was an official called Daro-
gha-i-bazaar whose duty it was to fix market prices and to
superintend weights and measures.
ROYAL SECRETARIAT ( Dar-u-Tahrir Hazur Badshah)
Next to the Wizarat-i-Maliya in importance was the
Royal Secretariat or Dar-u-Tahrir Hazur Badshah which was
directly under the control of the prime minister. It was in
MiN/sr^.
i§5© I
\\
\ *
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
the clerical department of the prime minister himself. All
farmans, orders and correspondence of the Shah and the prime
minister were written, copied and registered by this depart¬
ment, which was also responsible for the maintenance and
preservation of all official records. The officer in charge of the
Secretariat was known as Munshi bashi or Sar-munshi. The
names of Saadat Khan Saddozei and Mirza Hadi .Khan are
mentioned as officers in charge of Diwan-i-Insha, or Dar-ul-
Insha as the Secretariat was sometimes called.
SMALLER OFFICIALS
In addition to ministers in charge of big departments,
there were a number of smaller officials attached to the royal
court and camp.
Ishak-Aghasi bashi —the Chief Usher, whose business it
was to meet people at the gate of the darbar hall and conduct
them to their seats and to introduce them to the Shah. This
office corresponded to that of the modern Wazir-i-darbar of
the Afghan kings. One Abdullah Khan held this post during
the reign of Ahmad Shah. He was the person who was
detailed by the Shah in 1752 for the conquest of Kashmir. The
word Ishak-Aghasi bashi in Turkish means a gate-keeper, but
in actual practice he was the Master of Ceremonies.
Arz Begi bashi was the officer who presented in audible
voice to the Shah all petitions, written or otherwise, and con¬
veyed to the petitioners His Majesty’s orders thereon. This
practice was followed in order to prevent mistakes which
people unaccustomed to court might make in the language of
ceremony, and to avoid the inconvenience arising from great
distance at which strangers were kept from the person of the
king. The office of the Arz Begi was important as the Shah
often desired him to enquire into representations made
through him and was, therefore, naturally guided in the deci¬
sion by his report.
A Jarchi bashi and a number of jarchis or criers, who
announced the royal orders to petitioners and to armed forces
and civilian subjects of the state, were attached to Arz Begi
bashi. Haji Karimdad Khan, who was later on appointed
deputy governor of Kashmir, held this office for a considerable
time.
MiNisr^
CIVIL ADMINISTRATION
Mehmandar bashi was the officer responsible for receiv¬
ing and entertaining royal guests and for looking after the
maintenance and establishments of the guest-houses,
Nazir Khana-i-tiuam superintended the royal kitchens and
made arrangements for royal dinners and entertainments. The
expenses of the Shah’s household were defrayed from funds
allotted for that purpose and were managed by a special es¬
tablishment of which the Shah’s private treasurer and mush -
rif, or auditor of accounts, were heads.
Urdu bashi was officer in charge of the subordinate func¬
tionaries, servants and guards of the royal darbar . He was
next in importance to the Ishak-Aghasi bashi. The post was
held by one Abdullah Khan who was appointed to hold the
fort of Sirhind during the Shah's first invasion of India in
1747-48.
Peshkhanachi looked after the advance arrangements of
the Shah’s camp during his travels and expeditions. He went
ahead of the royal train and was responsible for the accom¬
modation, meals, etc., of the Shah and his entourage on their
arrival in camp.
Nasaqchi bashi was the body-guard officer whose duty it
was to always remain in attendance upon the Shah with a
body of armed soldiers and to look to the protection and
safety of his person.
Ncidim-i-Khas or Musahib-i-padshah was a confidant and
privy counsellor of the Shah.
Khwaja-sara bashi was the chief of the eunuchs, who had
under him a number of eunuchs and domestic servants of the
royal palace and seraglio. The chief eunuch and his sub¬
ordinate eunuchs had a good deal of importance from their
being admitted to the Shah's presence at all times and being
allowed to be present at the most secret deliberations.
Khwaja-sara bashi Yaqut Khan was one of the sincerest
confidants of Ahmad Shah. Another Khwaja-sara of his,
Yusuf Ali Khan, was related to the family of Nawab Shuja-
ud-Daulah of Lucknow, He was a great favourite of the
Shah and received from him the title of Iltifat Khan and
was at one time appointed treasurer of the state.
Ml NlST/fy
AHMAD SHAH DtJHRANl
% ^^pubib bashi was the physician to His Majesty.
Mir Akhwar bashi , the Superintendent of the Stables,
was one of the important officials of the government, In addi¬
tion to the royal and state stables of horses, mules, camels
and elephants, he looked after the farms of cows and bullocks
and the breeding of all types of beasts of burden. The manage¬
ment of pastures and fodder stocks was also in his hands. The
Mir Akhwar bashi was closely associated with the ministries
of finance and war for the allotment of funds and accounts.
Darogha-i~Daftar-i~Akhbar and Harkarah bashi . Like the
emperors of Iran and Hindustan, the Shah of Afghanistan
maintained a considerable establishment of news-writers and
couriers. He had also a secret service which worked with
remarkable efficiency and promptitude and kept the Shah
fully posted with up-to-date and reliable intelligence from
all quarters of the empire. This service was not confined to
men alone; intelligent women were also taken into it. Tills
women’s section was a very important one, since much of
the secret information from remote and hidden corners was
secured through its agency.
The author of the Siraj-ut-Tawarikh tells us that “Ahmad
Shah knew the most hidden secrets of the people closely con¬
nected with secret things and mentioned them casually at
times of necessity. It was this vastness of information and his
unusual but timely revelations that common people from
extreme wonder interpreted as miracles of Ahmad Shah.”
He, however, does not mention the name of the Secret Intelli¬
gence Department.
The chief of the detectives was called the Harkarah bashi,
while the central office of the news-service was known as
Jama’ khabar with the Darogha-i~Daftar-i-Akhbar at its head.
Zabt Begi bashi, the Superintendent of Public Security,
was also known as Overseer of Confiscations. The exact
functions of this official are not known. As custodian of pub¬
lic safety and security, he should have been a superintendent
of police. But the department of police and the post of Kotwal
are not known to have existed separately during the reign of
Ahmad Shah. There is no mention in any of the records of
his time of any such officials as Amir-i-Shumt (chief of the
police or Prefect), Shahna (a provost, head of the police),
<SL
CIVIL ADMINISTRATION
ts (chief of the night patrols), Mir Shab (Night-master
Hr Shabgir (head of the night watchmen), Kotwal (police
inspector or magistrate), etc. The duties of police seem to
have been entrusted to military detachments stationed in
cities and towns.
addition to these, there were a number of other petty
such as Sandooqdar bashi (keeper of the royal ward-
d jewels), Peshkhidmatgar bashi (head of the house-
noia servants), Qabuchi bashi (gatekeeper of the royal apart¬
ments), etc.
LOCAL GOVERNMENT
In 1757, after the annexation of Sirhind and the appoint¬
ment of Prince Taimur to the government of Lahore, the
Afghan empire had the largest area under its domain. Its
frontier to the north was defined by the Amu darya (the
Oxus river) and the mountains of Kafiristan, and to the
south by the Arabian Sea and the Gulf of Oman, to the west
by Khurasan, Iran and Kerman; and to the east by Sirhind
and the mountains of Tibet, all of which were secured to
Ahmad Shah by treaties or by conquest. Of course, the Indian
provinces of Sirhind, Lahore and Multan were lost to the
Sikhs towards the end of his life and the eastern frontier
was pushed westward to the Indus.
Territorial divisions. For purposes of local government the
country was divided into Vilayats and Hakumat-i-Ala. These
were almost identical terms, meaning a province, with the
only difference that a vilayat had a larger territorial area and
greater political importance than a hakumat-i-ala. They
might be compared to a governor’s province and a commis¬
sioner’s province in the old political set-up of India. The
following were the divisions of the country:
Vilayat
Qandahar
Herat
Kabul
Mazar-i-Sharif
Khurasan
G. 45
Hakumat-i-Ala
Farah
Maimnah
Baluchistan
Ghazni
Lughman
MINlSr^,
Badakhshan
Pan jab (Lahore)
Kashmir
AHMAD SHAH DUKHAN!
Peshawar
Dera Ismail Khan
Dera Ghazi Khan
Shikarpur
Siwi
Sindh
Chhachh Hazara
Leih
Multan
Sirhind
A vilayat was divided into mahals, which again were
sub-divided into towns and villages. The governor of a
vilayat, a hakumat, or of a mahal, called hakim, was ap¬
pointed by the Shah under royal farman; so also the com¬
mander of troops called Amir-i-lashkar or Sardar. The
subordinate officials were appointed by local governors or by
ministers of the central government, sometimes under the
Shah’s orders. The hakim of a vilayat was assisted by one
or two deputies called naib or peshkar . At times, specially
when he was a Durrani, the provincial governor was also
the commander of the troops stationed in the province.
Ordinarily, the commander of the provincial troops was direct¬
ly under the commander-in-chief of the government forces.
The provincial governor of a vilayat, who was considered
to be the viceroy or repi’esentative of the king and was
called naib-ul-hakumat, was practically independent within
his territories. All that the central government expected of
him was the maintenance of peace and order in the province,
and the regular payment of state dues into the central
treasury after deducting the expenses of the province. Pie
had, however, no power of awarding death sentence or of
reducing the strength of troops allotted to his province. A
governor was removable at pleasure except when he had
contracted for the revenue, in which case he was left till the
end of the year. The sardar, or the commander of troops,
was also removable at pleasure, but it was usual with the
Shah to keep such offices in particular families. In the case
of a royal prince being the governor of a vilayat, he had no
extra powers except those of khutba and sikka.
mmsT/ty
CIVIL ADMINISTRATION ^
lo
:n addition to the Amir-i-lashkar, the following officials
worked under the governors in provinces :
Qazi, the judge, administrator of law
Qaladar, the commandant of the fort and its garrison
Daftri, the keeper of the civilian office
Bajgir, Mudir-i~gumarkat the revenue collector
Mir Akhwar, Mudir-i-naqliya, the superintendent of
stables, transport officer
Mir Ab , the harbour master or superintendent of rivers
Mamur-i~Khalisajat, the commissioner of royal estates
Mastaufi, the auditor of accounts
Kalantar-i-Shahr, the mayor of the town.
The central government exercised very little control over
provincial governors except that the finance department occa¬
sionally called for statements of accounts, checked and com¬
pared the various items of income and expenditure, saw that
government dues were regularly deposited into the central
treasury, and called for explanations in cases of discrepancies.
In towns and villages the administration was carried on
by local chiefs, called Khan , Malik, Sarkarda or Sultan, on
behalf of the provincial governors. Like a feudal lord, a
khan was practically independent in his place. He collected
his revenue in whatever way he could. Begar (forced labour)
and suyursat (contributions in kind) were common. The
people, however, had three ways of escape from the tyranny
of a khan .
1. People could refuse to accept the decision of a khan
and appeal to higher judicial officers at the capital of
the province.
2. In case of disagreement with a khan, they could shift
themselves to the village of a rival khan.
3. In case of excessive taxes and tyrannical extortions,
they could complain to the governor of the province,
to a minister of the central government or to the Shah
himself.
Individual action on the part of a complainant seldom
had any effect upon the khans who wielded considerable
influence with the higher officials of the provinces. It was
misr*/'
only when agitation against a khan assumed the proportions
of a mass movement that it moved the provincial or the
central government. The result of such an agitation gene¬
rally was the dismissal of the offending khan and his replace¬
ment by a better man. The new appointment, of course, took
place with the approval and consent of the people.
Some of the governors of vihyats and hakumats during
the reign of Ahmad Shah were:
Darwesh. Ali Khan
Shah Kukh Mirza, grandson of
Herat
Nadir Shall
Mashhad
Abbas Quli Khan Bayat
Nishapur
Nasir Khan Baluch
Nur Muhammed Khan entitled
Baluchistan
Shah Nawaz
Sindh
Shuja Khan Abdali
Multan
Prince Taimur
Pan jab (Lahore)
Herat
Prince Suleiman
Qandahar
Khwaja Abdullah Khan
Kashmir
Zain Khan Mohmand
Sirhind
Musa Khan
Dera Ismail Khan
Ashraf Khan Ghalzei
Qalat
MHtST/fy
* Gois*
Appendix II
MILITARY ADMINISTRATION
True to the genius and traditions of the Afghan nation,
Ahmad Shah was essentially a soldier. Much of his attention
was therefore, devoted to his army, which was the mainstay
of his political power. He had great regard for his soldiers
whom he considered to be partners of his glory and greatness.
4t l am also one of them,” said he on one occasion, “and it is
by their unanimity and with the help of their swords that I
have been raised to this position.”
ARMY HEADQUARTERS
SIPAH-SALAR
At the head of army was Sipah Salar, the commander-
in-chief, who, as minister for war and defence, was next only
to the king. He was responsible for the organization, equip¬
ment and training of the forces in peace, and xor planning
and conducting operations during war. The welfare of
soldiers, both in peace and war, was his chief concern, because
loyalty and discipline of the army depended mostly on the
attention that was paid by officers to the comforts of their
men. The Sipah-Salar, who was also sometimes called
Sardar-i-Sardaran, was assisted by a number of deputies who
looked after the different branches and various departments
of the army at the headquarters known as Daftar~i-Ntzam.
The manufacture of arms and ammunition, collection of
clothing and food stores, payment of salaries and maintenance
of accounts, etc., were some of the functions of the Daftar-i-
Nizam.
SUYURSATCH1 SASHI
Suyursatchi bashi was the quartermaster-general who
looked after the purchase or collection, and storage and sup¬
ply of provisions for men and horses and other beasts of
burden.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Qurchi bashi —Director of Arsenals. He was in char
of the munitions of war. His department, called Qur khana,
maintained factories for the manufacture of arms and ammu¬
nition and made arrangements for their storage and supply
in different parts of the country. Ahmad Shah took personal
interest in ammunition and gun factories. He had established
a separate colony for this purpose inside the city of Qandahar.
The site of the powder magazine, situated in the neighbourhood
of Top-khana and Istabl-i-Shahi, is still known as Baroot-
khana.
The Shah was himself quite skilful in the manufacture
of guns and he actually manufactured a gun in 1751 during
the siege of Nishapur. This gun, it is said, fired balls weighing
1214 Kabul seers and contributed substantially to the con¬
quest of the place. Two other guns of greater calibre and
length, capable of throwing balls of 40 lbs each, were cast
at Lahore in 1757 by Shah Nazir under the orders of the
Shah and the directions of Shah Wali Khan. One of these
guns, the Zamzama, later on known as Bhangian-wali Top
after the name of its captor, Sardar Hari Singh Bhangi, is
standing in front of the Central Museum at Lahore. It was
made of a mixture of copper and brass. It is 14 feet and 414
inches in length, exclusive of the casemate, the aperture of
the bore being 914 inches. It was used by the Shah in the
battle of Panipat in 1761, and later on by Maharaja Ranjit
Singh in a number of his campaigns. The other gun was
lost in the river Chenab on its way to Kabul after the battle
of Panipat. 1
The department of transport was under Mir Akhwar
bashi, attached to the army headquarters. During military
operations, the Urdu bashi was also attached to the army
and placed under the Sipah Salar.
REGULAR ARMY (ASKAR-1-MU NAZZAM)
Ahmad Shah’s army was divided into Regular araiy
(Askar-i-Munazzam.) and Irregular tribal levies (Asfcar-i-
Ghair Munazzam). The Regular force constituted one-third
1. For more details, see Syad Muhammad Latif’s Lahore, 383-85.
mtsTfy
MILITARY ADMINISTRATION
entire army, while the Irregulars, also called fauyi-
kushada (open army) or khwanin-sawaran (tr,bal horse),
constituted the remaining two-thirds. The Regular force was
divided into three branches, cavalry, infantry and artillery,
while the Irregulars were mostly horsemen, with a negligible
minority of footmen.
Recruitment to the Regular army was voluntary and for
life. A regular soldier was paid both in coin and kind; the
arms, horse and transport equipment were supplied by tho
government; only the price of horse was recovered from him
in small instalments. He was required to make his own
arrangements for his food and for the fodder for his horse.
Except in war time, three months’ leave at home was allow¬
ed to a soldier; for the remaining period, he stayed with his
regiment in the cantonment busy with his military training
and practice.
Most of the Regular army was stationed at the capital.
Only a portion of it was detailed for duty to the provinces
or other centres of government.
The troops at the capital were divided into Ghulam-i-
shahi (royal cavalry), Kashakchian (bodyguards), Qalawur
(scouts), etc. The Ghulam-khana (body of the royal cavalry),
formed by Ahmad Shah, consisted of different foreigners
established in the country and of the troops of Nadir Shah
and other Persians and Qizilbashes who had attached them¬
selves to his government. The Qizilbash troops formed one-
third of the Ghulam-khana and were the best part of the
whole. They were more faithful than the Afghans in civil
wars, as they had no tribal connections and party alliances
in the country.
Peshkhidmatgars, who were the immediate personal
servants of the Shah, were usually drawn from amongst the
ghulams.
CAVALRY
Three-fourths of Ahmad Shah’s army were cavalry. Their
arms were matchlocks and swords, although some of them
carried carbines and spears. The cavalry in attendance on
MIN 1$^
AHMfAD SHAH DtJRHANI
;l
Shah had the distinction of wearing mail-coats, The
Entire cavalry was free to carry shields, daggers, axes, etc.
The camel riders, who were not many, were called Jum-
maza-sawar.
In times of emergency and in crossing rivers, the cavalry¬
men were required to carry footmen.
INFANTRY
One-fourth of the Regular army was infantry. They
carried matchlocks and swords, but they were free to use
other arms also.
ARTILLERY
Artillery was the strongest branch of the Shah s army.
For numerical counting, it was included in cavalry. Two-
thirds of it were equipped with heavy guns, while the remain¬
ing one-third had light guns. It was the superior heavy
artillery of the Shah that carried the day against much
larger numbers of the Maratha troops in the battle of Panipat.
The heavy guns were drawn by horses. The light ones,
known as zamburak or shaheen and shcthang 9 were carried
singly or in twos on camels. They could be easily moved
from one position to another and could throw their deadly
fire into the ranks of the enemy wherever needed from the
backs of camels without having to be lowered to the ground.
The Shah had as many as seven hundred of these camel swi¬
vels in the first year of his reign; this number must have
considerably increased during the next twenty-five years.
The commander of artillery was Topchi bashi, and the
office was held by Rehman Khan Rarakzei. His residence in
Qandahar stands to this day in the Top-khana quarters of the
city.
ELEPHANT CORPS
The Shah had also a small corps of elephants. The ele¬
phants were generally used for transport purposes, but they
were also used in battle to break the lines of the enemy and
to cause confusion in their ranks. At times they also car¬
ried artillery guns.
misTftf
All L IT Aft Y ADMINISTRATION
'ION AND STRENGTH
The formation and strength of army units was as follows :
10 men
<SL
One dalgi (section)
One tawalli (platoon)
One kundak (regiment)
One qita } or mufraza
(brigade)
Officers—Cavalry and Infantry
Dah bashi or Dalgi-mishar
Yuz bashi or Tawalli-mishar
Mang bashi, Beg bashi or
Kundak-mishar
Amir-i-lashkar
Sipah Salar or Sardar-i*
Sardaran
Officers—Artillery
Zamburakchi\ s shahanchi
or shaha7igchi
Shahanchi bashi or jazair-
chi bashi
Topchi bashi or Mir-i-Atish
TRANSPORT CORPS
10 dalgi-ha :
10 tawalli =
: 100 men
1000 men
2 or more kundaks
section commander
platoon commander
regiment commander
brigade commander
commander-in-chief
artillery-man or gunner
artillery officer
chief artillery command¬
ant
The transport corps consisted of horses, mules, camels
and bullocks, and also of a few elephants. It was commanded
by Mir Akhwar bashi, who has been mentioned under Civil
Administration: Smaller Officials.
IRREGULAR ARMY (ASKAR -I -GHAIR MUNAZZAM)
Two-thirds of the total army of Ahmad Shah were Irregu¬
lars, consisting of tribal levies, known as Fauj-i-kushada
(like the ghor-charha force of the Sikh Sardars in the Pan¬
jab), and khwaneen sawaran (tribal cavalry), sometimes
called lashkar-i-qaumi (the national army). Three-fourths
of this force were cavalry, and only one-fourth of them was
infantry.
G. 48
AHMAD SHAH DXJRftAttJ
The Irregular army may be divided into three categories :
(1) Aimed detachments of men who joined the Shah’s army
for the duration of war from particular parts of the country
according to numbers allotted to them. On the conclusion of
war, they went back to their homes. In lieu of their service,
land revenue of tnat particular tract was remitted for one
year. For example, the revenue due in kind from the Mar-
wat tribe Lying on the banks of the river Karam was 240
camels a year. Under the above system, they were required
to furnish during war time only 200 armed sawars for the
Shah’s army. (2) Detachments of tribal levies sent by tribal
chiefs during war according to a fixed number. After war,
the men of these levies returned to their homes and old occu¬
pations. Except when actually on active service, these men
had nothing to do with the government or its officials. It was
only their chiefs who dealt with the government and received
annuity from it in cash and kind in lieu of the pay and
expenses of the men raised by them. The tribal chiefs or
commanders of detachments received their compensation in
the form of landed jagirs and/or fixed cash allowances, of
which regular accounts were maintained by central and pro¬
vincial governments. (3) Detachments of khwaneen satoa-
ran, or tribal cavalry, who, like regular government troops,
were employed on the protection of frontiers and collection
of revenues, looked after the government stores and per¬
formed other police duties with local governments. They were
regularly enrolled, their horses were branded and their arms
were examined at regular intervals. The finance department
maintained accounts of their pay in cash and dues in kind,
and adjusted them with the jagir accounts of their chiefs or
commanders.
ORGANIZATION OF THE IRREGULAR LEVIES
As soon as the Shah’s farman in respect of a person hav¬
ing been appointed a commander of troops, giving the num¬
ber of men allotted to him, had been issued, he—whether a
prince, a minister, an official or a tribal khan—proceeded with
the enrolment of his men from amongst his relatives, friends,
peighhours and servants, equipped them with arms and
MILITARY ADMINISTRATION
3
bid appointed junior commanders and officers. The
the horse was gradually deducted from the pay of
the saivar. The arms were considered as given to him on
loan. Sometimes, the price of arms was also recovered in
instalments. The government supplied arms to the chief
commander according to his indent and recovered the cost
in instalments from the funds or jagirs assigned to him.
The strength of irregular units varied from five hundred to
several hundred, and, at times, went up to several thousand.
If a unit commander had a small number of men, he was
known as sarkardah of . . . sawars, if average, a khan of . . .
sawars; but if he had a large (perhaps, more than a thousand
horse) strength under his command, he was called a sardar
of . . . sawars. The commander of a unit of 100 sawars or
more had the right of flying a banner and beating a drum.
The internal organization of Irregular levies was exactly
the same as that of Regular troops. A section ( dalgi ) as
usual had ten men, commanded by a dah bashi; a tawalli , or
a platoon, called bairaq, had 10 dalai-ha commanded by a
batraqdar (troop commander), etc. The allotment of men to
a dalgi, of dalgi-ha to a bairaq, etc., was fixed and permanent.
Although a unit commander was permanent and seniormost
in his own unit, he was under usual military discipline and
had to obey the orders of the senior commanders to whom his
unit was attached.
During peace time, the commanders of irregular units
were under the orders of the naib-ul-hakumat of the vilayat
where they were detailed for dutv, and under the orders of
the minister for interior and minister for war in their res¬
pective spheres. During war time, they were under the
command of the Commander-in-chief, Whenever two or
more units were put together in some active operations, the
commander of the largest unit assumed the senior command.
STRENGTH OF THE ARMY
At the time of his proclamation as King of Afghanistan at
Qandahar, Ahmad Shah had an army of sixteen thousand
with him. It increased to forty thousand during the first yeai
of his reign. During his expeditions to India, the number of
hi troops is given from twelve thousand to eighty thousand,
ie
MiMsr^
while it is stated to have been from seventy thousand to one
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
hundred and twenty thousand during the Khurasan opera¬
tions. But these figures cannot help us in determining the
exact strength of his army at any stage. He had a vast empire
to manage. He could not have, therefore, taken the whole
of his army at any time to any external theatre of war, how¬
ever important. But if we make an allowance for exaggera¬
tions in these figures and reconcile them with the number of
troops left in the country for internal security, we may not
be far from truth in accepting the approximate total strength
of Ahmad Shah’s army in time of later wars at one hundred
and twenty thousand men all told. Two-thirds of these,
about eighty thousand, must have been fauj-i~kushada (Irre¬
gulars), and the remaining forty thousand, Askar~i~munaz~
zam (the Regulars). Three-fourths of the total strength,
about ninety thousand, may be taken as cavalry, including
artillery, and the remaining as infantry.
PAY OF THE TROOPS
In the absence of any other records being available, we
have but to accept the arguments advanced and conclusions
drawn by Mir Ghulam Muhammad Ghubar in his Ahmad
Shah Baba. He puts the pay of a sawar at approximately
Rs, 12 a month and of an infantry soldier at Rs. 6 a month.
Nothing is known about the amount paid to the unit com¬
manders, big or small, or about the basis on which assign¬
ments of land and cash were made to the tribal chiefs for the
fighting levies furnished by them for the Shah’s army. Ferrier
tells us that the Shah personally attended to the payment of
his troops and “he gave his troops their pay in person.”
• MINI $Tq
Appendix III
Appendix III
MINTS AND COINS 1
The first coin in the name of Ahmad Shah was struck at
Qandahar immediately after his coronation. It had the fol¬
lowing couplet inscribed on it:
° } {Jjft j IjJ !£*
Hukrn shud az qadir-i-bechun ba-Ahmad badshah,
Sikkah zan bar sim-o-zar az auj-i-mahi to ba-mah.
"Command came from God, the Inscrutable, to Ahmad the
King, strike coin on silver and gold from the top of the fish (at
the bottom of the sea) to the moon”
With the extension of his dominions, coins were struck
at the seats of different vila.yats, or provincial governments, in
addition to the capital at Qandahar.
There were as many as twenty mints, both in Afghanis¬
tan and India, where coins were struck in the name of Ahmad
Shah. Excepting Herat, which was a Persian town till it was
seized by Ahmad Shah, all other places had Mughal mints at
one time or the other. Qandahar and Kabul were the prin¬
cipal cities of Afghanistan. Kashmir was conquered by the
Shah. Bhakkar, Peshawar, Thatta, Dera (Dera Ghazi
Khan), Derajat (Dera Ismail Khan, Dera Fateh Khan, etc.)
and Sindh were in the territory ceded to Nadir Shah. Atak
(Attock). Lahore and Multan were in the Panjab and fell to
Ahmad Shah by conquest, as also Sirhind, the northern-most
point of Hind or Hindustan. The remaining mints were in
1. For this appendix, I have mostly drawn on R. B. Whitehead’s
Catalogue of Coins in the Punjab Museum, Lahore, Vol. IIT, Coins of
Nadir Shah and the Durrani Dynasty, Oxford, 1934. For a more
etailed study, the reader is referred to this very useful work and to
the works of Ahmad Ali Kohzad, M. Longworth Dames, C. M. Fraehn,
'' King, Marsden and E. G. Rodgers on numismatics given in
the bibliography.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
'SA \
S,\
m
India proper, and the coins were struck there to commemo¬
rate the Indian invasions of Ahmad Shah.
Like Nadir Shah, Ahmad Shah issued coins at the Mughal
capital at Delhi which more than once lay prostrate at his feet.
Five mints at which coins were issued in the name of Ahmad
Shah lay to the east of the river Jamuna. These were situated
at Aonla (Anwala), Bareli, Farrukhabad, Muradabad and
Najibabad and belonged to the Muslim allies of the Shah in
India.
Coins were also struck in the name of Prince Taimur
while he was his father’s viceroy (naib-ul-hakumat or nizam
or governor) in the Panjab (including Multan), the Derajat
(Dera Ismail Khan, Dera Ghazi Khan and Dera Fateh Khan)
and Sindh. His inscription was:
Bci-alam yaft sikkah-i-Taimur Shah Nizam,
Ba-hiikm-i-khuda-o-Rastil-i-anam.
“The stamp (or coin) of Taimur Shah gained rule in the world,
“By command of God and of the Prophet of Mankind.’*
The honorific epithets of the various mints have been
mentioned along with the mint-names in their respective places.
Ahmad Shah remained faithful to one couplet through¬
out his reign. On the obverse there was the Persian couplet
or a portion of it, often accompanied by the Hijri date, while
the reverse exhibited the mint, with the honorific epithet, if
any, and the regnal date, sometimes accompanied by the
Mughal formula San jalus maimanat manus. Neither laqab
(surname) nor kuniyat (patronymic) was shown on the issues
of Ahmad Shah. 2
2. The first Indian coin of Ahmad Shah, according to the Husain
Shahi, 19, and Latif’s History of the Panjab, 215, struck at Lahore in
January-February, 1743, however, had the following inscription:
MINTS AND COINS
March, 1767, the Shah was pleased to grant, on the
recommendation of Shah Wali Khan, the government of Sir-
hind to Raja-i-Rajgari Amar Singh of Patiala, who, in grateful
acknowledgment of his favours, struck coins in the name of
Ahmad Shah and used his couplet on the obverse. At the
same tune Raja Amar Singh added ‘Barnezei’, the name of his
patron Shah Wali Khan's tribe, to his own name in the coin.
Ahmad Shah's couplet has been appearing on the money of
Patiala, Jind and Malerkotla states till recent times.
During the reign of Ahmad Shah, Afghanistan was flooded
with Indian gold and silver in the shape of booty, tribute and
other contributions. The Shah's coins, therefore, were usu¬
ally of good metal and weight. Tne normal gold coin called
ashrafi or mohar weighed 168 grains standard, while the silver
.rupee weighed 178 grain standard. Copper issues of Ahmad
Shah corresponded roughly with the dam of 320 grains; the
issues at Multan and in Kashmir were lighter in weight.
AHMAD SHAH1 (QANDAHAR)-ASHRAF-VL~BAL AD
Qandahar was the capital of Afghanistan during the
reign of Ahmad Shah. He always looked upon it as the ori¬
ginal home of the Abdalis, who were pleased to be restored
by Nadir Shah from their exile in Herat to their ancestral
lands here. Ahmad Shah was crowned here and here he
built his new capital called Ahmad Shahi. It was here that
he built a mausoleum for himself, and it is here that he lies
buried. No specimen of the first coin struck on the occasion
of his coronation has so far been discovered. The coin might
have been struck in the Royal Camp ( Rikab-i-Mubarak ) and
still awaits the labours of som§ archaeologist to unearth it
from some ancient mound or from some earthen pot lying
buried deep under some ruins. Whitehead is of the opinion'
that Ahmad Shah “did not issue coins from Qandahar till he
could inscribe the name Ahmad Shahi upon his money ten
years after his accession. The earliest issue is dated 1171
(A.H.), 11 (regnal year), three years before the battle of
Panipat. The initial gold coinage consists of a thin broad
piece equivalent to the Persian ashrafi in weight; other dates
listed in gold are 22 and 23. The silver coins are of the
<SL
| JM AHMAD SHAH Dt(RE A Nt
Indian rupee standard and run from the eleventh year to
the end of the reign.”
AONLA ( ANWALA )
Aonla is a town in Ruhilkhand in the district of Bareli,
U.P., India. Coins were struck here by Najib-ud-Daulah
Ruhila, a devoted ally of Ahmad Shah, in 1173 and 1174 when
the Shah was in India and defeated the Marathas in the battle
of Panipat.
ATAK (. ATTOCK )
Atak is the well-known fortified town on the left bank
of the river Indus, 46 miles east of Peshawar and 42 miles
west of Taxila. The gold and silver coins struck there from
9th to 22nd regnal year were of normal type and fupweight.
BARELI
A district town in Ruhilkhand in the U.P., India. Like
Aonla, here also silver coins were struck by Najib-ud-Daulah
in 1173 and 1174, evidently to commemorate the victories of
Ahmad Shah over the Marathas.
BHAKKAR
Bhakkar is an island-stronghold planted in mid-stream
between Rohri and Sakkhar (Sukkur) on the Indus. Gold
coins struck at Bhakkar are a few, but there is a full sequence
of silver rupees, both being of full weight. It had also coins
of heavier weight.
DELHI ( SHAHJAHANABAD )
Delhi was then the capital of Mughal India. The Shah
was at Delhi on two occas-ons : first in 1756-57, when the city
was devastated at the instigation of Mughlani Begam and
when the Shah married a Mughal princess and returned to
Afghanistan having installed his son Prince Taimur as gover¬
nor of Lahore, and secondly in 1173 and 1174 A.H. when he
was pitched against the Marathas whom he defeated in the
historic battle of Panipat on January 14, 1761. On both occa¬
sions, coins were struck in the name of Ahmad Shah. In
mmsr/iy
MINTS AND COINS
mints And coins
1759-61, the Shah spent about fifteen months in the neighbour¬
hood of Delhi. During this period coins were struck twice.
The 1173 A.H. coins were struck in the spring of the year*
1760 A.D., and the 1174 A.H, coins early in 1761 A.D., after
the victory of Panipat.
DERA {VERA GHAZl KHAN )
The mint of Dera was at the town of Dera Ghazi Khan.
It was an important mint, and gold and silver coins were
in good style and of full weight. Copper coins were also
struck there, but their weight varied.
DERAJAT
The alluvial tract between the Suleman Range and the
Indus is known as the territory of the Derajat. A Dera literally
means a settlement. The Derajat (plural of Dera) tract takes
its name from three Deras, Dera Ghazi Khan, in the lower
region, and Dera Ismail Khan and Dera Fateh Khan in the
upper region. The Derajat coins are rare and are of inferior
execution and style. There is a diversity in the reverse
legend. Only ^gold and silver coins are available. Copper
coins of this mint remain undiscovered so far.
FARRUKHABAD
Farrukhabad is a district town in the Uttar Pradesh,
India. It belonged to the Bangash Afghans, and it was ruled
by Nawab Ahmad Khan Bangash Ghalib-Jang from 1163 A.H.
to 1185 A.H. He was an ally of Ahmad Shah and fought in
the battle of Panipat. It was he who issued the coin in the
name of Ahmad Shah. The coins, both silver and gold, are
broad handsome pieces in charateristic style.
HERAT (. DAR-US-SALTANAT)
Herat is the capital of a vilayat of the same name in the
north-west corner of Afghanistan. It has both strategic and
commercial importance for the country; and, for its fertility,
it has been called “the granary and garden of Central Asia,”
For centuries it had been a part of the Persian empire. Ahmad
Shah seized it for Afghanistan, of which it continues to be
G. 47
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
important provincial city. Both gold and silver coins
were struck here, but only spasmodically, as the Herat coins
are very rare. Though of full weight, they were inferior in
style.
KABUL ( DAR-UL-MULK ALSO DAR-US-SALTANAT)
The capital of Afghanistan was shifted from Qandahar
to Kabul by Taimur Shah. The Kabul coins of Ahmad Shah
are full of variety and interest for the numismatists and are
found both in gold and silver. The gold coin of the tenth year
is a fine piece of true Durrani type. Silver rupees are avail¬
able in plenty and in excellent series from 1170 A.H. (10th
Regnal year) to the end of Ahmad Shah’s reign.
KASHMIR ( SRINAGAR ) DAR-US-SALTANAT
Kashmir was conquered by Ahmad Shah and annexed
to his dominions. Coins bearing the mint name Kashmir
were struck at Srinagar. Gold coin is very rare; the silver
ones are by no means common either and they weigh three
or four grains less than the full Mughal standard of 178
grains. Copper coins were also current. Sometimes they
were just lumps of metal of different weights making it diffi¬
cult for the numismatists to deduce any standard.
LAHORE
Gold and silver coins were struck at Lahore in 1161 A.H.,
1748 A.D., after the flight of the Mughal governor Shah
Nawaz Khan and the entry of Ahmad Shah into the city on
January 12. The second gold coin dated 1175 A.H. must have
been struck at Lahore after the great Ghalughara of Febru¬
ary 5, 1762 A.D., when the Shah stayed in the Panjab for
the whole of the year and left for Afghanistan towards the
middle of December. Silver rupees, however, have a more
extensive range and are spread over ten issues from 1161 to
1180 A.H., there being no issues for 1162-64, 1166-69, 1171-72
and 1179 A.H. During these gaps, money was issued at
Lahore by the Mughal Emperor Ahmad Shah, Prince Tai¬
mur and the Sikhs. The coins of Prince Taimur as Nizam
or governor of Lahore are dated 1170, 1171 and 1173 A.H.
MIN/Sr^
MINTS AND COINS
(si.
ikh rupee minted at Lahore in 1823 Samvat Bk., 1766
A.D., corresponding to 1179-80 A.H., inaugurates, according
to Whitehead, a regular issue by the Sikh commonwealth.
So far 2 gold coins and 18 silver rupees of Ahmad Shah
issued at Lahore have been recorded.
MULTAN (DAR-UL-AMAN)
Multan, which was annexed by Ahmad Shah in 1165 A.H.,
1752 A.D., had a very old mint. Eight gold coins, 19 silver
rupees and 2 copper paisas are recorded to have been issued
in the name of Ahmad Shah, in addition to 5 gold mohars, and
37 silver rupees of Prince Taimur as Nizam. Multan had fallen
to the Sikhs in 1764 A.D., but they seem to have held it only
for a short time. Prince Taimur remained in full possession
of the mint for 16 years from 1170 to 1185 A.H. (1756-1771
A.D.), and he continued striking money without a break. In
1772, the Bhangi Sardars, Jhanda Singh and Ganda Singh,
sons of Sardar Hari Singh Bhangi, conquered Multan and
converted it into a Sikh possession. The mint at Multan was,
therefore, closed to the Durranis for some time, and no more
coins were struck there during the reign of Ahmad Shah.
MURADABAD
Muradabad is a district town in the Uttar Pradesh, India.
Silver rupees were struck here in 1173 A.H. (1760) in the
name of Ahmad Shah by Najib-ud-Daulah when the Shall
was encamped in that part of the country during the summer
rains.
NAJIBABAD
Najibabad is a town in the Bijnor district, U.P., India. It
takes its name from Nawab Najib-ud-Daulah, the well-known
Ruhila chief. Coins were struck here in the name of Ahmad
Shah in 1180 A.H., when the Shah invaded India for the
eighth time.
PATIALA
Maharaja Amar Singh of Patiala, grandson of Ala Singh,
struck coins in the name of Ahmad Shah with the Shah’s
umsT/fy
AHMAD SHAH DURRAHl
inscription in 1767, when he received the title of Raja-i-Raj~
gan. These coins never gained wide circulation. They
were, in fact, never .meant for general circulation and were
struck only on the Dussehra and Diwali festivals or on other
special occasions right up to the reign of the present Maha¬
raja of Patiala. The latest available coin bears the date 1994
Bk., March 1938, the first year of the reign of Maharaja
Yadavindra Singh. Although the Coins were struck at
Patiala, the name of the mint mentioned on the reverse was
Sirhind —Zarb Sahrind (meaning ‘struck at Sirhind’).
PESHAWAR
The Peshawar coins of Ahmad Shah are on the Mughal
model, with neat and effective style, and the legend well-
centred. 2 gold coins, 20 silver rupees and 1 copper piece
are recorded by Whitehead. The gold coins belong to the
first and ninth regnal years, while the silver rupees spread
from 1161 A.H. to 1186 A.H., the year of Ahmad Shah’s
death.
QANDAHAR
(See AHMAD SHAH1 , p. 367)
RIKAB OR RIKA B-I -MUBARAK
Rikab Mubarak literally means “the august stirrup”, and
refers to the camp mint of Ahmad Shah. Money was seldom
minted in the royal camp. Only one gold coin is recorded and
it bears the date Muharram, 1173 A.H. In the absence of any
day-to-day record of the events of Ahmad Shah, it is difficult
to determine the event it commemorates. Was it the victory
of Ahmad Shah over Naseer Khan Baluch or the despatch
of a force under Jahan Khan against the Marathas in India?
Whitehead might be correct when he says that this coin
“must have been struck to commemorate the New Year’s Day
of the year A. H. 1173.” It was not the usual practice with
Ahmad Shah to commemorate New Year’s Days with the
issue of coins. It is the only coin in the entire series of
Ahmad Shah which bears the name of the month. I am,
therefore, inclined to believe that this coin was struck by
MINTS AND COINS
Shah on Muharram 1, 1173 A.H., the first New Year’s
Day after his victory over Nawab Naseer Khan Baluch of
Kalat. The same day Sardar Jahan Khan might have been
despatched to India to punish the Marathas. He left the
royal presence towards the end of August, 1759. The exact
date is not mentioned. It might have been the 1st of Mu¬
harram, 1173 A.H., which fell on August 25, 1759.
SARH1ND (SAHR1ND OR S1RHIND)
Sirhind is now in the Panjab (India). Four gold mohars
and seven silver rupees are catalogued by Whitehead. Sirhind
fell into the hands of Ahmad Shah several times during his
Indian invasions. The coin bearing the date 1161 A.H. must
have been struck when he occupied the fort of Sirhind in
March, 1748, during his first Indian invasion. The issues of
1174 (regnal year 14) and 1174 (regnal year 15) were struck
before and after the battle of Panipat. The coin of 1176 A.H.
belongs to the Shah’s sixth invasion of India when he defeated
the Sikhs in the great holocaust of February 5, 1762, and spent
the whole of the year in the province of Lahore.
SRINAGAR ( KASHMIR )
(See KASHMIR, p. 370)
THATTA
Thatta is an old capital and port of Sindh. It was a
prominent silver mint of the Mughals. The coins struck here
in the name of Ahmad Shah were of an inferior style.
Appendix IV
AHMAD SHAH AND THE ENGLISH EAST INDIA
COMPANY IN INDIA
The attitude of the English East India Company to¬
wards Ahmad Shah Durrani during the years prior to 1760
had been one of uncertainty. They had followed the policy
of ‘watch and wait’, and had remained almost indifferent
to his activities in India up to the battle of Panipat. When
Mir Jaffar Ali Khan of Bengal was deposed by the Company
and his son-in-law Mir Qasim was appointed Nawab Nazim
of Bengal, Behar and Orissa on October 20 ? 1760 (Rabi-ul-
Awwal 10, 1174), Mr. Vansittart, the successor of Colonel
Clive, 1 had communicated the change to His Afghan Majesty,
The Shah, on his part, had desired him and Mir Qasim “to
be obedient to the will of (Emperor) Shah Alam” on whose
behalf they were then supposed to be acting.
After the battle of Panipat, January 14, 1761, the Shah
confirmed Shah Alam II as the Emperor of India and issued
farmans to the various ruling princes of the country and
to the English to recognize him as such. Mr. Vansittart
wrote to the Shah on March 1, 1761, saying, “His Majesty’s
faithful servant (referring to himself) who has succeeded
Sabit Jang (Col. Clive) is obedient to the will of Shah
Alam, who has been brought into the fort of Patna, (and)
is ready to accompany him (to Delhi) .” 2
In the meantime, Emperor Shah Alam had also issued
a farman in February, 1761, to the Governor of Bengal to
have the khutba read and coins struck in his name. To this
1. Clive resigned the governorship of Bengal in January, 1760, and
was temporarily succeeded by John Z. Holwell (January 28 to July 27,
1760), followed by Mr. Henry Vansittart who assumed office on
July 27.—Buckland, Dictionary of Indian Biography, 206.
According to Malleson’s Lord Clive, he made over charge to Mr.
Holwell on February 15, 1760. pp. 136-37.
2. CPC. i. No. 981,
ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY
375
,<SL
nsittart replied on March 5: “His Majesty can judge
from the loyalty of Major Carnac his feehngs, and in fact
those of every Englishman towards His Majesty. They are
all his devoted servants. From his farman (the writer,
Mr. Vansittart) understands that he wishes him to have the
khutba read and sikkahs coined. This matter being of great
importance, it would be right first to ask Shahan-Shah Abdali
and the JJmara of Delhi to do so lest they should be dis¬
pleased. If the addressee acts in this manner, his faithful
servants in Behar, Bengal and Orissa will then read the
khutbah and coin sikkahs.” 3
The Emperor also discussed the question of the khutba
and sikkah with Mir Qasim when he paid him a visit on March
11, 1761, 4th Sha’ban 1174 A.H. Qasim made a reference
to Mr. Vansittart on this point to know the wishes of the
British Governor who directed him on March, 19: “As
soon as a farman from Shahan Shah Abdali arrives inform¬
ing the Nawab that sikkahs can be struck and the khutba read,
His Excellency should act accordingly. The gentlemen at
the factories will also be told to have the new money circu¬
lated.” 4
In his letter of March 26 to Ahmad Shah, with a copy
to Mir Qasim, Mr. Vansittart re-affirmed his loyalty and
obedience to Emperor Shah Alam and assured the Shah that
“if it should be Shahan-Shah (Ahmad Shah) ’s pleasure, he
(Shah Alam) will be escorted by some troops to Delhi.”
Tne Governor at the same time raised no objection to Mir
Qasim’s friendly correspondence with the Shah, telling him
on April 17, after the Shah’s departure for Afghanistan, that
the “petition to the Shah and a letter to Shuja-ud-Daulah
may be forwarded as they contain nothing but assurances
of friendship.” But, as it appears, these were all dilly-dally-
3. CPC. i. No. 991. While approving of the fidelity the Gover¬
nor professed towards Shah Alam II in his letter to Ahmad Shah
Durrani, Mir Qasim observed in his letter of March 22, 1761, to the
Governor that “the Governor’s letter to the Shahan Shah was not
written in the proper form”.—CPC. ii. No. 1032.
4. CPC. i. No. 1026.
MINIS
AHMAD SHAH DURRAHi
<SL
ing red-tape tactics of the English diplomat with a view to
impressing upon the Emperor the hollowness of his position
in hands other than their own. The Afghan prime minister,
Shah Wali Khan, also saw through the game. In spite of
the Shah's clear instructions to Mir Qasim and Mr. Vansittart
to be obedient to the will of the Emperor and Mr. Vansittart’s
own professions and assurances, as stated above, of loyalty,
fidelity and obedience to the Emperor, Shah Alain's farracm
regarding khutba and sikkah had been disregarded and not
acted upon; and a good deal of time had been wasted in
unnecessary technicalities. Writing to Vansittart in the month
of May, Shah Wali Khan informed him that “sikkahs in the
name of Shah Alam have been issued at Delhi and other
places, and His Majesty and the Commanders are displeased
because they have not been issued in Bengal." This served
as a warning to the English governor, and he directed Nawab
Nazim Mir Qasim to comply with the Emperor’s orders to
have khutba read and coin struck in his name. 5
For the next six and a half years the English in India
were almost free from anxiety as far as Ahmad Shah was
concerned. In 1762 and in 1764-65, he was so much entangl¬
ed with the Sikhs in the Pan jab that he had no time to turn
his attention to the affairs either of the Emperor Shah Alam
or of the Ruhilas, the Marathas or the Jats. In the mean¬
time Mir Qasim had been deposed by the English in 1763
and the old Nawab Mir Jaffar restored to the Subedari of
Bengal, Behar and Orissa.
The battle of Baxar in 1764 and the surrender of Shuja-
ud-Daulah laid Oudh at the feet of the East India Company
and brought the Mughal Emperor as a suppliant to the
English camp. Under the fiction of the grant of the diwani
from Emperor Shah Alam II in 1765, the English merchants
became a territorial power in the country, and their dreams
of an empire in India seemed to materialize. They now
began to play an important part in the politics of the country.
Their ultimate aim was to take control of Delhi in some
form or the other. The 1 extension of the power of Ahmad
5. CPC. i. Nos. 1042, 1047, 1093, 1183.
2
ll ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY
, as also of the Marathas, the Sikhs and the
therefore, looked upon by them as interference
own schemes of expansion.
In 1767, the position was still worse for Ahmad
The Sikhs had become masters of practically the whole of
the country from the Indus to the Jamuna, and they con¬
tested with him for every inch of land over which he set his
foot. He then hardly had any real influence even in the
areas under the heels of his army.
But in spite of all this the English were greatly alarmed.
They knew that the Shah had been invited to India by Mir
Qasim, their worst enemy. They had also been at daggers
drawn with Emperor Shah Alam who had been recognized
and confirmed by Ahmad Shah as the rightful Emperor of
India, and in spite of all professions of loyalty and obedience,
they had not only defied his authority but had reduced him
to a mere prisoner at Allahabad. They had promised as
early as March 1, 1761, to escort him to Delhi. The promise
had been repeated year after year. Even Lord Clive, who
had come to India again in 1765 and returned to England
in January 1767, had repeated the promise in 1765. But
it had not been fulfilled. The Emperor longed to return to
his capital in Delhi as that was the main visible symbol of
his sovereignty. His chief confidant and counsellor, Nawab
Munir-ud-Daulah, was favourably inclined towards Ahmad
Shah for friendly negotiations and, if possible, active help
for his master’s de facto restoration to his ancestors’ throne
in Delhi. Shuja-ud-Daulah’s attitude was uncertain, al¬
though there were fears of his allying himself completely
with the Shah. But there was no uncertainty about Najib-
ud-Daulah. He was the Shah’s 'own man’ in this country
and he had kept him fully informed of the state of affairs in
India. He was sure to go over to him as soon as the Shah
crossed over the Sutlej to the south. In Delhi, the heir-
apparent and the regent of the Empire, Prince Jawan-Bakht,
and his mother, Malika Zinat Mahal, were only waiting for
the arrival of the Shah, in whom they saw the only hope
of having the Emperor freed from the hands of the English,
and restored to Delhi,
G. 48
MINIS
AHMAD SHAH DXJRRAttl
<sl
'$§| The English saw a complete frustration of their futt
plans in tne Snah's advance towards Delhi and in the coali¬
tion of the Emperor and the rncuan chiefs and nobles with
him. All tneir elforts, therefore, were directed towards
keeping back the Emperor, Munir-ud-Daulah and Shuja-
ud-Daulah from meeting Ahmad Shah or having anything to
do witn him. Outwardly they kept up the appearances of
devotion and attachment to the Emperor while actually they
were working for his utter ruin and downfall. Writing to
him on December 13, 1766, Mr. Vereiest 6 informed him that
“as Lord Clive is indisposed and Mr. Sumner intends to re¬
turn to Europe the management of affair's has been entrusted
to the writer. ... His Majesty knows what valuable service
Lord Clive has rendered to the throne. It is hoped that the
writer will be regarded as equally attached thereto. As
long as he remains in this country, he will devote himself to
the regulation of the affairs of the Empire and the happiness
and prosperity of the Royal house of Taimur. 7
By the beginning of January, 1767, the news of Ahmad
Shah’s arrival in the Panjab and of the probability of his
march towards Hindustan had spread throughout the coun¬
try. There was feverish activity both among the English and
the Marathas. The Maratha chief Reghunath Rao made
peace with Jawahir Singh, son of Suraj Mall, the Jat ruler
of Bharatpur, and invited other chiefs of Hindustan, includ¬
ing the Nawab Wazir of Oudh, Shuja-ud-Daulah, to combine
against the Durrani invader. Raghunath Rao at the same
time seems to have suggested to Shuja-ud-Daulah that the
combined forces of the Marathas, Shuja-ud-Daulah and the
English should escort Emperor Shah Alam to Delhi. Mr.
Vereiest saw no harm in Shuja-ud-Daulah’s alliance with
the Marathas, but he would not agree to lending any English
force to escort the Emperor to Delhi. Writing on January
16 1767, Vereiest told Shuja-ud-Daulah that he did not “see
harm in the interview [between Shujah-ud-Daulah and
6. Mr. Vereiest was appointed governor of Bengal in succession
to Lord Clive, who left for England in January, 1767.
7. CPC. i. No. 2771.
MINISr^
ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY
37!
(SL
anath Rao] which may even lead to more cordial rela¬
tions with the Marathas. The question rests entirely with
the addressee. If he and the Marathas conduct the King to
Shahjahanabad, it is well; hut the English forces cannot lend
their assistance m such an expedition, ... A.s regards
Shah Abdali, he may penetrate towards these parts as far as
Shahjahanabad, but his progress will not extend further.
Should he bend his march this way, all the English forces
will unite with the addressee’s and inflict upon him an utter
defeat.” 8
After his settlement with Jawahir Singh Jat, Raghunath
Rao, it seems, had planned to pounce upon the Rajas of Jodh¬
pur and Jaipur. He captured Bhilsa and marched to Kota.
The Shah in the meantime seems to have heard abou t the
impending coalition of the Marathas with Nawab Wazir of
Oudh and the English, and of the intentions of Raghunath
Rao against his faithful and devoted Rajput Rajas. He wrote
from the Panjab a stem note of warning to Raghunath
“threatening him with war and rapine, should he act contrary
to the dictates” of the victor of Panipat. This unnerved the
Maratha warrior and he quietly disappeared from the scene
and moved away to Indore, leaving all his plans against the
Rajputs and the Shah unexecuted. All efforts of Shuja-ud-
Daulah and the English failed to keep him by their side and
all their assurances of armed assistance fell flat upon him. 9
The Shah had always been favourably disposed towards
Shah Alam. His vakil, Munir-ud-Daulah, was, therefore,
anxious to proceed to the Shah’s presence and meet him on
his behalf. As Lord Clive had left for England without reply¬
ing to his letter on the subject, Munir-ud-Daulah wrote to
his successor, Mr. Verelest, on February 27, 1767, to sound
him as to the policy of the East India Company towards the
Shah. “At this time,” said Munir-ud-Daulah, “the Vakils
of all the powers in Hindustan had sent arzis to the Shah.
Although the writer is perfectly sure that it will be impracti¬
cable for the Shah to reach Delhi or other parts this year
8. Oanungo, History of Jots, 190-91; CPC. i. No.
9. CPC. ii. 207; Bannerji, Peshiva Madhav Rao I, 145-47.
mmsTff y
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
\y reason of the opposition of the Sikhs, yet should the
powers of Hindustan aid him . . * what attitude will the
English adopt?’’ Being uneasy at not receiving replies to
his requests, Munir-ud-Daulah again wrote to Mr. Verelest
on March 3: ‘"The Shah lies encamped between the two
rivers. All the powers of Hindustan have written arzis to
him. His Majesty [Emperor Shah Alam] alone has been
silent, at which the Shah expressed much surprise. Desirous
to know whether the King with propriety should address the
Shah or not.” 10
The Governor, Mr. Verelest, in his reply, dated March 7,
“does not think it advisable for the King to write to the Shah
or for the addressee (Munir-ud-Daulah) to go to him and
opines that many evils would result from it”. He “does not
think”, said Verelest, “that Jawahir Singh Jat, Najib-ud-
Daulah and other Ruhilla Sardars would go over to the Shah
to surrender their territories to him. . .. Should the Jats
and the Ruhillas combine and offer the Sikhs a little assis¬
tance, it is . probable that Shah will suffer defeat and dis¬
grace.” 11
The English, he assured Munir-ud-Daulah, “are ready to
defend the Empire; five Brigades of sepoys have been sent to
Sheorajpur to remain on the frontiers of Kora. More troops
will be sent to re-inforce them if necessary.” Verelest also
wrote to Shuja-ud-Daulah in the same strain on March 25,
and further said, “the English forces were never so large
and so ready for war as they are now, so much so that if
the Ruhillas and the Jats join the Shah, the English can
defeat them.” He, however, told him that “as the English
forces consist entirely of infantry and those of the Shah en¬
tirely of Cavalry, ... it is, therefore, that His Excellency
(Shuja-ud-Daulah) should raise a formidable body of
Cavalry.” 12
A petition was received on March 10 by the Emperor
Shah Alam from Najib-ud-Daulah, written on the eve of his
10. CPC. ii. 107; 139.
11. CPC. ii. 145.
12. CPC. ii. 201,
misr/fy
,V>«* ’
ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY 381
ee for the Shah’s camp, requesting him “to send
Munir-ud-Daulah, who has a personal influence at the Shah’s
court, to negotiate with him (the Shah).” After perusing
it, the Emperor enclosed it in a letter of his own and sent
it to the Governor. Munir-ud-Daulah also agreed with
Najib’s line of thinking and anxiously wished to have a treaty
of alliance brought about between the Emperor and Ahmad
Shah Durrani so that the Shah could be prevailed upon to
aid him in establishing his sovereignty over India. With this
end in view, he appealed to the wisdom of Verelest on
March 26 telling him that “His Majesty has not yet had any
Corresnondence or negotiations with the Shah and leaves the
determination of all measures to the Governor’s counsel and
wisdom. ... If, as Najib-ud-Daulah has represented, the
Shah intends to stay two or three years in Hindustan, and
if Ahmad Khan and other Ruhilla sardars join him, the con¬
sequences will be very grave and the remedy of them will
be very difficult. If the Governor and the Council out of
their wisdom think an alliance with the Shah to be advisable
it is requested that His Excellency may represent the same
to His Majesty, and send the writer instructions that he may
act agreeably thereto. P.S. . . . And the time is short, it
is hoped the Governor will send a speedy answer. ... Mir
Qasim is determined to go to the Shah. His Vakil has long
been with the Shah and made large promises to him.
If the Governor is in favour of an alliance with the Shah,
the writer is ready to go to him whenever His Majesty and
the Governor order him. By the blessing of God, a firm
league and friendship will be duly and happily entered upon,
the counsels and evil views of our enemies frustrated, and
the writer will return loaded with honour. Should this
proposal meet with His Excellency’s approbation, he should
send the writer an arzi for the Shah, and letter of friendship
for Shah Wali Khan, his Vazir, with expedition.” 13
The Emperor also was of the same opinion and was in
favour of deputing Munir-ud-Daulah to the Shah. In his
report of a conversation between himself and Colonal Sir
13. CPC. U. Nos. 214, 218.
mtSTjfy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
'ohevi Barker, he wrote on the same day, March 26, for the
information of Mr. Verelest: “Letters also have arrived
from Shah Wali Khan directing Dundi Khan, Mulla Sardar,
Hafiz Rahmat Khan, Faizullah Khan and Ahmad Khan to
repair to the Shah’s Camp. Mir Qasim, that foul villain, has
absolutely determined to go to the Shah; his vakil has been
a long time in the Shah’s army with bills to the amount of
10 lakhs and he has made large promises. From his soul,
he has a great enmity to the Nawab Shujah-ud-Daulah. If
the Shah moves to Delhi and is joined by the Ruhillas, which
God avert, the counsels of evil and foolish men will prevail,
and he in consequence will move this way. The remedy of
the evil will then be difficult and a bloody war will ensue.
And if on one side the Shah himself moves towards Allaha¬
bad by the road of Farrukhabad, and on the other the Ruhil¬
las attack Lucknow and Oudh, it will be very difficult to
engage both armies. In this case it seems best and most
advisable ... to avert the coming danger by an alliance and
friendship with the Shah. But, if the latter does not agree
to amicable terms and peace, the best thing both for His
Maiestv and the English would be not to engage him in .he
Allahabad and Faizabad country but to fall back upon
Patna.” 14
The Governor wrote back in reply to the Emperor on
March 27: “His Majesty need not feel anxious concerning the
Shah’s expedition. ... If he is not coming this way, negotia¬
tion is unnecessary, but if he is, he will not be satisfied until
he gets a peshkash; and to offer gold to a man who wrong¬
fully invades this country is equally dishonourable for His
Majesty and his faithful allies, the English. Let His Majesty’s
heart rest perfectly at ease concerning the future. The troops
that are stationed at Patna have been ordered to March to
Lucknow in order to convince all Hindustan of the firmness
of the allegiance of the English to His Majesty and of their -
determination to punish his enemies, and also in order to
be in readiness for whatever may happen.” 15
14. CPC. ii. No. 217.
15. CPC. «. Ne. 227.
miSTfty
^ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY 383
• \ J / • /
\^Nc This was the trend of correspondence that went on for
somriime between the Emperor and the English. There was
a clash of interests between the two. The Emperor felt that
a treaty of alliance with the Shah would help him in esta¬
blishing his sovereignty and authority over the country. But
he was helpless in the hands of the English; he had no inde¬
pendent means and he depended for his wherewithal on their
pleasure. As such, he could ' not act independently against
their wishes. The English, on the other hand, could not agree
to a proposal that had in it the possibilities of strengthening
the position and power of the Emperor. This was against
their own interests. Shuja-ud-Daulah, the Nawab Wazir of
Oudh, played a double game. He had his own reasons for
not condescending to encourage the Emperor to enter into
an alliance with the Shah who could not have treated him
(Shujah) more liberally than the English. Moreover, he was
trying to persuade the English to help him in his designs
against the Ruhillas. But he could not openly disagree with
the Emperor nor could he displease the English by agreeing
with him. Writing to the Emperor on April 1, he said, ‘In
the writer’s opinion, the proposal is founded on wisdom, but
then it is expedient that the consent of the English sardars
should be obtained.” 16
At one stage there appeared to be an open rupture be¬
tween the Emperor and the English. When Muqim Beg, who
had carried the letters of Shah and his prime minister Shah
Wali Khan for Shah Alam, delivered the despatches to the
Emperor, probably in the last week of April, 1767, the Em¬
peror said: “Had the Shah marched to Shahjahanabad, I had
even now repaired thither, and at this time were the Shah
only to send a body of 20,000 horse, thither I would go. I
am steadfast. Constraint has placed me here.” 17
But the situation was saved by the Shah’s retreat north¬
ward to grapple with the Sikhs. The obstruction caused by
them to his advance and their well-directed attacks on his
flanks and rear made it impossible for him to move towards
Delhi without leaving his communications with his base depots
16. CPC. ii. No. 253.
17. CPC. ii. No. 377.
misr^
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
and his line of retreat entirely into their hands. In fact, the
Sikhs had already re-occupied the territories lying to the
north of the Sutlej when he had crossed that river to the
south. As such, it became absolutely necessary for him to
march back before his passage to his country should be
entirely blocked against him.
This was the last occasion when Ahmad Shah caused any
great anxiety to the English in India. They were now gra¬
dually growing in political importance and were laying the
foundations of the British power in India on the ruins of the
Mughal empire.
miSTffy.
Appendix V
Genealogical Table of AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Qis alias Abdur Rashid
1
2
Sara-ban
Sarafiyun alias
Sharaf-ud-Din
I f
4.
Tarin
!
5
Abdal
Rajjal alias Razzar
i
7
Isa
i
8
Suleman alias Zirak
1
9
Popal
(descendants
known as
Popalzeis)
Barak
(descendants
known as
Barakzeis)
Alko
(descendants
known as
Alkozeis)
Musa
(descendants
known as
Musazeis)
l
10
Habib Khan
11
Bami Khan
G 41)
12
Kanei
(Continued on p. 386)
AH&IaD SHAH BURRA 1
13
Bahlol
§L
14
Marui
i
15
Umar
Saleh
16
Assadullah alias Saddo
I
17
Khwaja Khizar Khan
I
18
Sher Khan
19
Sannast KJian
i
20
Daulat Khan
i
21
Muhaminad Zaman Khan
Zulfiqar Khan
22
Ahmad Khan
(AHMAD SHAH DURKANI)
1 1
I 23 |
Suleman Taimur Shah Sikandar
Parwez
Humayun 24 25 26
Mahmood Shah Shah Zaman Shah Shujah- etc.
ul~Mulk
I
Throne seized by the Barakzeis in 1818
Appendix VI
DESCENDANTS AND SUCCESSORS OF AHMAD SHAH
TAIMUR TO MAHMOOD
Ahmad Shah had four sons, Suleman, Taimur, Parwez
and Sikandar. He had nominated Taimur to succeed him,
but his prime minister, Shah Wali Khan, proclaimed Prince
Suleman, his own son-in-law, as king in Qandahar. Taimur,
however, soon entered Qandahar in triumph and was crown¬
ed king of the Afghans. Shah Wali Khan and his accom¬
plices were all put to the sword. The rebellious attitude of
the people of Qandahar, who had supported Suleman in his
pretensions to kingship, was responsible for the transfer of
the capital and the royal court to Kabul. There he reorga¬
nized his government and withdrew as much power as pos¬
sible from the Durrani tribal chiefs. A Saddozei himself, he
could not trust the Saddozeis. But as he could not withdraw
from them the offices which his father had' made hereditary
in certain families, he created new ones to which he trans¬
ferred some of them. His own personal guard he selected
from amongst the Isakzeis and raised an additional body of
twelve thousand horsemen from amongst the Persian Qizil-
bashes whom he thought to be more trustworthy than his
Afghan subjects. “These,” according to Fraser-Tytler, “were
major errors, since there is no surer way to breed distrust
among a backward and suspicious people than to ignore their
leaders and cast doubts on their loyalty and good faith.” In¬
ternal dissensions and Taimur’s own peaceable disposition
encouraged the outlying annexes to throw off their allegiance.
Khurasan was the western annexe of the Afghan king¬
dom. Shah Rukh Mirza, grandson of Nadir Shah, continued
to be faithful to the son and successor of Ahmad Shah. The
native chiefs and population, however, occasionally attempt¬
ed to rid themselves of the Afghan yoke. Thrice had armies
to be sent against them to keep them under subjection.
Sindh was almost permanently lost. Taimur personally
led an army against the Talpur chiefs in 1779 and had to
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
send his commander-in-chief Dilawar Khan in 1786, A com¬
promise was effected with Fateh Khan Talpur who agreed
to acknowledge the suzerainty of Taimur and to pay a fixed
tribute. But it did not last long, and in three years the con¬
nection was almost permanently severed.
All peaceful efforts having failed to suppress the revolt
of Shah Murad of Bukhara in Afghan Turkistan, Taimur had
to march with an army against him, but with no lasting effect.
The Afghan army was withdrawn on Murad’s agreeing to
acknowledge Taimur as suzerain. The promise was never
meant to be kept and Shah Murad became virtually inde¬
pendent.
The revolts in Kashmir, Sistan and Bahawalpur were,
however, suppressed and Multan was retaken from the Sikhs.
' But Taimur was not entirely free from internal troubles.
Arsala Khan of the Mohmand tribe gathered round him a
number of conspirators and attempted to murder Taimur at
Peshawar in 1791 so that his brother Prince Sikandar could
be seated on the throne. The conspiracy had almost suc¬
ceeded but for the last-minute assemblage of the royal troops
who cut the attackers to pieces. Arsala Khan managed to
escape. Later on, however, he gave himself up on a solemn
promise inscribed on the holy Quran. But the revenger ul
king ordered his throat to be cut. This violation of a solemn
oath is regarded by the Afghans as a stain on his memory.
Taimur Shah died on May 18, 1793 (7 Shawwal, 1297
A.H.), and was followed by a succession of princes “who
for the next quarter of a century fought and bickered and
intrigued for the Afghan throne while their empire fell to
pieces around them.” Taimur left a large number of sons
}put failed to nominate an heir. Zaman Khan, later on known
as Zaman Shah or Shah Zaman, his fifth son, then happened
to be at the capital. He proclaimed himself king of Afgha¬
nistan. A seven-year internecine struggle between the
brothers resulted in the defeat and blinding of Zaman Shah
in 1800 by Mahmood, who in turn was ousted by Shuj ah in
1803. In 1809 Shah Slmjah was turned out by Mahmood
who was ultimately responsible for the downfall in 1818 of
the Saddozei dynasty, who yielded place to the Barakzeis,
Appendix VII
THE SIKHS
The word Sikh (Sanskrit Shishya) means a learner, a
disciple. The Sikhs took birth from, amongst the sturdy
people of the Pan jab in the beginning of the sixteenth cen¬
tury as disciples of Guru Nanak (1469-1539) who founded
the Sikh religion. He was bom at Talwandi Rai Bhoi, now
called Nankana Sahib, in Pakistan. Guru Nanak protested
against the exploitation of the people by the priestly classes
and oppressive policies of the Muslim rulers. He rejected
the multiplicity of gods and goddesses and preached that there
was but one God, God of the universe and of all mankind.
He abolished the system of caste and refused to acknowledge
the supposed superiority of the Brahmin. He proclaimed
that all men were equal before God and that there was no
difference between man and man.
He felt that the root cause of the misery of the people
in the Panjab was their disunity born of diversity of belief.
He sought to create unity of thought and spirit. This could
only be done, he thought, if they had a common social orga¬
nization based on mutual equality and fraternity. He, there¬
fore, laid the foundation of Sangat , or mixed congregations,
where his Sikh disciples met in the evenings as brothers-in-
faith, sang the hymns of the Guru and drew inspiration for
their day-to-day life. In the Guru ka hangar, or the free
community-kitchen, introduced by him, all sat and ate
together in one and the same row (pangat), regardless of
distinctions of caste, creed or status in life.
Unlike many other saints and reformers of India, Guru
Nanak did not confine himself exclusively to a life of prayer
and devotion. He refused to sit idle in slumbering meditation
while his people were being crushed under a tyrannous
system. He awakened them to a new consciousness and
upbraided the rulers of his day, saying, “Kings are butchers,
cruelty their knife, Dharma, or the sense of duty, has taken
Ml Nisr/jy,
wings and vanished.” According to him “it was only fools
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
and idiots who ruled” without having the good of their people
at heart. “The kings,” he said, “should be the dispensers of
equity and justice.”
This was a message of hope to the people and an inspi¬
ration to them to shake off their cowardice and dependence
and to have faith in God. The new institutions of Sangat
(mixed congregations) and Pangat (dining together) brought
before the people the vision of a classless democratic society
where all could claim equal status. This raised Guru Nanak
into a symbol and a tradition of manly independence and self-
reliance, which, as history knows, helped create a people
whose like in indomitable courage and dogged tenacity in
war and peace has yet to be seen.
Guru Nanak was popular not only among his Sikh dis¬
ciples but also among his Hindu and Muhammadan country¬
men who reverently called him Baba Nanak or Nanak Shah.
On his death in 1539 at Kartarpur on the right bank of the
Ravi, now in Pakistan, he was claimed by both as their ‘own
man’, and they both raised in their own fashions mausoleums
in his memory with a common wall between them—a thing
unique in the history of religions.
Guru Nanak’s torch was taken up by his nine devoted
successors in the following order:
1. Guru Nanak
2. Guru Angad
3. Guru Amar Das
4. Guru Ram Das
5. Guru Arjan
6. Guru Hargobind
7. Guru Har Rai
8. Guru Har Krishan
9. Guru Tegh Bahadur
10. Guru Gobind Singh
1469-1539
1539-1552
1552-1574
1574-1581
1581-1606
1606-1645
1645-1661
1661-1664
1664-1675
1675-1708
The Sikh Gurus gave to their followers a unifying orga¬
nization in Sikhism, a rallying centre at Amritsar, a scripture
in the Adi Granth (which made them Ahl-i-Kitab, the people
WMSTfty
THE SIKHS
xjefitfSrBook), a martial spirit and a line of martyrs who im¬
mortalized the land of Baba Nanak, the Panjab, which Robert
N. Cust christened as Sikhland in his Oriental and Linguistic
Essays.
Guru Arjan, the Fifth Guru, was tortured to death under
the orders of Emperor Jahangir, while Aurangzeb, seventy
years later, ordered the execution of Guru Tegh Bahadur,
the Ninth Guru. The Sikhs were thus forced to adopt a life
of arms in self-defence and for self-preservation. Guru Har-
gobind was the first to initiate them into the cult of the sword
and Guru Gobind Singh, the last of the Gurus, organized
these soldier-saints into the order of the Khalsa. He intro¬
duced Khande di Pahul, the baptism of the double-edged
sword, and made the Sikhs drink Amrita, or consecrated
sugared water, stirred with a steel dagger, and eat Karah-
■prasad, or the sacred food, which was distributed to all from
the same vessel. He himself also went through the same
initiation ceremony at the hands of the Sikhs and was bap¬
tized into the new fold. This annihilated for the Khalsa all
distinctions not only of high and low and of rich and poor,
but also of teacher and disciple. This humility of Guru Gobind
Singh and his voluntary submission to the discipline he him¬
self had enjoined upon his followers established a unique
standard of religious fraternity.
This new dispensation of Guru Gobind Singh created a
stir among the Shivalik hill chiefs who saw in it a danger to
their time-honoured orthodox system of belief. They not
only refused to render him any assistance in the task of over¬
throwing the Mughal tyranny, but also allied themselves with
the rulers against him. Finding the Guru and his Sikhs
more than a match for them, they invited the Mughal forces
of Sirhind and Delhi to help them in crushing the rising
nation. The Guru had to fight as many as fourteen battles
against the forces of the hill chiefs and the Mughals. In
the last battle of Anandpur (in the district of Hoshiarpur)
in December, 1704, he had to leave his home and retire into
the territory of the Brars, south of the Sutlej. His mother
■<SL
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
aiid two younger sons fell into the hands of Nawab Wazir
Khdh of Sirhind, under whose orders the boys of tender ages
of liine and seven years were butchered to death.
After the death of Aurangzeb in 1707, his son and suc¬
cessor, Bahadur Shah, cultivated friendly relations with the
Guru. The Guru was, however, stabbed to death in 1708,
by an agent of the Nawab of Sirhind, at Nander, in the
Deccan, where he had accompanied the new Emperor in con¬
nection with the negotiations that had been going on between
them for some time past. Spiritual authority after Guru
Gobind Singh came to be vested in the Sikhs’ Holy Book,
called the Guru Granth Sahib , while the supreme temporal
leadership of the community rested with the general body
of the Khalsa.
After the death of the tenth and the last Guru, Gobind
Singh, a disciple of his, Banda Singh, appeared in the Panjab
as a political leader and took up the struggle which Guru
Gobind Singh had started. The Sikhs from all over the
country flocked to him in large numbers and raised the
standard of rebellion in the territory of Sirhind which fell
to him in May, 1710- This was the first territorial conquest
of the Sikhs and it placed them in possession of the entire
country south of the Sutlej to the neighbourhood of Delhi.
And with this, the territory of the present Patiala Division
of the Panjab became the centre of the first independent
kingdom in the Pan jab. The Sikhs soon carried their con¬
quests to the Gangetic Doab and then to the central and
north-eastern Panjab. Finding himself helpless against this
popular movement for independence, the Mughal governor
of Lahore, Sayed Aslam Khan, led a jihad against the Sikhs.
But it met with failure. A successful surprise attack by the
Sikhs at Bhilowal inflicted such a heavy blow upon the crusa¬
ders that, excepting Lahore proper, practically the whole of
the country south of the river Ravi, with Kasur to the west,
fell into their hands.
But the Mughal empire was still too strong for the infant
power of the Sikhs. Banda Singh was captured in Decern
THE SIKHS
if, 1715, after ^ prolonged siege of about eight months and
was carried to Delhi where he was torn to pieces in 1716,
along with 794 other Sikhs,who were executed at the rate
,o£ a hundred a day. “A. royal e,dict was now issued by
Emperor Farrukh Siyar,” says, the author of the Miftah-ut~
Tawarikh, “ordering all who belonged to, this sect to be indis¬
criminately put to death wherever found, and “to give effect
to this mandate a reward/ 3 ’ according to Malcolni, “was offer¬
ed for the head of every Sikh/ 3 For thirty-six years the
Sikhs continued to be persecuted with more or less the satr\e v
rigour. ' . , \
The time of the governorship of Mir Ma'nnu (1748-53)
was, perhaps, the worst for them. Moving columns issued
from the provincial headquarters at Lahore in search and
pursuit of them and they were hunted down like wild beasts.
Neither saint nor scholar was spared. Even women and
children were subjected to most inhuman tortures, some of
which are recounted to the present day in the daily prayer
of the Sikhs.
These indiscriminate massacres drove the Sikhs for
shelter into distant woods and hills and into the arid areas
of Barnala and Bhattinda. But it soon became impossible for
large bodies of men to make both ends meet. They, there¬
fore, divided themselves into two Dais, the Buddha Dal and
the Taruna. Dal, the Elders’ League and the Youth League,
which after some time were re-organized into five jathas , with
further subdivisions into twelve smaller units, called the
Misah. The incessant life-and-death struggles of the Misal-
dar Sardars at first against the imperialist Mughals and then
against the foreign usurpers not only added to their popu¬
larity and numerical strength but made them rulers of prin¬
cipalities which fell to them as a result of their successes
against the local rulers, big and small. The victory of Sir-
hind on January 14, 1764, against Zain Khan Afghan, exactly
three years after the battle of Panipat, made the Sikhs undis¬
puted masters of the entire country 'south of the Sutlej, and
the occupation of Lahore on April 16, 1765, made them rulers
of the Panjab. The Misal of the Bhangis was the largest and
had the most extensive territories but the Sukkarchakkia
G. 50
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
Misal emerged triumphant in the struggle for survival and
its leader Sardar (later Maharaja) Ranjit Singh succeeded
in consolidating the territories of the various Misals into the
kingdom of the Panjab. He ruled the Panjab for forty years
from 1799 to 1839. Ten years after his death the Sikh kingdom
was conquered and annexed by the British.
Occasional anti-British movements* of the Sikhs during
the British regime were ruthlessly suppressed and the Satya-
grah movements launched by Mahatma Gandhi gave a new
fillip to the Indian independence movement which resulted
in the withdrawal of the British from India in 1947.
*1. Hie Namdhari or Kuka Movement.
2. Movement for the restoration of the Panjab to Maharaja Duleep
Singh.
3. The Ghadar Party Movement.
4. The Gurdwara Reform Movement.
500 B.C,
Appendix VIII
CHRONOLOGY
The country of the Afghans formed a part
of the Achaemenian empire of Darius.
331 B.C.
The Afghan country overrun by the Greeks
under Alexander.
250 B.C.
Ashoka established his authority over the
699-700 A.D.
Hindu Kush and Afghan country.
The first Muslim expedition to the Afghan
country.
961
Yamini dynasty of Ghazni founded by
Alaptigin.
1024
Mahmud of Ghazni invaded India and des¬
1221 (about)
troyed the temple and idol of Somnath.
Khwarizm Shah overthrown by Mongols
of Changez Khan.
1332-70
1469
1504
1522
1526
1558
1558 Sept.-Oct.
Tajiks virtually independent in Herat.
Guru Nanak born.
Babur captured Kabul.
Qandahar surrendered to Babur.
Babur founded the Mughal empire in India.
Qandahar seized by Persians.
(Zil-Hijja 965), Birth of Saddo (Assa-
dullah, the ancestor of the Saddozei
Abdalis).
1584 (about)
1595
1605
1606
Badakhshan occupied by Uzbeks.
Akbar captured Qandahar.
Qandahar retaken by Persians.
Guru Arjan tortured to death under the
1639
1647
1675
orders of Emperor Jahangir,
Badakhshan taken by Mughals.
Uzbeks re-occupied Badakhshan.
Guru Tegh Bahadur executed at Delhi
1693-94
under the orders of Aurangzeb.
(1105 A.H.). Beglar Begi appointed the
Persian Governor of Qandahar.
1702
Gurgin Khan arrived at Qandahar as
Governor.
1704 December
— 27
Last battle of Anandapur.
Two young sons of Guru Gobind Singh
(Zorawar Singh and Fateh Singh) but¬
chered to death at Sirhind under the
orders of Nawab Wazir Khan.
misTfy
Y
.A *
1708
1709
1710
1711
1715 November
1715-16
1716 September
— March.
— June
1717
— July 25
1719
1720
1722
— March
1722-23
1724- 25
1725- 26
1726 November
1729 April 22
1730
March
April
AH'MAD .SHAH^ DtJRRANI ^
Aurangzeb died.
Massacre of Ghalzeis by Gurgirx Khan.
Mir Wais came to power.
Guru Gobind Singh stabbed to death at
Nander in the Deccan.
Mir Wais Ghalzei declared independence
of Afghans at Qandahar,
Banda Singh established his kingdom in the
Panjab.
Persian army under Kkusru Khan moved
against Mir Wais.
Mir Wais died.
Mir Abdul Aziz (Abdulla) succeeded Mir-
Wais.
2 (Ramzan 26, 1128 A.H.). Assadulla dec¬
lared Herat an independent principality.
Abdulla assassinated by Wais’s son, Mir
Mahmud.
Banda Singh’s Sikh followers massacred
at Delhi.
Banda Singh tortured and cut to pieces at
Delhi.
(1129 A.H.). Nasir Khan Muhammad
Aman died and Nasiri Khan became
Subedar of Kabul.
(Shaban 26, 1129 A.H.). Abdalis entered
Herat.
Assadulla Khan defeated Safi Quli Khan.
(1132 A.H). Assadulla Khan killed at
Dilaram. Zaman Khan came to power.
Ahmad Khan born at Multan.
Mir Mahmud ascended the throne of Persia.
(1135 A.H.). Muhammad Khan succeed¬
ed Zaman Khan.
Muhammad Khan besieged Mashhad.
(1137 AH.). Rehman, Abdulla Khan’s
son, attacked Zulfiqar Khan.
(1138 A.H.). Allahyar Khan called from
Multan and elected chief.
30 (Rabi II 16, 1139 A.H.). Nadir Shah cap¬
tured Mashhad.
(Shawwal 4, 1141' A.H.). Nadir Shah
marched towards Herat.
Nadir Shah conquered Persia.
Zulfiqar Khan revolted against Nadir.
Zulfiqar Khan drove out Allahyar Khan
from Herat.
WNtSTfiy
Chronology
4>l
(Saturday, Muharram 13, 1143 A.H.),
Zulfiqar Khan, defeated Ibrahim Khan,
the commander of Mashhad.
—
October 31
(Saturday, Kabi II 29, 1143 A.H.). Nadir
came back to Mashhad.
1731
March 13
(Saturday, Ramzan 15, 1143 A.H.). Nadir
attacked Herat.
July 11
(Muharram 17, 1144 A.H.). Zulfiqar
emerged from Herat.
August 11
(Safar 18, 1144 A.H.). Zulfiqar Khan
returned to Farrah.
1732
December
Allahyar Khan sued for peace.
Abdali families exiled to Khurasan.
February 16
(Ramzan 1, 1144 A.H.). The city of Herat
surrendered by Allahyar Khan to Nadir,
Defeated by Ibrahim Khan at Farrah, Zul¬
fiqar Khan fled for shelter to Qandahar.
1734-35
1736
(1147 A.H.). Nadir’s campaign of Daghis-
tan.
Nadir Shah conquered the Afghan domi¬
nion of Qandahar.
Nadir concluded a truce with Turkey and
crushed the Bakhtiaris.
October 4
(Jam. II 9, 1149 A.H.). Nadir returned
to his capital;
—
November 10
(Rajjab 17, 1149 A.H.). Nadir set out
against the Ghalzeis.
1737 January 23
(Shawwal 2, 1149 A.H.). Nadir crossed
Sistan-Qandahar border.
—
February 7
Nadir reached Girishk.
—
April
Siege of Qandahar began.
—
—-
Nadir Shah founded Nadir abad near
Qandahar.
— 30
(Muharram 11, 1150 A.H.). Nadir des¬
patched Muhammad Khan Turkoman on
a mission to Emperor Muhammad Shah at
Delhi.
1738
March
Nadir Shall conquered Farrah.
—
— 12
(Zil-Hijja 2, 1150 A.H.). Nadir entered
Qandahar.
June 1
Nadir reached Ghazni.
End
Citadel of Kabul surrendered to Nadir.
—■
December 26
(Ramzan 25, 1151 A.H.). Nadir invaded
India; left Peshawar for Delhi.
1739 March 9
(Zil-Hijja 9, 1151 A.H.). Nadir Shah con-
quered the fort of Delhi.
MIN/Sr^
AHMtAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
(Safar 3, 1152 A.H.). Treaty between
Nadir Shah and Emperor Muhammad
Shah of Delhi.
(Safar 7, 1152 A.H.). Nadir rode through
streets of .Delhi to Kabul Gate on his re¬
turn march.
Nadir’s baggage (1000 animals) looted by
(Sikh) peasants on the way to and near
Thanesar and during their journey to
— 25
Sialkot.
(Safar 27, 1152 A.H.). Nadir reached
— November 21
Akhnur.
(Ramzan 1, 1152 A.H.). Nadir arrived at
1745
Kabul on return from India ♦
Abul Qasim Khan appointed Naib Gover¬
July 1
nor of Kashmir.
(Jamadi II 12, 1158 A.H.). Zakariya Khan
August 26
died at Lahore.
(Shaban 9, 1158 A.H.). Muhammad Shah
1746
June 2
appointed Yahiya Khan governor of
Lahore and Shah Nawaz Khan of Multan.
(Jeth 2, 1803 Bk.). Massacre of Sikhs—
July 1
First ( Chhota ) Ghalughara.
Yahiya Khan returned to Lahore.
n . . r
November 21
(Zi-qada 18, 1159 A.H.). Shah Nawaz
1747 January 11
Khan arrived at Lahore.
(Muharram 10, 1160 A.H.). Nadir Shah
March 17
left Isfahan for Yazd and Kir man.
End of civil war at Lahore.
, -
21
Shah Nawaz Khan entered Lahore.
..
April
Nadir Shah left for Mashhad.
__
June 8
(Sunday, Jamadi II 11, 1160 A.H.). Nadir
— 8-9
Shah arrived at Fatehabad and ordered
the arrest of his guard-officers.
Nadir assassinated at night at Fatehabad
July Early
camp.
Ahmad Shah crowned at Qandahar.
— 15
(Rajjab 18, 1160 A.H.). Malik Muham¬
September 3
mad Hashim Afridi appointed Malik of
Afridi tribes.
(Ramzan 9, 1160 A.H.). Muhammad
November
Naeem Khan reached Delhi.
Ahmad Shah’s warning to invade India
— 15
reached Delhi.
(Zi-qada 23, 1160 A.H.). Nasir Khan
December
reached Lahore.
Ahmad Shah left Peshawar for Lahore.
MIN ISr 9ir
CHRONOLOGY
Sl
- 15
— — 19
1748 January 8
— — 10
— — 11
— — 12
— — 13
— — 31
February 10
— — 19
— — 26
— — 27
— March 1
— — 2
— — 3
— — 9
— — 11
— — 12
— — 13
— — 15
— — 16
— - 17
(Zil-Hijja 23, 1160 A.H.). Yahiya Khan,
got released.
(Zil-Hijja 27). Nasir Khan reached Delhi.
(Muharram 18, 1161 A.H.). Ahmad Shah
reached Shahdara (Lahore).
Qamr-ud-Din went on leave.
(Muharram 20, 1161 A.H.). The Afghan
army crossed the Ravi and encamped at
Mahmud Buti.
(Muharram 21, 1161 A.H.). Durranis
moved out towards the city of Lahore.
(Muharram 22) . Ahmad Shah occupied
the tents and military headquarters of
Shah Nawaz Khan.
(Muharram 23). Raja Ishri Singh left
Delhi for Sirhind.
(Safar 11, 1161 A.H.). Prince Ahmad
left Delhi for Sirhind.
(Safar 21). Prince Ahmad reached
Panipat.
(Rabi I 1). Prince Ahmad reached Kar-
nal and came to know that Muhammad
Ali Khan Ruhela had deserted,
Ahmad Shah left Lahore.
(Rabi I 7 and 8). Prince Ahmad reached
Sirhind.
(Rabi I 9). Prince Ahmad marched to¬
wards Machhiwara.
(Rabi I 12). Ahmad Shah crossed the
Sutlej at Ludhiana.
(Rabi I 13). Ahmad Shall reached Sir¬
hind.
(Rabi I 14). Prince Ahmad moved out
towards Sirhind.
(Rabi I 20). Ahmad Shah opens fire . Two
men from Afghan army interviewed the
Indian Wazir.
(Rabi I 22). General action at Manupur.
(Rabi I 23). Mughals expected Ahmad
Shah to give battle.
(Rabi I 24) . Ahmad Shah sent army to
engage the enemy.
(Rabi I 26). Muhammad Taqi Khan sent
for peace talks.
(Rabi I 27). Afghans again appeared for
fight.
(Rabi I 28). The rear-guard of Afghans
disappeared ,
MIN ISfty
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
April. 11
<£L
— — 12
— — 15
— November
— December 28
1749 Spring.
1750 Early
1751 Beginning
Early
— September 21
— October 2
— November 19
— — 29
— — 30
— December 1-2
— — 4
— 12
1752 January middle
— March 6
— — 10
— - 24
(Rabi-us-Sani 23, 1161 A.H*). Mix* Mi
appointed Governor of the Panjab by
Emperor Muhammad Shah.
(Rabi-us-Sani 24, 1161 A.H.). Nasir Khan
reappointed governor of Kabul by Em¬
peror Muhammad Shah.
(Rabi-us-Sani 27, 1161 A.HO* Emperor
Muhammad Shah died at Delhi.
People invited Asmat-ud-Din Khan to rule
Kashmir.
Ahmad Shah invaded India for the second
time,
Ahmad Shah’s property carried by Mahdi
Quli Khan from Lahore reached Delhi.
Ahmad Shah’s treaty with Mir Mannu.
Nasir Khan displaced Muhabbat Khan.
Ahmad Shah marched against Herat.
Ahmad Shah returned to Qandahar.
Afrasiyah Beg Khan poisoned to death.
Ahmad Shah marched upon Nishapur.
(Zi-qada 12, 1164 A.H.). Harun Khan
reached neighbourhood of Lahore.
(Zi-qada 24, 1164 API.). Shah left Kabul
for Peshawar.
(Muharram 11, 1165 A.H.). Shah at Pesha¬
war for third invasion of India.
(Muharram 21, 1165 A.H.). Mir Mannu
visited tombs of saints at Lahore.
(Muharram 22, 1165 A.H.). Mir Mannu
crossed the Ravi and encamped at Sarai
Balkhian to defend Lahore against Ahmad
Shah Durrani.
(Muharram 23-24, 1165 A.H.). Jahan
Khan reached near Eminabad.
(Muharram 26, 1165 A.H.). Ahmad Shah
encamped at Kotla Sayyadan near
Wazirabad.
(Safar 4, 1165 A.H.). Mir Mannu’s talk
with Harun Khan.
Shah crossed the Ravi.
(Chaitra Sudi 2, 1808 Bk., Jamadi-ul-
awwal 1, 1165 A.H.). Mir Mannu at¬
tacked the Durranis; Kaura Mall killed
in battle; Mannu. defeated.
Mir Mannu returned to Lahore from Shah’s
camp.
(Jamadi-ul-Awwal 19, 1165 A.H.). Saf-
dar Jang left for Delhi.
MIN/Sr^
Chronology
— — 12
~~ — 13
— — 20
— — 21-22
— xx
— Autumn
— November
— December 8
— — Middle
1753
— January 2nd week
— February 15
— — 21
— November 4
— 12
— — 13
— — 17
21
1754 January 1-4
— — 30
February 3
Qalandar Beg Khan readied Delhi as
envoy.
Emperor met the envoy.
Safdar Jang effected agreement with Mara-
thas.
Qalandar Beg Khan given leave.
Qalandar Beg Khan reached Lahore.
Ahmad Shah left Lahore for Afghanistan.
Karim Khan defeated.
Rebellion in Khurasan.
(Muharram, 1166 A.H). Shah at Jala¬
labad.
(Safar 1, 1166 A.H.). Safdar 'Jang’s mes¬
sage to Emperor Alamgir II.
Arrival of Afghan envoy at Lahore.
(1166 A.H.). Karim Khan returned to
Shiraz.
Afghan envoy arrived at Delhi.
(Rabi-us-Sani 11, 1166 A.H.). The Afghan
envoy given audience.
(Rabi-us-Sani 17, 1166 A.H.). Return, of
Afghan envoy from Delhi.
(Muharram 7, 1167 A.H., Katik Sudi 9,
1810 Bk.), Mir Mannu died.
(Muharram 15, 1167 A.H.), News of Mir
Mannu’s death reached Delhi.
(Muharram 16, 1167 A.H.). Emperor
bestows governorship of Multan and
Lahore upon Prince Mahmood Shah,
(Muharram 20, 1167 A.H.). Mir Nizam-
ud-Din Intizam-ud-Daulah Wazir-ul-
Mumalik appointed absentee Subedar of
the Panjab,
(Muharram 24, 1167 A.H.). Intizam-ud-
Daulah appointed Mir Momin Khan and
Bhikari Khan as deputy governors of
Lahore and Adina Beg Khan as Naib
Faujdar of Doaba Bist Jullunder.
(Rabi-ul-Awwal 6-9, 1167 A.H.). Bhikari
Khan imprisoned by Mughlani Begum.
(Rabi-us-Sani 5, 1167 A.H.). Emperor
Alamgir II honoured the child of Muin-
ul-Malik (Muhammad .Amin Khan by
name), Adina Beg Khan and Momin
Khan.
(Habi-us-Sani 9, 1167 A.H.). Muham¬
mad Amin Khan, son of Mir Mannu, ap¬
pointed governor of the Pan jab.
•§L
G. 51
AKMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
May End
farmans from Ahmad Shah Durrani for
the child of Muin-ul-Malik (named
Muhammad Amin Khan), Adina Beg
Khan and Momin Khan.
Muhammad Amin Khan, son of Mir Mannu,
September
died.
Mix' Momin Khan given the title of Momin-
1755
April
-ud-Daulah.
Bhikari Khan died in prison at Lahore.
—
July
Encounter between Mughlani Begam and
.756 January 15
Ubedulla Khan.
(Rabi-us-Sani 12, 1169 A.H.). Ghazi-ud-
_
February
Din left for Ambala.
Ubedullah Khan fled to Jammu.
March 4
Mughlani Begam once again became the
ruler of the Panjab,
Umda Begam, daughter of Mir Mannu and
— 28
Mughlani Begam, arrived in the carnp
of Ghazi-ud-Din at Sirhind.
Mughlani Begam arrived in the camp of
—
July 19
Ghazi-ud-Din near Machhiwara.
(Shawwal 21, 1169 A.H.). Ghazi-ud-Din
—
October
back at Delhi.
Elich Khan, the Mughal envoy, back at
— 29
Delhi with the Afghan envoy, Qalandar
Khan.
(Safar 4, 1170 A.H.). Qalandar Khan’s
—
October 31
first interview with Ghazi-ud-Din.
(Safar 6, 1170 A.H.). Qalandar Khan
—
November 3
received by Alamgir II.
Qalandar Khan presented horses to Alam¬
— 8
gir II and Ghazi-ud-Din. Hot words
exchanged between Ghazi-ud-Din and
Najib-ud-Daulah.
(Safar 14, 1170 A.H.). Najib-ud-Daulah
— 15
plundered shops attached to Ghazi-ud-
Din’s camp.
(Safar 21, 1170 A.H.). Ahmad Shall Dur¬
—
— 3rd week
rani marched from Peshawar to Lahore.
Suraj Mall Jat returned to Bharatpur after
— 23
breakdown of negotiations with Ghazi-
ud-Din.
(Safar 29, 1170 A.H.). Qalandar Khan’s
.
— 25
December 13
second interview with Alamgir II.
Jangbaz Khan occupied Lahore.
(Itabi-ul-Awwal 20, 1170 A.H.). Batala and
Adina Nagar cleared of Adina Beg’s men.
Ml NlSTQy
CHRONOLOGY
20
— — 25
— — 29
— — End
1757 January 5
— — 10
— — 12
— — 14
- - 10
~~ — 17
— 18
- — 19
— — 20
— 21
— - 22
- - 23
40;
(Rabi-ul-Awwal 27, 1170 A.H.). Ahmad
Shah, moved towards Lahore.
Agha Raza Khan sent to Shah for diplo¬
matic negotiations.
(Rabi-us-Sani 2, 1170 A.H,). Ghazi-ud-
Din held conference of friends and Amirs.
Ghazi-ud-Din went and appealed to Najib-
ud-Daulah for help.
(Rabi-us-Sani 6, 1170 A.H.). Yaqub Ali
Khan presented to Alamgir II.
Shah detailed Hasan Khan to march upon
Sirhind.
(Rabi-us-Sani 13, 1170 A.H.). Jahan
Khan arrived near Sirhind.
(Rabi-us-Sani 18, 1170 A.H.). Ahmad
Shah Durrani crossed the Sutlej.
Mughlani Begam left towards Panjab for
discussing peace terms with the Shah.
(Rabi-us-Sani 20, 1170 A.H.). Mughlani
Begam reached the camp of Jahan Khan
at Kama!
(Rabi-us-Sani 22, 1170). Agha Raza arrived
at Delhi with peace terms.
(Rabi-us-Sani 24, 1170 A.H.). Jahan Khan
reached Delhi,
Attempt by Antaji Manakeshwar to check
Shah Wali Khan.
(Rabi-us Sani 25, 1170 A.H,). Guns plant¬
ed on the hank of Rajghat to oppose the
passage of Jahan Khan.
(Rabi-us-Sani 26, 1170 A.H.). Shah dis¬
missed the Delhi envoys, Agha Raza
Khan and Yaqub Khan.
(Rabi-us-Sani 27, 1170 A.H.). Ghazi-ud-
Din with some Amirs set out to see
Ahmad Shah.
(Rahi-us-Sani 28, 1170 A.H.). Ghazi-ud-
Din granted audience by Ahmad Shah.
(Rabi-us-Sani 29, 1170 A.H.). The khutba
read in the name of Ahmad Shah Dur¬
rani at Delhi.
Sarwar Khan defeated by Antaji Mana¬
keshwar.
(Jamadi-ul-Awwal 1, 1170 A.H.). Prepa¬
rations started for the occupation of the
fort of Delhi by Shah.
(Jamadi-ul-Awwal 2, 1170 A.H.). Shah
arrived at Wazirabad near Delhi,
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
24
23-25
25-26 Night
— 26
— 27
— 28
(Jamadi-ul-Awwal 3, 1170 AIL)*
Khan entered the fort of Delhi.
Mughal nobles paid tributes to Shah.
Shah bestowed the Saltanat of Hindustan
on Alamgir II.
Alamgir II set out to see the Shah at
Wazirabad.
Jahan Khan met Alamgir IL
Ahmad Shah entered Delhi and stayed in the
fort of Delhi.
— 29
(Jamadi-ul-Awwal 8, 1170
30
February 1
4-20
14
18
20-21 Night
22
23-24
23
24
25
26
A.H.). Pro¬
clamation for the protection of the city
issued by Shah.
Alamgir paid a visit to Shah and a Darbar
held in the Darbar-i-Am.
(Jamadi-ul-Awwal 9, 1170 A.H.). Coins
struck in the name of Ahmad Shah Dur¬
rani at Delhi,
(Jamadi-ul-Awwal 11, 1170 A.D.). Antaji
Manakeshwar defeated by Jahan Khan.
Jahan Khan returned to Delhi after burn¬
ing the town of Faridabad.
Money extorted from the residents of Delhi.
(Jamadi-ul-Awwal 24, 1170 A.H.). Prince
Taimur, son of Ahmad Shah Durrani,
married to princess Gauhar-Afroz Bano
Begam, the daughter of Emperor Alam¬
gir II.
(Jamadi-us-Awwal 28, 1170 A.H.). Agree¬
ment between Ahmad Shah Durrani and
Alamgir II signed.
(Jamadi-us-Sani 1 1170 A.H.). Umda
Begam married to Ghazi-ud-Din,
(Jamadi-us-Sani 2, 1170 A.H.). Shah
marched against Suraj Mall Jat of Bha-
ratpur.
Shah halted at Khizarabad.
(Jamadi-us-Sani 3, 1170 A.H.). Alamgir
II paid visit to Shah.
(Jamadi-us-Sani 4, 1170 A.H.). Ghazi-
ud-Din joined the Shah on his expedition
against the Jats.
(Jamadi-us-Sani 5, 1170 A.H'.). Mugh-
lani Begam joined the Shah in his expedi¬
tion against the Jats.
(Jamadi-us-Sani 6, 1170 A.H.). Sher An-
daz Khan met Ghazi-ud-Din,
! &JST&
27
CHRONOLOGY
(Jamadi-us-Sani 7, 1170 A.H.). Sher An-
■§L
—•
28
CJamadi-us-Sani 8. 1170 A.H.), Jawahar
Singh defeated by Jahan Khan,
March
1
(Jamadi-us-Sani 9, 1170 A.H.). Jahan
Khan entered Mathura and massacred the
population.
~
3
(Jamadi-us-Sani 11, 1170 A.H.). Jawahar
Singh escaped from Ballabhgarh.
6
(Jamadi-us-Sani 14, 1170 A.H.). Massa¬
cre at Brindaban by Jahan Khan.
****'
15
(Jamadi-us-Sani 23, 1170 A.H.). Shah
arrived at Mathura.
21
(Jamadi-us-Sani 29, 1170 A.H.). Jahan
Khan reached Agra.
23
(Rajjab 2, 1170 A.H.). Jahan Khan received
urgent orders from Shah to repair to his
presence.
-
24
(Rajjab 3, 1170 A.H.). Jahan Khan left Agra
to join the Shah at Mathura.
26
(Rajjab 5, 1170 A.H.), Shah despatched
message to Alamgir II
31
(Rajjab 10, 1170 A.H.), Shall encamped in
the suburbs of Delhi.
April 1
JS
(Rajjab 11, 1170 AH.). Shah shifted his
camp towards Badli.
2
(Rajjab 12, 1170 A.H.). Alamgir 11 paid
farewell visit to Shah.
_ _ j
5
(Rajjab 15, 1170 A.H.). Sahib Mahal ar¬
rived in Shah’s camp.
10
(Rajjab 20, 1170 A.H.). Sahib Mahaal left
Delhi, following Shah’s camp.
13
(Rajjab 23, 1170 A.H.). Shah reached
Taraori.
August
Raghunath Rao in the neighbourhood of
Delhi.
1758 January
6
(Rabi-ul-Akhar 25, 1171 A.H.). Maratha
despatch about Panjab.
Adina Beg Khan’s negotiations with Raghu¬
nath Rao.
—
— 2nd week
Abdus Samad Khan started fortification of
Sirhlnd.
—
February End
Raghunath Rao marched from Delhi to¬
wards Sirhind.
■.—
March 9
(Phagan 29/30, 1814 Bk.) Raghunath Rao
reached neighbourhood of Sirhind.
- 21
Sirhind captured by Sikhs and Marathas.
MIN ISTfy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
— 19
— 20
— xx
May 10
June 5
September 15
— End
— xx
November
December 4th week
1759 January 4
— — 31
— February 1
— April Middle
—August End
— September-Oct.
— October, 25
— November 20
— — 29
— — 30
— December 10
20
21
Jahan Khan returned to Lahore from the
town of Jalalabad on the river Beas,
Taimur’s and Jahan Khan’s camp set on
the Ravi
Taimur and Jahan Khan left Lahore.
Sikhs and Marathas occupy Lahore,
Khwaja Mirza Jan Khan appointed to
Lahore.
(Ramzan 2, 1171 A.H.) Raghunath Rao
left Lahore for the south.
Raghunath Rao took bath at Kurukshetra.
Adina Beg Khan died.
Jankoji Shinde returned from Indus.
Nur-ud-Din Khan Bamezei entered Sind
Sagar Doab.
Tukaji Holkar in Peshawar,
(Rabi-ud-Akhir, end, 1172 A.H.), Raghu¬
nath Rao and Malhar Rao Holkar returned
to Deccan from Delhi.
(Jamadi-ul-Awwal 5, 1172 A.H.). Jankoji
Shinde reached Barari near Wazirabad.
(near Delhi).
(Jamadi-us-Sani 2, 1172 A.H.), Agree¬
ment concluded between Jankoji Shinde
and Ghazi-ud-Din.
Jankoji Shinde marched towards north.
Sabaji returned to Lahore from Peshawar.
Ahmad Shah despatched a force to the Pan¬
jab under Jahan Khan.
(Safer 1173 A.H.). Shah descended upon
India.
(Rabi-ul-Awwal 3, 1173 A.H.). Shah crossed
the Indus.
(Rabi-ulrAwwal 29, 1173 A.H.). Shah
crossed Beas at Goindwal.
(Rabi-us-Sani 8, 1173 A.H.). Alamgir II
murdered.
(Rabi-us-Sani 9, 1173 A.H.). Khan-i-Kha-
nan Intizam-ud-Daulah strangled to
death.
Shah Jahan II raised to the throne of Delhi.
(Rabi-us-Sani 19, 1173 A.R.), Najib-ud-
Daulah wrote to Maharajah Sawai Madho
Singh.
Ahmad Shah encamped at Khizarabad.
Dattaji crossed the Jamuna.
Shah Alam II received news of his father’s
death.
24
27
29
~~~ X X
1760 January 4
— 7
— — 9
16
17
— 21
— 27
— 28
February 6
— 11
18
— 22
28
March 4
x
31
CHEOISrOLOGY
(Paush Sudi 5, 1681 Shaka, , 1816
Marathas collide with Afghans.
Shah Alam II proclaimed himself Emperor
of Delhi,
Dattaji left Kunjpura and moved towards
Delhi,
Dattaji reached Sonepat.
Ahmad Shah wrote to Baja of Jaipur,
Rebellion of Naseer Khan of Kalat.
(Jamadi-ul-Awwal 15, 1173 A.H.). Dattaji
went to Barari. p
(Jamadi-ul-Awwal 18, 1173 A.H.). Dattaji
visited Delhi.
(Jamadi-ul-Awwal 20, 1173 A.H., Paush
Vadi 8, 1816 Bk.). Najib Khan crossed the
Jamuna.
(Jamadi-ul-Awwal 27, 1173 A.H.), Najib
Khan and Abdul Ahad Khan visited the
shrine of Nizam-ud-Din Auliya.
(Jamadi-ul-Awwal 28, 1173 A.H.). Sadul-
lah Khan, Hafiz Rahmat Khan, etc., visit¬
ed the shrine of Nizam-ud-Din Auliya,
Shah visited the mausoleum of Nizam-ud*
Din Auliya.
Shah left Khizarabad.
Robert Clive handed over charge of gover¬
norship of Bengal to John Z. Holwell.
Shah reached Dig.
Marathas defeated by Afghans.
Shah moved to Rewari.
Shall wrote to Raja of Jaipur.
Marathas reappeared at Bahadurgarh.
Malhar Rao Holkar reached Sikandarabad.
Marathas surprised and dispersed by
Afghans in a night attack near Sikanda¬
rabad.
Shah reached Aligarh (Kol).
(Shaban, early) Ahmad Khan Bangash
invited by Shah.
(Shaban 13, 1173 A.H.). Ahmad Khan Ban-
gash paid a visit to Shah.
~r May 30
Maratha army reached Gwalior.
— June 8
Maratha army reached Dhaulpur.
— July 14
Maratha army reached Agra.
— — 18
(Zil-Hijja 4, 1173 A.H.). Shah Wali Khan
went out to receive Shujah-ud-Daulah.
Delhi fell to Marathas,
22
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
27
John Z. Holwell handed over charge of
governorship of Bengal to Henry Vansit-
tarfc.
—
August 2
Delhi fort captured by Sadashiva Bao
Maratha.
— 12
Sadashiv Bhau left Delhi.
'—
October 10
Bhau left for Kunjpura.
Shah Jahan II deposed and Shah Alam II
made Emperor of Delhi.
■
— 16
Bhau reached Kunjpura.
October 20
(Habi-ul-Awwal 10, 1174 A.H.). Shall
moved northward.
Mir Qasim appointed Nawab Nazim of Ben¬
gal, Behar and Orissa in place of Mir
Jaffar.
■
— 25
Afghan army crossed the Jamuna,
— 26
Shah crossed the Jamuna.
—
— 27
Shah Pasand Khan defeated Maratha pat¬
rol at Sonepat.
■_ _
— 28-30
Shah halted at Ganaur
— 29
Sadashiv returned to Panipat.
, ■■■■
— 31
Shah arrived at Sambhalka.
November
Sikhs fell upon Lahore.
-
— 1
Shah arrived at Panipat.
—
— 19
Fateh Ali Khan carried away Shah’s artil¬
lery.
—
— 22
Shah Wali Khan surprised by Sindhia’s
troops.
_
December 7
Marathas opened gun-fire upon Ruhilas.
1761 January 6
Maratha troops reached Panipat with
money.
r ..
— 13
Maratha officers conferred with Sadashiv.
—
— 14
Battle of Panipat. Ahmad Shah defeated the
Marathas,
— 15
Shah entered Panipat.
—
— 29
Shah reached Delhi.
Shah Alam II confirmed Emperor of India.
—
February 10
Afghan Vakil Kulraj met the Peshwa,
—
— 21
Najib-ud-Daulah presented to the Shah the
envoys of Jats.
—
March 1
Mr. Vansittart expresses obedience of the
English to Shah Alam II.
_
— 5
Same as above.
—
— 7
Shah Wali Khan marched towards Agra.
—
— 11
(Shaban 4, 1174 A.H.). Mir Qasim paid visit
to Shah Alam II,
NllMSr/jy
CHRONOLOGY
40$
20
journey to Afghanistan.
Peshwa left for the Deccan.
lL
, n)
27
Shah left for Afghanistan.
Shah reached Ambala from Delhi.
—
—
29
(Shaban 22, 1174 A.H.). Ala Singh declared
,
April
: 7
ruler of Patiala.
Najib-ud-DauIah became Shah’s regent in
. rlT —
.
26
Delhi.
Shah arrived at Lahore on his way back.
~
June
23
Peshwa Balaji Rao died.
—
July 20
Madhav Rao became Peshwa.
—
October 27
Sikhs celebrated Dewali at Amritsar.
1762 February 3
(Rajjab 9, 1175 API.). Shah marched against
4
Sikhs from Lahore.
(Rajjab 10, 1175 A.H.). Shah sent despatch
__
5
to Zain Khan of Sirhind.
(Rajjab 11, 1175 A.H,). The great massacre
15
of the Sikhs by Ahmad Shah. (The second
Ghalughara ).
Shah left Sirhind for Lahore.
—
March 3
Shah reached Lahore.
—
April 10
The Sikh temple at Amritsar blown with
15
gun-powder by the Shah.
Shah hit on the nose by a flying piece of
brick.
Najib-ud-Daulah returned to Delhi.
—
April-May
(Vaisakh, Shaka 1684) Sikhs defeated Zain
October 16
Khan of Sirhind.
Shah reached Amritsar from Lahore.
—
—
17
Shah withdrew when attacked by Sikhs.
—
December 12
Shah left Lahore for Afghanistan.
1763 November
Jahan Khan entered the Rachna Doab.
—
December
Siege of Malerkotla by Sikhs; Bhikhan
_
_
25
Khan of Malerkotla killed in battle.
Suraj Mall Jat killed.
1763-64
Provinces of Sirhind, Lahore, and Multan
1764 January 14
captured by Sikhs.
(Magh 4, 1820 Ek.). Zain Khan killed in
_
February 20
battle with the Sikhs.
Sikhs ransacked Saharanpur.
—
—
x x
Sikhs at Lahore.
October
Khwaja Ubaid Khan killed.
Shah moved to India.
•—
December 1
Shah entered Sikh temple at Amritsar, op¬
G.
52
posed by Sikhs under Gurbakhash Singh.
AHMAD SHAH! DURflANt
1 '^*765 February middle
<SL
March end
April 10
— 16
—August 7
1766 November
— December
— — 10
— — 15
— — 21
— — 30
1767 January 1
— — x a
— — 15
March
17
x
17
18
23
May 11
19
1768
1769 beginning
1769-70
1770 March
17
— June 3
1771 January 6
— August 19
Peace concluded between the Ruhilas and
the Jats.
Shah left the Pan jab.
Sikhs decided by a Gurmata to occupy
Lahore.
(Tuesday, Baisakh Vadi 11, 1822 Bk.). Sikhs
occupied Lahore.
(Bhadon Vadi 6, 1822 Bk.). Ala Singh of
Patiala died.
Shah descended upon the Pan jab for the
eighth time.
Shah reached Gujrat.
Shah left Sialkot and encamped at Jhangi
(Jamke).
Shah left Jamke (Jhangi).
Shah continued his march from Eminabad.
Shah reached Amritsar.
Shah moved towards Jandiala.
News of the Shah’s intention to invade India
spread.
Shah wrote to Sikh Sardars to enter his
service or to meet him in battle.
Sikhs worsted Jahan Khan near Amritsar.
Shah crossed the Sutlej to the south.
Shah left Ismailabad for reurn journey.
Shah reached Ambala.
Shah arrived near Machhiwara on the Sut¬
lej.
Najib-ud-Daulah took leave of Shah.
Sikhs crossed the Jamuna and entered the
territory of Najib-ud-Daulah.
(1182 A.H.). Shah Wali Khan deputed to
keep peace in Balakh and Bukhara.
Nasarullah Mirza went to enlist co-opera¬
tion of Kurds against the Shah.
Shah made his last attempt at taking the
Pan jab,
(1183 A.H.). Shah marched to Khurasan.
Mir Qasim wrote to Nizam of Hyderabad
saying that Ahmad Shall was too busy to
help him.
(Safar 8, 1184 A.H.). Ahmad Shah left
Mashhad for Qandahar.
Shah Alam II returned to Delhi.
General Barker wrote to Jhanda Singh
Bhangi.
WNlSTffy
October 16-171
CHRONOLOGY
(Rajjab 20, 1186 A.H.), Ahmad Shah Dur¬
rani died at Toba-Maruf in the Suleman
hills.
1793 May 18
1800
(Shawwal 7, 1207 A.H.). Taimur Shah died.
Zaman Shah defeated and blinded by his
brother Mahmood.
1803
1809
Mahmood turned out Shah Shujah from
Afghanistan.
Shah Shujah ousted Mahmood.
1818
Throne of Afghanistan seized by the Barak-
zeis.
Nawab Muzaffar Khan of Multan killed in
battle against the Sikhs.
1. The corresponding A.D. date of Ahmad Shah Durrani’s death,
20th Rajjab, 1186 A.H., has been given in the text on p. 326 as Octo¬
ber 23, 1772, according to C. S. Tarakalankar and P. N. Saraswati ’3
Chronological Tables and Nawal Kishore’s Taqweem-i-Yaksad-o -
Dosala (1764-1865)), According to Swamikannu Pillai’s An Indian
Ephemeris , vol. VI, and Abu-an-Nasar Muhammad Khalidi’s Taq-
weem~i-Hi)ri-o-Isawi, it works out to be October 16-17, 1772, as given
above.
The A.D. date of Nadir Shah’s death corresponding to 11th Jamadi-
ul-Akhir, 1160 A.H., has been given in the text on p. 21 as June 19-20,
1747 (New Style), as given in ILockhart’s Nadir Shah, p. 261-62!
According to Pillai’s An Indian Ephemeris, it falls on the night of
June 8-9, 1747, as given in the Chronology above (p. 398).
to the conversion of dates, I have generally followed Swamikannu
Pulais An Indian Ephemeris .
Appendix IX
<SL
COMPARATIVE TABLES OF AFGHANI, IRANI, INDIAN,
ENGLISH AND HIJRI MONTHS AND DAYS
As the Muhammadan or Al-Hijri (A.H.) and the Indian or Bik-
rami (Bk.) dates are at many places mentioned side by side with
the Christian dates in the text, the names of the months and days
of all these calendars are given in tabular form for ready reference.
The Hijri era began with the departure of Prophet Muhammad
from Mecca to Medina, which took place on the night of July 15, 622
A.D. It is reckoned from the dawn of the following day, viz., July 16.
The Muhammadan year is strictly lunar, consisting of twelve months,
each of which counts from the actual visibility of the new moon; but
chronologically the months are completed at 30 and 20 days, making
the year consist of 354 days, eleven days behind the solar year.
The Bikrami era of India began 57 years before the Christian era.
Its years and months are both solar and lunar. The solar Bikrami
year is of 365 days like the Christian year. Up to the 2nd of Septem¬
ber, 1752, before the reform and the consequent change in the dates
of the Christian year, the months of the Bikrami solar year ran side
by side with those of the English year with a difference of a day or two
in the dates. On the 3rd of September, 1752, the date was changed to
14th September. This introduced a difference of 11 days. Since the
change in the English calendar, die Indian solar months begin about
the middle of the English months.
The Saka or Shaka era is reckoned from the reign of Salivahana
commencing in 79 A.D. (Anno Domini). It is identified with the lat¬
ter by adding 78 1 /4.
The names of Indian solar and lunar months are the same..
The dark half (the Krishna, Bahula or Andhera paksha) of the
Indian lunar month is called Vadi, Vadya or Badi, and the light half
(Shukla or Chandna paksha ) is known as Sudi or Shudha. The dates
of all solar and Hijri lunar months are counted in a regular serial
order up to the end, but in the case of Indian lunar months they are
counted up to the end of the paksha or dark or light half of the
month, e.g., Vadi 1 to 15 ( Amavas , moonless) in the Krishna paksha,
and Sudi 1 to 15 (Puran-masi, full moon) of the Shukla paksha.
The annual difference of 11 clays between the Indian lunar and
solar years is made up in the third (lunar) year by adding one month,
called the Adhik or Laund.
The Afghani year is solar and has the same month-names as the
Arab and Irani signs of the Zodiac,
Table I
Afghani, Irani, Indian, English and Hijri months and Signs of Zodiac
§L
—
Serial
NAMES
OF MONTHS
SIGNS OF ZODIAC
Al-mjri
Months
Order
Irani
Indian
English
Arab and
Irani
Indian
Latin
English
1.
Hamal
Farwar-
din
Basakh, Vaisha-
kha
April
Hamal
Mesha,
Mekh
Aries
Ram
Muharram
2
Saur
Ardibi-
hisht
Jeth, Jaishtha
May
Saur
Vrisha-
bha,
Birkh
Taurus
Bull
Safar
3.
Jauza
Khurdad
Harh, Asharh
June
Juauza
Mithun
Gemini
Human
Couple
Rabi-ul-
Awwal
4
Saratan
Tir
Sawan, Shra-
wana
July
Saratan
Karka
Cancer
Crab
Rabi-us-Sani
5.
Asad
Arnardad
Bhadon, Bhad-
rapada
August
Asad
Singh
Leo
Lion
Jamadi-ul-
Awwal
6 .
Sumbla
Shahri-
war
Assuj. Kuar,
Ashwin
Septem¬
ber
Sumbla
Kannya
Virgo
Virgin
J amadi-us-
Sanx •
7.
Mizan
Mihr
Katik, Kartika
October
Mizan
Tula
Libra
Scales
Raj jab
8,
Aqrab
Aban
Mag'har, Aghan,
Margasirsha
Novem¬
ber
Aqrab
Vrischik
Scorpio
Scorpion
Shaban
9,
Qaus
Azar
Foh, Pos,
Pausha
Decem¬
ber
Qaus
Dhanus,
Dhan
Saggita-
rius
Archer
Ramzan
10.
Jady
Dai
Magh
January
Jady
Makar
Capricorn
Crocodile
Shawwal
11.
Dalw
Bahman
Phalguna
Phagan
February
Dalw
Kumbha
Aequa-
rius
Water-
pitcher
Zi-qada
12 .
Hoot
Isfandar-
muz
Chet, Chaitra
March i
j
j
Hoot
Meen
Pisces
Fish
Zil-Hijja
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
For the convenience of readers and ready reference, Irani names
and Zodiac signs have also been added to the Christian," Indian and
Hijri names of months in the table given above. As the Hijri months
are lunar and the annual difference of about 11 days is not made tip
as in the Indian lunar years, they do not run parallel to any solar
months. They are, therefore, shown separately at the end and should
not be taken as corresponding to any other months in the table.
TABLE H
DAYS OF THE WEEK
No. English
Afghani-Irani
Arab
Indian
1.
Sunday
Yak Shamba
Yaum-ul-Ahad
Aitwar,
Kaviwar
2.
Monday
Do Shamba
Yaum-ul-Isnain
Somwar
3.
Tuesday
Seh Shamba
Yaum-us-Salasa
Mangalwar
4.
Wednesday
Chahar Shamba
Yaum-ul-Arba
Budhwar
5.
Thursday
Panj Shamba,
Jumarat
Yaum-ul-Khamis
Virwar,
Brihaspat-
war
6.
Friday
Juma
Yaum-u-Juma
Shukarwar
7.
Saturday
Shamba, Hafta
Yaum-us-Saba
Shanichar-
war
Shaniwar
Appendix X
SOME BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
As far as possible, this account of Ahmad Shah’s life has
been based on contemporary records, using the secondary
sources only for purposes of corroborative evidence. It is only
when contemporary authorities were not available that
recourse was had to the works of later writers who either
drew upon earlier works, no longer extant or readily available,
or who based their narratives on the oral accounts of eye¬
witnesses and contemporaries. In this Appendix are briefly
described some of the important contemporary manuscripts
and records that have been used. Smaller notes on less im¬
portant works have been given in the Bibliography.
N1ZAM-VD-DIN 1SHRAT SIALKOT I
Nizam-ud-Din Ishrat was a favourite poet of Ahmad
Shah. He was a resident of Sialkot in the Panjab. He tells
us in Sections 64-66 of his Shah Namah-i-Ahmadiya that on
the Shah’s return march from Delhi, in the summer of 1757,
he came from Sialkot, paid homage to his Afghan Majesty
on the western side of the river Chenab and accompanied
him to Kabul. The Shah was pleased to receive him and,
impressed by his poetical account of Nadir Shah, called the
Shah-Namah-i-Nadiri or Nadir Namah (completed in 1162
A.H., 1749 A.D.), desired him to compose an account of his
own reign. The Shah soon became fond of his company and
called him every night to his presence. Nizam-ud-Din, how¬
ever, wished to return home to be able to complete his work in
solitude. The Shah, at his request, ordered Mirza Mahmud
of the Dar-ul-Insha to supply him with the necessary docu¬
ments. With the requisite material in his possession, Nizam-
ud-Din returned to Sialkot and composed the Shah Namah.
It is written in the form of a Masnavi. The manuscript which
I have had access to comprises 614 pages of 19 lines each
and is divided into 115 chapters. Tne Shah Namah-i-Ahmadiya
is a unique poetical account of the reign of Ahmad Shah. It
concludes with the death of the Shah and the accession of
his son Taimur Shah in 1772.
h AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Nizam-ud-Din gives no dates, nor does he relate his
story in a simple narrative style. He allows a fair amount
of play to his imagination and exaggerates in favour of the
Shah. But in spite of these defects, the Shah Namah is a
useful contemporary account written by one who knew the
Shah personally and had access to firsthand material both
from official and non-official sources. The details he gives
of some of the Shah’s Indian exploits, particularly in the
Fanjab and Kashmir, are not found in any other work. The
poet accompanied Sardar Nur-ud-Din Bamezei to Kashmir
in the summer of 1762 and was appointed an Amin, a judicial
functionary, on the conquest of the valley. He was, thus, an
eye-witness of the various events connected with the Kashmir
expedition, and his Shah Namah is the only source of infor¬
mation about them.
Only three copies of this very rare manuscript are
known to exist. One is in the Asafiya Library, Hyderabad
(Deccan), under Tarikh-i-Farsi No. 2062. The second, in the
Khalsa College, Amritsar (Sikh History Research Depart¬
ment), under No. 252, was transcribed by Munshi Faiz-ul-
Haq Amritsari from the Hyderabad copy under my instruc¬
tions. The third copy is available in the British Museum,
London, under No. Add. 26, 285 Parts II and III. I have used
the Amritsar copy.
MAHMUD-UL-MUSANNA1 SON OF IBRAHIM AL-HUSA1N1
Mahmud-ul-Musannai was a close associate of Mirza
Muhammad Mahdi Kaukabi Astarabadi, the author of the
Tarikh-i-Nadiri. Ahmad Shah admired the prose style of this
work. He, therefore, selected Mahmud in 1187 A.H., 1754
A.D., at Mashhad and appointed him a Munshi in his secre¬
tariat, the Dar-ul-lnsha, and deputed him to compile a history
of his reign in a style similar to that of Mirza Mahdi’s I i.vtikh-
i-Nadiri. Mahmud wrote this work under the title of Tarikh-
i-Ahmad Shahi, and an abridgment of it called the Mulakhis
Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi. There is a unique copy of the former
in the British Museum, London, under No. Or. 106. I have a
rotograph copy of it in my own collection. The book is in¬
complete and closes with the marriage of Prince Taimur with
a daughter of Alarngir II of Delhi. In the end it treats of
Ml HtSTfy
SOME BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
4>I.
e remarkable traits of the Shah. An incomplete copy of
it is also available in the Bombay University Library. The
remaining portion of the history down to the death of Ahmad
Shah and the accession of his son Taimur Shah is found in
another British Museum manuscript, No. Or. 2059, X, foil.
50, 53-66.
1MAM-UD-DIN AL-HUSAINI
Imam-ud-Din. al-Husaini was a disciple of Khwaja Abu
Muhsin Husain Husaini Chishti Madudi Kumhari of Lucknow.
He went to Lahore in 1796-97 when Shah Zaman invaded
the Panjab, and accompanied his army to Peshawar on its
return march. At Peshawar he devoted himself to composing
a history of Shah Zaman and his ancestor's. He returned to
Lucknow in 1798, and received from his Pir, Khwaja Husain,
a rough draft of a history of Ahmad Shah and his son Taimur
which he incorporated in his own work. The work was com¬
pleted on 20th Jamadi-us-Sanl, 1213 A.H., November 28, 1798,
and was named Tarikh-i-Husain Shahi after the Pir. It is
also called T arikh-i-Ahmad Shahi, Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shah
Durrani, Ma’rkah-i-Durrania and Tarikh Nasab Namah-i-
Ahmad Shah Durrani.
It is one of the very few running narratives of Ahmad
Shah and his two successors. I have used the Bankipore copy.
ABDUL KARIM KASHMIRI
Abdul Karim, the author of the Bayan-i-Waqei, entered
the service of Nadir Shah in 1739 when he was in Delhi and
accompanied him to Persia. He was at Qazwin in 1741. From
there he went to Mecca and returned to Delhi in 1743. The
Bayan-i-Waqei is an account of his travels and of con¬
temporary history up to 1785. The first chapter of the book
is devoted to Nadir’s invasion of India, and the fourth and
fifth to events of the reigns of Emperors Muhammad Shah
and Ahmad Shah of Delhi, who were contemporaries of
Ahmad Shah Durrani.
TARIKH-I-AHMAD SHAHI
Xhe I arikh-i-Ahmad Shahi is a contemporary history of
the reign of Ahmad Shah who came to the throne of Delhi
G. 53
ftmr/fy
ahmao shah durrAni
er the death of his father, Emperor Muhammad Shah, in
April, 1748, and was deposed and imprisoned on June 2, 1754.
The anonymous author of this work says that he “was present
throughout and saw with his own eyes the utter misery of
Emperor Ahmad and wept. ,, This work, according to Sir
Jadunath Sarkar, is “by far the fullest and most accurate
history of this reign,” As such, it is extremely useful for the
Mughal-side details of the first three Indian invasions of
Ahmad Shah Durrani.
I have consulted the rotograph copy of the British Museum
manuscript obtained by me from Sir Jadunath Sarkar for
the Khalsa College, Amritsar.
TAHMAS KHAN MUKHIM-VD-DAULAH ITIQAD JANG
The original name of Tahmas Khan, the author of the
Tahmas Nmnah, was Timur. He was born of Armenian,
Georgian or Turkish parents in a village near Bayazid in Asia
Minor. While yet an infant, he was carried away as a slave
by the Uzbak soldiers of Nadir Shah. In the summer of
1748 his Uzbak master, a Jamadar, came from Multan to
Lahore and took up service in the army of Muin-ul-Mulk,
Timur and two other Turkish boys, aged eight or nine years,
were presented to Muin who had Timur trained for military
service. After the death of his new master, which took place
in November, 1753, lie continued in the service of his widow,
Mughlani Begam, who for some time held the charge of the
Panjab province. He was one of her confidants when she
was removed to Delhi by Ghazi-ud-Din in 1756 and played a
prominent part in the negotiations with His Afghan Majesty
Ahmad Shah and his prime minister, Shah Wali Khan, dur¬
ing his fourth invasion of India. He was well received and
honoured by Prince Taimur during his viceroyalty of Lahore
in 1757 and x'aised to the rank of Khan, changing his original
name to Tahmas Khan.
Tahmas Khan incurred the displeasure of Mughlani
Begam by his opposition to her intended second marriage and
sought safety in flight to Nawab Zain Khan of Sirhind. He
finally repaired to Delhi and entered the service of Nawab
Zabita Khan, son of Najib-ud-Daulah, and, later on, of
Zulfiqar-ud-Daulah Nawab Najaf Khan who was his chief
MNlSTfiy
SOME BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
he wrote these memoirs in 1193 A.H., 1779 A.D., the
date mentioned in the chronogram given at the end of the
book. He had by that time acquired considerable wealth and
obtained the title of Mukhim-ud-Daulah Itiqad Jang from
His Majesty Shah Alam II.
The Tahmas Namah, also called the Tarikh-i~Tahma$ , was
the third work of Tahmas Khan. He had previously written
two works in the Turki language, viz., a sketch of his life
and a Turki manual called the Ahmad Namah. The Ahmad
Namah was, perhaps, an account of Ahmad Shah Durrani.
Tahmas Khan narrates in great detail the various events
of his life and the military transactions, in which he bore an
active part, and other contemporary happenings. As a source
of useful contemporary material, the Tahmas Namah bears
very much the same character as the Bayan-i-Waqei of Abdul
Karim. But Tahmas Khap mentions no dates.
Tahmas Khan has been wrongly called Miskin by some
writers beginning with Sir Henry Elliott, who says that this
was his pen-name. Writing in the third person singular,
Tahmas Khan mentions himself as ‘In miskin ’ like Tn banda’.
In nachiz’, ‘In khadim’, etc., of some other writers, meaning
"this humble person’, ‘this slave’, ‘this non-entity’, ‘this
servant’. Miskin was not Tahmas Khan’s pen-name. A pen-
name is used in poetry only.
I have used the British Museum, London, manuscript, a
rotograph of which was obtained by me from Sir Jadunath
Sarkar for the Khalsa College, Amritsar.
TAR1KH-I-ALAMG1R SANI
The Tarikh-i-Alamgir Sani is a detailed contemporary
record of the events of the reign of Alamgir II narrated with
great chronological precision, from his accession on the 10th
of Shaban, 1167 A.H., June 2, 1754, to his death on the 8th
Rabi-us-Sani, 1173 A.H., November 29, 1759. The name of the
author is not mentioned anywhere. It is an extremely useful
work on the fourth Indian invasion of Ahmad Shah (1756-57)
and other contemporary events. I have used the rotograph
copy of the British Museum manuscript in the Khalsa Col¬
lege, Amritsar,
>IN ISTfty
,^/SAYYAD NUR-UD-DIN HASAN
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Sayyad Nur-ud-Din Hasan, the author of the Ahwal-i-
Najib-ud-Daulah, was a personal servant of Wazir Ghazi-ud-
Din Imad-ul-Mulk and, as such, closely connected with most
of the events narrated by him in his work on Najib-ud-Daulah
who was the most trusted Indian ally and agent of Ahmad
Shah. His narrative is, therefore, the most accurate and
dependable for the Shah’s fourth and fifth Indian invasions.
I have consulted the rotograph copy of the British
Museum manuscript in the Khalsa College, Amritsar.
The work has been translated into English by Sir Jadu-
nath Sarkar and published in the Islamic Culture, July and
October, 1933, and April, 1934.
QAZI NVR MUHAMMAD
Qazi Nur Muhammad of G uni aba, the author of the Jang
Namah, was an eye-witness of the events recorded by him.
He accompanied the Baluch crusaders of Mir Naseer Khan of
Kalat to the Panjab against the Sikhs in the winter of 1764
when Ahmad Shah invaded India for the seventh time. He
offered to write an account of the crusade, provided the Khan
appointed him the Qazi of Shikarpur or of the Deras when
His Afghan Majesty, on his victorious return from the Panjab,
bestowed those territories upon him as a reward for his ser¬
vices. Mir Naseer Khan willingly acceded to the request. Thus
came to be written this Jang Namah, the only detailed ac¬
count of the Shah’s seventh invasion of India. Before this
work was discovered by the late Sardar Karam. Singh in the
Gazetteer Office of Quetta and was edited, translated into
English and published by me in 1939, the seventh Indian
invasion of the Shah (1764-65) was either omitted altogether,
or it was confused with that of the year 1767 or was just
dismissed in a few lines. It is from the Jang Namah alone
that we learn that the Sikhs had extended their conquests as
far as Multan, crossed the river Indus and entered the Deras
by the middle of 1764, within a few months of the conquest
of Sirhind. This was one of. the reasons which had brought
the Shah to India that year.
SOME BIBLIOGKAPHICA'Ij NOTES
li 3$ true that the Jang Nama,h presents only one side
^O^cture and that too from a bigoted crusader’s angle oT
vision. But that does not detract much from its historical
value. In spite of his strong prejudice against the Sikhs,
whom he remembers in no better words than dogs, dogs of
hell, accursed infidels, unclean idolaters, fire-worshippers, etc.,
his description of the character of the Sikhs of the eighteenth
century is invaluable to the students of history. And its value
is immeasurably enhanced when we know that it is from the
pen of one of their worst enemies, who prayed to God and
appealed to the crusaders to destroy them root and branch.
In short, the book has a great significance as a comtemporary
historical document for the history of Ahmad Shah and the
Sikhs.
SHIV PRASAD
Shiv Prasad compiled his work, the Tarikh-i-Faiz Bakhsh,
at the desire of General Kirkpatrick in 1190 A.H. (1775-1776
A.D.) for his brother Captain Kirkpatrick who wished to
acquaint himself with the history of the Ruhila Afghans of
Katehr from the time of Nawab Ali Muhammad Khan, when
they first acquired power, to the affair of Laldog in order that
he might translate it into English. The narrative was com¬
pleted in March, 1776. ,
Nawab Ali Muhammad Khan was the ruler of Sirhind
when Ahmad Shah invaded India for the first time in 1748.
The Tarikh-i-Faiz Bakhsh is a contemporary history of
the Ruhila Afghans in India, particularly of the descendants
of Ali Muhammad Khan, who appear so often on the scene
in the first and subsequent invasions of Ahmad Shah. It
throws a good deal of sidelight on the Panjab affairs.
There is another work of the same name ( Tarikh-i-Faiz
Baksh ) by Faiz Bakhsh of Faizabad. As this also treats of
the same period, it should not be confounded with Shiv
Prasad’s Tarikh-i-Faiz Bakhsh.
CALENDARS OF PERSIAN CORRESPONDENCE
The English summaries of all the Persian letters and
news-sheets received by the government of the East India
Company and replies thereto have been compiled, edited and
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
^published under the orders of the Government of India Im¬
perial Record Department, now called the National Archives,
in 9 volumes and the series is being continued. They contain
firsthand original material on the history of the periods
covered by them. The first three volumes for the years 1759-
1767, 1767-69 and 1770-72 contain a good deal of useful
material on Ahmad Shah.
SELECTIONS FROM PESHWA DAFTAR
Selections from the Peshwa Dafiar, edited by Rao
Bahadur G. S. Sardesai and published by the Government of
Bombay, in 46 volumes, contain Marathi despatches and other
State papers received from Maratha army camps, civil officials
and news-agents from different parts of the country. The
second volume of these Selections is devoted to the battle of
Panipat and a number of others to North Indian affairs which
contain references to the activities of Ahmad Shah Durrani.
In many respects the Marathi records, printed in this and
other series, which have been mentioned in the Bibliography,
are more correct and useful than the Calendars of Persian
Correspondence because in the former there is less possibility
of mistakes through incorrect transcription, misreading of
names of persons and places in Shikasta writings and faulty
translations.
MUHAMMAD AL1 KHAN ANSAR1
Muhammad Ali Khan Ansari bin Izzat-ud-Daulah
Hidayat-ullah Khan, son of Shams-ud-Daulah Lutfullah Khan,
was a darogha of the Faujdari Adalat of Tirhut and Hajipur,
appointed by his patron Sayyad Nawab Muhammad Riza
Khan Muzafar Jang Naib Nazim of Bengal and Behar who
died at Murshidabad in 1206 A.H., 1792 A.D. He combined a
judicious mind with a keen sense of accuracy. His voluminous
work known as the Tarikh-i-Muzaffari, evidently named after
his patron, is considered to be one of the most accurate gene¬
ral histories of India.
He was a contemporary of Ahmad Shah and his account
of the Indian invasions of the Shah is very useful. I have
consulted the copy in the Khalsa College, Amritsar, transcrib¬
ed from the Khuda Bakhsh Library, Bankipore, and com-
MINlSr^
SOME BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES
and completed at the Asafiya Library, Hyderabad,
Deccan, by -Munshi Faizul Haq under my instructions.
Muhammad Ali Khan Ansari’s other two works are:
(i) Bahr-ul-Mawtvaj, a general history of India to
the death of Emperor Muhammad Shah ;
Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shah, a short history of the reign
of Emperor Ahmad Shah, son of Muhammad
Shah.
Inayatullah Khan Rasikh and Nawab Shakir Khan, the
author of the Tarikh-i-Shakir Khani, were paternal uncles of
Muhammad Ali Khan.
(ii)
BVDH SINGH ARORA
Budh Singh Arora of Lahore and his collaborator, Lala
Ajaib Singh Suraj of Malerkotla, were contemporaries of
Ahmad Shah. They wrote a treatise on the Sikhs called the
Risalah-i-Nanak Shah some twelve years after the death of
Ahmad Shah. It was compiled for Major James Browne who
was sent from Calcutta to Delhi in 1784 by the Government
of the East India Company as the English minister to the
court of His Majesty Shah Alam II.
Major Browne tells us that “two Hindoos of considerable
knowledge had in their possession accounts of the rise and
progress of the Sicks written in the Nuggary (or common
Hindoo) characters. I persuaded them to let me have a
translation of one of them in the Persian language, abridging
it as much as they could do without injuring the essential
purpose of information.” It was on this Persian sketch that
Major Browne based his ‘History of the Origin and Progress
of the Sicks’ completed in September, 1787, and printed in
1788, as the second of his ‘India Tracts’. Although very
sketchy, the Risalah-i-Nanak Shah is quite useful regarding
Afghan-Sikh relations. I have used the British Museum
manuscript, of which a rotograph was secured by me for the
Khalsa College, Amritsar.
BAKHT MALL
Bakht Mall’s parents belonged to Kashmir. His father
migrated to Lahore and attained high position. In the early
sixties of the eighteenth century he seems to have left for
Delhi where Bakht Mall was probably born and educated.
Ahmad shah durrAni
*•' Bakht Mall enjoyed the company of Bhai Lai Singh of
Kaithal, a great patron of learning and learned men, and
wrote a detailed history of the Sikhs which was stolen by
thieves. In the end of 1805 he accompanied'John Malcolm on
a mission to Maharaja Ranjit Singh and wrote a short account
of the Sikhs which was taken away by Malcolm and used for
his ‘Sketch of the Sikhs’, London, 1812. The Khalsa Namah
is Bakht Mali’s third work on the subject and is a very useful
source of material for the eighteenth century struggles of
the Sikhs against the local Mughal governors and Ahmad
Shah Durrani.
RATAN SINGH BHANGU
Ratan Singh Bhangu’s Prachin Panth Prakash is a first-
rate secondary source, almost as good as a contemporary
authority. He was a grandson of Sardar Mehtab Singh of
Mirankot on the father’s side and of Sardar Shyam Singh of
Narli, the first leader of the Karorsinghia Mi.sal, on the
mother’s side. His father, Rai Singh, was a member of the
Buddha Dal and had taken part in many a struggle with
the local rulers and Afghan invaders. It was on the basis
of information received from his father and other eye¬
witnesses and contemporaries, many of whom were personally
known or related to Ratan Singh, that he wrote his account
of the Sikhs at the suggestion of Captain Murray, the British
Political Agent at Ludhiana. Captain Murray had also deput¬
ed his Munshi Bute Shah alias Ghulam Muhy-ud-Din Alavi
Qadri to write a detailed history of the Sikhs.
Ratan Singh himself was also an eye-witness of some of
the events of the eighteenth century recorded by him.
The Prachin Panth Prakash is, therefore, one of the most
important and useful works on the Afghan-Sikhs struggles
for supremacy in the Panjab which continued to the end of
the eighteenth century.
According to the chronogram given at the end of the
book, it was completed in 1898 Bk., 1841 A.D.
It is mostly on this woi'k that Giani Gian Singh based his
Panth Prakash, published in 1936 Bk. (1880 A.D.), and the
second and third parts of his Taicarikh-Guru Khalsa published
in 1892-94.
ALP
ASB
BIS
BLC
BNP
BM
BUL
DAD
DSL
EUL
GS
HSL
IHC
ihq
IHRC
10
JASB
JNS
JPUHS
JSL
KCA
KSL
MUA
ND
OPB
OUH
PPL
PUL
HAS
RLM
RLS
RSL
SHA
SJH
VSA
G* 54
Appendix XI
BIBLIOGRAPHY
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS USED
Archives Library, Patiala.
Asiatic Society of Bengal (now called the Asiatic Society),
Calcutta.
Bharat Itihas Samshodhak Manclal, Poona.
Buhar Library (in the National Library) Calcutta.
Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.
British Museum, London.
Bombay University Library, Bombay.
Dar-ul-Ulum, Deoband.
Dayal Singh Library, Lahore.
Edinburgh University Library, Edinburgh.
Ganda Singh, Retired Director of Archives, Patiala.
Hyderabad State (Asafiya) Library, Hyderabad (Deccan)*
Indian History Congress.
Indian Historical Quarterly, Calcutta.
Indian Historical Records Commission.
India Office, London.
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
Six’ Jadunath Sarkar, Calcutta.
Journal of the Panjab University Hist, Society, Lahore.
Jind State Library, Sangrur (now Archives Library,
Patiala).
Khalsa College, Amritsar.
Kapurthala State 'Library (Toshekhana), Kapurthala (now
Archives Library, Patiala).
Muslim University Library, Aligarh.
Not dated.
(Kliuda Bakhsh) Oriental Public Library, Bankipore,
Patna.
Osmania Universiy Library, Hyderabad (Deccan).
Pan jab Public Library, Lahore (Pakistan).
Panjab University Library, Lahore (Pakistan).
Royal Asiatic Society, London.
John Rylands Library, Manchester.
Raghubir Library, Sitamau.
Rampur (U.P.) State Library, Rampur (TJ.P.).
Sikh History Society, Amritsar and Patiala.
Salar Jang Bahadur’s Library, Hyderabad (Deccan).
Dr. Bhai Vir Singh, Amritsar.
Ml NISTffy
S
Abdul Karim Alavi. Tarikh-i-Ahmad,* also called Tawarikh-i~Ahmadi,
Mustafai Press, Lucknow, 1850. MS. ALP.
Abdul Karim Kashmiri. Bayan-i-Waqei, MS. 1166 A.H., 1752-53 A.D.
IO., BM., PPL., PUL., BLC., KCA. Contemporary, very useful for
the first invasion of Ahmad Shah Durrani.
Abdul Karim Nadim ibn Ismail Bukhari. Afghan va Kabul va Bu¬
khara va Khivag va Khanlavinin Ahwal. A History of Central Asia
from 1160 A.H., 1747 A.D., tlie year of Ahmad Shah’s accession,
to 1233 A.H., 1818 A.D., the year of the composition of the manu¬
script. BNP.
The particulars of the printed edition are: Vol. I (Persian Text),
Bulaq, 1873. Vol. II (French Translation), Histoire de L’ Asie
Centrale (Afghanistan, Boukhare, Khiva, Khoqand) depuis les
dernieres annees du regne de Nadir Chah (1153), jusquen 1233
de I’Hgire (1740-1818) par Mir Abdoul Kerim Boukhary publiee,
traduite et annotee par Charles Schefer, Paris, 1876.
Abdul Latif of Kharkhauda. Ahmad Namah. MS. IO. A contemporary,
more or less, metrical account of Ahmad Shah, completed 20th
Jamadi I, 1184. A.H., 11th September, 1770 A.D.
Abdul Qadir Khan alias Ghulam Qadir Khan Jaisi. Tarikh-i-Imad-ul~
Mulk . MS., N.D. OPB., KCA., IO.
Abdul Rahman, called Shah Nawaz Khan. Mirat-i-Aftab Numa . MS.
1217 A.H., 1802 A.D. OPB., KCA., ALP.
Abul Hasan Ibn Muhammad Amin Gulistani. Mujmil-ut-Tawarikh pas
az Nadir, edited by Oskar Mann, Leiden, 1896 A.D. (Completed in
1782 A.D.) Partly translated into English by Sir Jadunath Sarkar
in Modern Review, Calcutta, 1929, Vol. XLV.
It is a history of Shah Rukh Mirza, grandson of Nadir. There is
a manuscript in the Aligarh University Abdus-Salam Section No.
434/28, under the title of Giti Kusha-i-Tarikh-i-Karim Khan , of
which this work, less the first eight pages of Introduction, and
with a few slight variations, forms the first part. Another copy
of this work, without the first pages, as mentioned above, is avail¬
able in the Khalsa College, Amritsar.
Ahmad Ali Kohzad. Risalah-i~Maskukat-i-Afghanistan dar Asr-i-
Islam. Kabul, 1319 Shammasi.
Ahmad Shah Batalia. 7arikh-i-Hind, Bayan-i-Ahwal-i-Midk-i-Hind
wa Maluk-i~An. MS. 1233 A.H., 1817-18 A.D. Gives many new
things about the Shah’s life in India, particularly regarding his
visits to the saints of Batala. DSL., KCA.
_ Zikr-i-Guruan-va-Ibtida~i-Singhan-va-Mazhab-i-Eshan. It forms
the concluding portion of the above manuscript; also printed as an
appendix to the 1st and the 2nd volumes of Sohan Lai Suri’s Umda -
Ui-Tawarikh.
Ahmad Shah Durrani, hoe Ahmad Shah. A collection of Ahmad Shah
Durrani’s ghazals , compiled by Abdul Hay Khan Habibi. Kabul,
1319 Afghani, 1940 (Pashto).
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
PERSIAN
§L
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ciad Jan Khan. Tarikh~>i-Afghanistan. PeshaVar (Pashto).
Ahmad Yadgar. Tarikh-i-Salatin-i-Afaghana. MS. ND. PPL., KSA. A
history of the Afghan kings and of the Afghan families in India.
It contains very useful information on Ahmad Shah.
Ahwal-i-Adina Beg Khan, said to have been written by a Sodhi (Guru)
of Kartarpur, Pan jab. MS. ND. BM., PUL., KCA., GS. The
Sodhi-Guru of Kartarpur in the Jullundur district of the Panjab
(India), who was a contemporary of Adina Beg Khan and was
closely associated with him in his struggle against the Afghans,
was Wadbhag Singh. But he is not known to be a writer, much
less a writer in Persian. In all probability the Ahwal-i~Adina
Beg Khan was written by some disciple or munshi of Sodhi Wad¬
bhag Singh. The booklet is marred by a number of mistakes in
facts and dates. I have consulted the rotograph copy of the Bri¬
tish Museum manuscript secured by me.
Akbharat-i-MiiaUa. MS. Collection of news-letters. BIS. (Also called
Parasnis Papers).
Alavi, Abdul Karim. See Abdul Karim Alavi.
Ali Ibrahim Khan. Tarikh-i-Janko-o-Bkau. MS. ND. RSL., KCA. Ali
Ibrahim Khan was a native of Patna and author of several volumi¬
nous works. He held the office of Chief Magistrate in Banaras where
he died in 1208 A.H., 1793-94 A.D. He completed this booklet
in 1201 A.H., 1787 A.D.
Ali Quli Mirza Itzad-us-Saltanat. Tarihh-i-Waqaya-o-Swaneh Afgha¬
nistan. Tehran, 1273 A.H., 1856-7 A.D.
Ali-ud-Din. Ibrat Namah. MS. 1854 A.D. History of the Panjab.
10., PUL., KCA.
Aman-ul-Haq. Arshad~u~Mustaqivi. MS. 1818 A.D. PPL.
Anand Ram Mukhlis. Ta.zkirah-i-Amndram. MS. MUA., JNS., KCA.
Contemporary and very useful. Ends 1748 A.D. Anand Ram
Mukhlis, son of Kaja Hirde Ham Khatri, was a resident of Lahore.
He was an eminent writer and poet. In 1719-20 he was appointed
vakil for Nawab Qamar-ud-Din Khan, and was also a vakil for
Nawab Abdus-Samad Khan of Lahore and Multan. He died at
Delhi in 1751. His Tazkirah is very useful for the first Indian
invasion of Ahmad Shah.
Bakht Mall. Khalsa Namah. MS. 1225-29 A.H., 1810-14 A.D.
BM., PUL., KCA., RAS. History of the Panjab, with particular
reference to the Sikhs.
Beal, Thomas William. Miftah-ut-Tawarikh. Ptd. Cawnpur, 1867-8.
Biographical sketches of the leading historical personages of India.
It is on this work that his Oriental Biographical Dictionary in
English is mostly based.
Behari Lai bin Badri Das. Ahwal-i-Najib-ud-Daulah-va-Ali Muhm-
mad Khan-va~Donde Khan. MS. 1201 A.H., 1787 A.D. SJH.,
KCA. The author was a munshi of Najib-ud-Daulah. His account
of his master’s transactions with Ahmad Shah is very useful. I
have used the manuscript in the private library of Nawab Salar
MIN ISTffy
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
^■Jing of Hyderabad Deccan from where it was transcribed for
by Munshi Faizul Haq AmritSari. The transcription, is now pre¬
served in the Khalsa College, Amritsar.
Budh Singh Arora. Risalah-i-Nanak Shah. MS. ND. BM., MUA.,
KCA. A History of the Sikhs written for James Browne of East
India Company’s service, about 1785, with the collaboration of
Munshi Ajaib Singh of Maler (Kotla).
Bute Shah alias Ghulam Muhy-ud-Din. Tarikh-i-Panjab . MS, 1848.
BM., PUL., PPL., KCA., GS., VSA., ALP. A comprehensive
history of the Panjab, written by a Munshi of the British Residency
at Ludhiana. It supplies useful details of some of the invasions of
Ahmad Shah Durrani.
Daulat Rai. Mirat-i-Daulat-i-Abbasi . MS. 1262 A.H., 1846 A.D.
GPB., KCA., ALP. A history of the Bahawalpur State, very
helpful in supplying details of the events connected with Bahawal¬
pur, Multan, Baluchistan and Sindh.
.Faiz Muhammad, Mirza. Siraj-ut-Tawarihh. Kabul, 1913.
Faqir Muhammad, Jame-ut-Tawarikh. Calcutta, 1836; Cawnpore,
1874. A general history of Islam, with chapters on Nadir Shah and
Ahmad Shah Durrani, giving accounts of their Indian invasions.
Farhad Mirza. Tarikh-i-Ajghan. Tehran, ND.
Farzand Ali. Mulakhas-u-Tawavikh. Ptd. Agra, 1247 A.H., 1831-32.
MS. RSL., ASB., BM'. } OPB. This is an abridgment of Ghulam
Husain Khan’s Siyar-ul-Mutakherin.
Ganesh Das Badehra. Risalah-i-Sahib Nuuicl Chahar Gulshan-i-
Panjab. MS. 1912 Bk., 1855 A.D. GS., KCA. This is a general
history of the Panjab, written by a Qanungo of Gujrat, who seems
to have been in possession of a good deal of material for the second
half of the eighteenth century, particularly about the happenings
in the neighbourhood of Gujrat (Panjab).
Ghulam Ali Khan Azad. Khazanali-i-Amira. Ptd. Cawnpur, 1871,
1900. This is a contemporary work, completed in about 1763.
The main work is devoted to short notices of well-known poets
and contemporary historical personages. The accounts of Imad-
ul-Mulk Ghazi-ud-Din, Abul Mansur Khan Safdar Jang, Alamgir
Sani, Shah Alam Sani, the Marathas, etc., and of the invasions
of Ahmad Shah Dtirrani up to 1762 are very useful.
Ghulam Ali Khan. Shah Alam Namah. Calcutta, 1912-14. (ASB.
MS. New Series No. 1324 and 1392). MS. BM., 10, ASB.
Ghulam Ali Khan, Sayyad. Imad-us-Saadat. Cawnpur, 1864. Mostly
deals with the history of Oudh and Bengal, with chapters on
Shuja-ud-Daulah, the Marathas and the invasions of Ahmad
Shah.
- Nigar Namah-i-Hind. MS. BM. An account of the battle of
Panipat based mainly on information received from Kashi Raj.
Ghulam Husain Khan. Siyar-ul-Mutakherin. Calcutta, 1836; Cawn¬
pore, 1897, A comprehensive history of India from 1118 A.H.
to 1194 A.H. (1706-80 A.D.).
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Husain Samin. Halat~i-Amdan-i-Ahmad Shah Durrani
Hindustan dar 1169 Hijri. MS. RSL., KCA. The author was
present in the camp of Ahmad Shah in the neighbourhood of Agra
and Mathura during the fourth invasion and had personal know¬
ledge of many of the political transactions which took place there.
This account was translated into English by William Irvine in the
Indian Antiquary of 1907. I have used the Persian manuscript
transcribed under my instructions from the Rampur State Library
for the Khalsa College Amritsar.
Ghulam Muhammad Ghubar. Ahmad Shah Baba-i-Afghan. Mafcba-i-
Amumi, Kabul, 1322 Sh.
Ghulam Muhy-ud-Din. Zafar Namah-i-Muin-ul-Mulk. MS. 1162
A.H., 1749 A.D. BM., PUL., KCA. It is a contemporary account
of the first two invasions of Ahmad Shah, in which Muin-ul-Mulk,
the subject of this work, was directly concerned.
Haqiqat-i*BML*o-Uruj~i-Firqa-i-Sikhan. MS. RAS., KCA. It is a
short history of the Sikhs up to the conquest of Multan by Taimur
Shah, son of Ahmad Shah, from the Bhangi Misal of the Sikhs.
It is almost a contemporary account of the last days of Ahmad
Shah. Its authorship has been wrongly ascribed by Dr. G. L.
Chopra to Taimur Shah Abdali. He, and some other writers like
him, have misunderstood the words l by Taimur Shah Abdali’ given
in the description of the work in Morley’s Catalogue (Items
LXXXHI and LXXXIY) of Persian Mss. in the Royal Asiatic
Society, London. In reality these words refer to the conquest of
Multan by Taimur Shah Abdali and not to the authorship of the
book.
Harcharan Das. Chahar Gulzar-i~Shujai. MS. 1201 A.H., 1787 A.D.
PUL., KCA. Partly translated into English by Munshi Sada-Sukh
LaL BM. MS. Addl. 30782, ff. 113-205. It is a general history
of India from the earliest times to the date of compilation, with
particular references to Delhi and its neighbourhood, and also to
Oudh. His account of Shuja-ud-Daulah, after whom the work
is named, is very useful.
Harsukh Rai. Majma-id-Akhbar. MS. 1214 A.H., 1799-1800 A.D.
DAD., KCA.
Husain Shirazi Karbalai, Sayyad. Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shah Durrani ,
translated into Persian from Muhammad Abdur Rahman ibn Haji
Muhammad Raushan Khan’s book. BM, MS. Or. 3550.
Husain-ullah, Sheikh. Fateh Narnah. A masnavi on Ahmad Shah’s
first invasion of India, MS. Late 18th century. BNP. iii, 1934.
Imad-id~Mulk, Tazkirah-i~. MS. QUH., KCA., OPB., BM., BNP.,
RAS., ASB. An account of. the Mughal Empire from 1167 A.H.
to Shawwal, 1171 A.H., July 1754 to June 1758. Incomplete;
beginning with folio 27 and ending with 187.
The OUH manuscript is called Zafar Namah-i-Alamgiri, Mughal
Badshahat and Janishinan-i-Alamgir, on the title and inside. Judg-
miSTfiy
<SL
Ahmad shah dub rani
. irn / u
V v ing from the detailed account of Ghazi-ud-Din Imad-ul-Mulk given
therein and from the manner in which he is occasionally referred
to, I have given it the name of Tazkirah-i-Imad~ul~Mulk. It is
being used for the first time.
Imam-ud-Din al-Husaini. Tarikh-i-Husain Shahi, also called Tarikh -
i-Ahmad Shah Durrani , M arka-i~Shahan - i - Durrania, Tarikh-i-
Ahmad Shahi, etc. MS. 1213 A.H., 1789 A.D. OPB., ASB., JNS.,
KCA., BNP., RAS. It is a history of the Durranis from the time
of Ahmad Shah to 1798, when Zaman Shah was ruling in
Afghanistan.
Jamal-u-Din Afghani. Tatimma-tul~Bayan-fi-Tarikh-ul-Afyhan
(Arabic), translated into Persian by Muhammad Amin Khogyani,
Kabul, and into Urdu, under the title of Tarikh-i~ Afghanistan, by
Maulavi Mahmud Ali Khan (for Sufi Printing and Publishing Coy,,
Pindi Baha-ud-Din). Lahore, ND.
Kalyan Singh. Khulasci~tu-Tawarikh. MS. 1227 A.H., 1812 A.D.
OPB. A history of the Mughal Emperors of India from Babur to
Akbar Shah II.
Kashi Raj. Ahwal-i~Jang-i-Bhau-va-Ahmad Shah Durrani . Ms. 1780
A.D. RSL., KCA., BM., BUL., 10. Translated into English by
James Browne in 1791 (Asiatic Researches, Vol. Ill, 1799); re¬
printed and edited by H. G. Rawlinson as “An Account Of The
Last Battle Of Panipat”, for the Bombay University, 1926. Most
of it is retranslated by Sir Jadu Nath Sarkar in JHQ. June, 1934.
I have used the Rampur State manuscript.
Kashi Raj, a South Indian, was in the service of Nawab Safdar Jang
and his son Nawab Shuja-ud-Daulah who was an ally of Ahmad
Shah. As such, his account is very useful.
Khushwaqt Rai. Tarikh-i-Slkhan. MS. 1811 A.D. G.S.> PPL.,
KCA., ALP. An unique Urdu translation of it is available in my
collection.
Kirpa Ram. Gulah Namah. Sri Nagar, 1932 Bk., 1875 A.D.
- Gulzar-i-Kashmir. Lahore, 1870.
Mahmud-ul-Musannai bin Ibrahim-al-Husiaini. Tar\kh-i-Ahmad
Shahi. MS. BM. 1171 A.H., 1757-8 AD. An account of Ahmad
Shah Durrani from his rise to power to his fourth invasion of
India. BM. Or. 196., BUL., GS.
- Talkhis-i-Ahmad Shahi. MS. BM. Or. 2059., GS. An abridg¬
ment of Tarikh-i-Ahmad Shahi.
Mahmud-ul-Musawi. Ahwal-i-Aqwam~i-Chahargana-i-Afghan ( Kitah -
i-Aqvam-va-Firqa~hai Afghan). MS. BM. Or. 1861. An account
of the four Afghan tribes, Albdali or Durrani, Ghiljai, Bardurani
or Rohela and Sur or Yusufzai with their clans, and notices of
their leading men from the rise of the Durranis to tire reign of
Shujah-ul-Mulk .
Mittar Sain Kayasth. Daur Namah. MS. 1207 A. H., 1792-3 A.D.
MUA (AS)., KCA. A history of the Najibabad Ruhila family.
WlSTfry
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ad Ali Khan Ansari. Tarikh-i~Miizaffari. MS. 1812 A.D.
OPB., HSL., KCA. A general history of India, with very useful
material for the Indian invasions of Ahmad Shall.
-— Bahar-ul-Mawwaj. Ms. OPB., B.M. On the same lines as above.
Muhammad Aslam. Farhat-un-Nazirin. MS. 1184 A.H., 1770-1 A.D.
KS»L. (Incomplete). A general history of India, very useful for
the Indian invasions of Ahmad Shah.
Muhammad Bakhsh Ashub. Karnamah. MS. ASB (I). A masnavi
having about. 3000 couplets, written by command to celebrate the
wars of Nawab Muin-ul-Mulk of Lahore who was pitched against
Ahmad Shah Durrani in 1748-49.
Muhammad Hussain Azad. Nigaristan-i-Fars. Lahore, 1922.
Muhammad Jafar Shamlu, Manazil~u~Fatuh. BM., JNS., KCA.
An account of the stages from Qandahar to Delhi, via Ghazni,
Kabul, Peshawar and Lahore, and of the battle of Panipat, wherein
the author was present.
Muhammad Jafar was a born servant of the Safavis. He had ac¬
companied Ahmad Shah during his Indian invasions and was later
attached to M. Beg Khan Hamadani (Iftikhar-ud-Daulah Firoz
Jang) in India when the latter was in the service of Mirza Najaf
Khan.
Muhammad Mahdi bin Muhammad Nasir Astarabadi. Tarikh Jahan -
kusha~i~Nctcliri. Bombay, 1293 A.H., 1876 A.D. ASB. 1845. MS.,
ALP.
- Durrah-i-Nadira. Bombay, 1293 A.H., 1876-7 A.D. Mirza Muham¬
mad Mahdi was a private Secretary to Nadir Shah and a con¬
temporary of Ahmad Shah. For more details about him, see
Lockhart’s Nadir Shah , appendix III A, 292-96.
Muhammad Mir alias Arshad Khan. Chahar Chaman Insha-i-Arshadi.
MS. 1186 A.H., 1772 A.D. HSL. KCA.
Muhammad Mustajab Khan. Qulistan-l-Rahmat MS. 1249 A.H., 1847
A.D. RSL., KCA., PUL., PPL. Translated into English by C.
Elliott under the title of ‘‘The Life of Hafiz-ool-Moolk Hafiz Rahmat
Khan”, London, 1831.
Muhammad Sa’d Yar Khan. Gul-i~Rahmat. MS. 1249 A.H., 1833
A.D. OPB., KSL., ALP. It is an abridgment of the Gulistan-i~
Rahmat.
Muhammad Sadiq Nami. Tarikh-i-Karim Khan , also called the
Tarikh-i~Giti-Kushai and Tarikh-i-Zandiya . MS. 1195-1209 A.H.,
1781-94 A.D. MUA., KCA. Cf. Abul Hasan.
Muhammad Saleh Qudrat. Tarikh-i-AU. MS. December, 1785; writ¬
ten for James Browne, OPB., KCA. It is a general contemporary
history of the Mughal Empire from the time of Bahadur Shah
to the battle of Panipat, 1761, with a detailed account of some of
the events of the Panjab.
Muhammad Wali-ullah. Tarikh-i-Farrukhabad. MS. HSL.
Murasalat-i-Ahynad Shah Durrani . A collection of letters addressed
by and to Ahmad Shah Durrani, Emperor Shah Alam II, Ruhila
<SL
AHMAD SHAH; DURRANI
<SL
Afghans and Rajput Princes. 1173-76 A.H., 1759-62 A.D. KCA.
These letters are a great original source of material on the Shah’s
transactions in India during the period covered by them.
Murtaza Husain Allayar Usmani Bilgrami. Hadiqt-ul-Aqalim.
Lucknow, 1879 A.D.
Nazim, M. Selections from the Peshwa Daftar (Persian), Miscellaneous
papers. Bombay, 1933.
Nizam-ud-Din Ishrat. Nadir Namah. 1166 A.H., 1753 A.D. MS.
HSL., KCA., BM.
- Shah Namah-i-Ahmadiya. MS. HSL., BM., KCA. A history
of Ahmad Shah Durrani in verse. It is a contemporary work, but
the historical material has to be carefully fished out and sifted.
The poet-historian has allowed full play to his imagination.
Nur Muhammad Chela Sial, Maulavi. Tarikh~i~Jhcmg Sial. Meerut,
1863.
Nur Muhammad, Qazi. Jang Namah . Completed 1765. An. eye-wit*
ness’ account of the seventh invasion of Ahmad Shall, 1764-5.
Translated into English and edited by Canda Singh. Amritsar,
1939.
Nur-ud-Din Hasan, Sayyad. Ahwal-i-Najib-ud-Daulah. MS. ND.
BM., KCA. (Rotograph). Compiled about 1773 A.D. Translated
by Sir Jadunath Sarkar in the Islamic Culture , July and October,
1933; April, 1934.
Qudratullah Siddiqi. Jam-i-Jahan Numa. MS. 1191-99 A.H., 1777-
85 A.D. HSL., ALP. A general history of the Mughal empire,
with detailed accounts of the Ruhilas and other Afghans.
Samin, Ghulam Husain. See Ghulam Hussain Samin.
Shah Nawaz Khan, Samsam-ud-Daulah. Maasir~ul~TJmra, edited by
Abdur Rahim and Ashraf Ali. ASB. Calcutta, 1888-90. Biogra¬
phical sketches of the nobles and officials of the Mughal empire.
Also see Beveridge, H., under English.
Shah Nawaz Khan. Mirat-i-Aftab Numa . See Abdul Rahman.
Shakir Khan, Nawab. Tazkirah-i-Shakir Khan. MS. 1179 A.H.,
1765 A.D. A contemporary Memoir. BM., IO., JNS., KCA.
Shamlu. See Muhammad Jafar Shamlu.
Sher Muhammad Khan. Zubda-tu-Tawarikh Waqaya-i-Multan. MS.
ND. RSL., KCA. A history of Multan, with particular reference
to the Afghan rulers of that province.
Sher Muhammad Khan Gandapuri. Khurshid-i-Jahan. Ptd. Lahore,
1894 A.D.
Sher Muhammad Khan Tiwana. Kaifiyat-o-Karnamjat Sarguzasht-i-
Bazurgan-i~Riyasat-i-Tiwana. MS. 1864. GS.
Shiv Parsad. Tarikh-i-Faiz Bakhsli, also called the Tarikh-i-Farrah
Bakhsli, and Tarikh-i-*Afaghana. MS. 1776 A.D. BM., BLC.,
RSL. A history of the Ruhila Afghans of Katehr.
Sohan Lai Suri. TJmda-tu-Taioarikh Ptd. Lahore, 1885-9. A general
history of the Sikhs. The first two volumes give useful informa¬
tion about the Durrani invasions of the Panjab.
WNISTffy.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The first volume and the first twenty-eight pages of the second
volume of this five-volume book dealing with the rise, of the Sikh
power and with Sardars Charhat Singh and Maha Singh are based
on the contemporary records of Sohan Lai’s father Munshi Ganpat
Kai who and his father Lala Hakumat Rai Suri were contemporaries
of Ahmad Shah Durrani and the ancestors of Maharaja Ran jit
Singh. The Umda-tu-Tawarikh is a book of great historical
value.
Sultan Muhammad Ibn Musa Khan Durrani. Tarikh-i-Sultani.
Bombay, 1298 A.H., 1881 A.D. A history of the Afghans from the
earliest times to the reign of Shah Shuja-ul-Mulk.
Tahmas Khan. Tahmas Namah. MS. 1193 A.H., 1779 A.D. BM.,
KCA., JNS. An autobiography of Tahmas Khan who had been
in the service of Mir Muin-ul-Mulk, his widow Murad Begam
(Mughlani Begam), Zain Khan of Sirhind and Zabita Khan Ruhila.
Tahmas Khan was an eye-witness of many an event connected
with the life of Ahmad Shah Durrani in India.
Tarikh-i-Amdan-i-Ahmad Shah Durrani dar Hindustan. MS. ND.
RSL., KCA. Date of copy, 1842 A.D. An account of the battle
of Panipat.
Tarikh~i~Ahmad Shahi. MS. 1167 A.H., 1753 A.D. A detailed
account of the reign of Emperor Ahmad Shah of India, with useful
material for the first three invasions of Ahmad Shah Durrani.
BM., KCA. Abridged and translated into English by Sir Jadunath
Sarkar. MS., RLS. } GS.
Tarikh-i-Alcimgir Sani.’ Ms. 1174 A.H., 1760 A.D. BM., KCA. An
official history of the reign of Alamgir H, full of details of the
exploits of Ahmad Shah Durrani during his reign. Abridged
and translated into English by Sir Jadunath Sarkar. MS., R'LS.,
GS.
Tarikh-i-Khandan~i-Maharaja Karam Singh-va-Khundan-i-Phulkian.
MS. ND. GS., ALP. A history of the house of Patiala.
Tarikh- l-Khandan-i-Rajahai Phulkian. MS. ND. GS. A history of
rulers of Patiala.
Tota Ram. Gulgasht-i-Panjab. MS. 1921 Bk., 1864 A.D, JSL. A
general history of the Panjab, particularly of the territories south
of the Sutlej.
Uruj~o-Khuruj~i~Ahmad Shah Durrani. MS. Circ. 1780 A.D. ELM
(Lindesiana, p. Ill, No. 441). An account of the Rise and Pro¬
gress of Ahmad Shah Durrani.
ENGLISH
Abdul Kadir, A.P.M. The Indian Invasions of Ahmad Shah Abdali.
Muslim Review, Vol. IV, No. 1 and 2, 1929.
Abdul Kurreem. The Memoirs of Khojeh Abdulkuryeem, a Cash-
mertan, who accompanied Nadir Shah, on his return from Hindus¬
tan, ... including the History of Hindustan from A.D. 1739 to
1749. Calcutta 1788. (Translated by F. Gladwin). Partly trans-
a 55
MINIS
AHMAD SHAH,' DUREAN1
§L
^.^y'lated into English by Lieut. H. G. Pritchard <BM. MS. Add.
30782, if. 64-112).
Ahmad Shah Abdali, The Last Muhammadan Invader of India. Cal-
Bev. Voi. LI., 1870, p. 1-40.
'—— Invasion of Ahmad Shah Abdali. Ind. Antiquary, Vol. 36.
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p. 265-77, 298-303.
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Waris Ali. Waqiat-i-Durrani. Cawnpur. 1292 A.H.
Zahur-ul-Hasan. Tarikh-i-Afaghana. Delhi, ND.
Zakaullah, Munshi. Tarikh-i-Hindv&tan. Delhi, 1915-19, Vol.
Aligarh, 1919.
HINDI AND MARATHI
Bharat Itihas Sanshodhak Mandal, Poona, Quarterly, Vol. xxiv, No. 1
(Serial No. 93), July 1943.
Desh Raj. Jat Itihas , Brijendra Sahitya Sammiti, Agra, 1934.
Govind Singh, Sant. Itihas Guru Khalsa. Bombay, 1982 Bk,, 1925
A.D.
Joshi, Shankar Purushotam. Shikhancha Sphurtidayak Itihas. Poona,
1939.
Cawnpore, 1876.
(Urdu translation
Lahore 1911.
Lahore, 1859.
of
GS.
GS.
IX.
MIN ISTQy
2
E
AHMAD SHA M DURRANI
Rajwade, Vishwanath Kashinath. Marathianchia Itihasachin Sadhanen.
Vol. I, VI. Bombay, 1818, 1827 Shaka.
Sardesai, Govind Sakharam. Selections from the Peshwa Daftar
C Peshawa Daftarantun Nivadlele Raged). Vol. 2, 6, 25, 27, 29, 38,
39,. 40, 45. Government of Bombay.
- Marathi Riyasat. Volumes dealing with the Maratha activities in
the north and the battle of Panipat.
Selection from the Chandrachud Daftar. Gwalior Government, Gwa¬
lior, 1934.
Chandrachud Daftar. B.LS. Mandal, Poona, 1920.
PANJABI ( GVRMUKH1 )
Ganda Singh. Maharaja Kaura Mail Bahadur. Amritsar, 1941,
Gian Singh, Giani. Panth Prahash. Sixth Edition, Amritsar, 1923.
- Tawarikh Guru Khalsa. Part II. Shamsher Khalsa. SiaUcot, 1892.
Hira Singh Dard. Report Sri Darbar Sahib Amritsar. Ptd., but not
issued.
Karam Singh. Khalse di pahli Jit in the Phulwari, Vol. IV, No, II,
and subsequent issues.
r*— Maharaj Ala Singh. Tarn Tar an, 1975 Bk,, 1918 A.D., Patiala,
1951.
Kesar Singh. Bansawali Nama Das Patshahian ka. MS. January-
March, 1780. KCA.
Ram Sukh Rao (and Sardar Nihal Singh of Kapurthala). Jassa Singh
Binod. MS. AP„ KCA.
Ratan Singh Bhangu Shahid. Prachin Panth Prakash. Amritsar, 1918.
INDEX
Abbas, Shah, 4, 26
Abbas Quli Kh. Bizaz, 89, 90; as
suppliant before Shah, 94, 95; gov¬
ernor of Nishapur, 100, 135, 356
Abbas Quali Kh. Shamlu, 8
Abdal-—1
Abdali, Abdalis (see also Alimad Shah
Durrani), 1, 2, 4-19, 22, 24-26, 36,
49, 72, 79, 83, 86’, 105, 107, 111, 122,
133-34, 151, 181, 236, 324, 344, 367
Abdul Ahad Kh., 152.
Abdul Ali Kh., Nadir Mii’za joins
him, 296
Abdul Aziz Kh. Saddozei, becomes
deputy to Kaura Mai, 79-
Abdul Ghani Kh., defeats Yunus Kh.,
17, 18,
Abdul Ghani Khan Alikozei, 9-10;
governor of Qandahar, 17-18; kil¬
led by Ahmad Shah, 31
Abdul Karim Kh., 335
Abdul Khaliq Kh., 215; rebellion 299.
Abdulla (Mir Abdul Aziz), 7
Abdullah Kh., 7-9; killed by Zaman
Kh., 10.
Abdullah Kh, (s/o Ali Muhammad
Kh.), 56, 69, 118
Abdullah Kh., see Shah Pasand Kh.
Abdullah Kh. Bamezei, 348
Abdullah Kh- (Ishaq Aqashi Bashi),
102; expedition to Kashmir, 125,
283, 350
Abdullah Kh., Khwaja, 402
Abdullah, Maulawi, 76, 77
Abdullah, Mufti, 45, 112, 116, 120
Abdullah-wari, 52, 53
Abdul Majid Kh., Dewan, 42, 165
Abdul Qadir, Pir Shaikh, 76, 77
Abdul Qasim Kh., Deputy in Kash¬
mir, dies, 125
Abdur Rashid, 1
Abdus Samad Kh. Diler-i-Jang, 52
Abdus Samad Kh. Khatak, 111
Abdus Samad Kh. Muhammadzei,
attacked by Nasir Kh., escapes to
Jalalabad, etc., 38, 39, 102, 117, 150;
sent against Jawahar Singh, 173,174;
governor of Sirhind, 187; captured
by Marathas, 200, 201, 202, 209; de¬
fends Kunjpura 247; killed, 249
Abid Kh., 78
Abu Ahmad Abdal Chishti, Khwaja,
1 *
Abul Barkat Kh., 125
G. 56
Abdul Mansur Kh., Battle of Manu-
pur, 59, 61, 62, 64, 66-68; plans
to reduce power of Mir Mannu,
instigates Nasir Kb. against him and
sends Shah Nawaz Kh. to Multan,
73; sends Shah Nawaz Kh. to
Multan and instigates Nasir Kh. to
go to snatch Lahore, 92; ignores
Shah’s note reg. Kuhila campaign,
goes to Oudh, 109, 121; delays re¬
turn to Delhi, 122, 123-24; intrigues,
130-31; arrives at Delhi, 130; insti¬
gates Mirza Shah Rukh against, the
Shah, 130-131; advises Emperor to
move to Lahore 131-32; avoids re¬
ception of Afghan envoy, 131-32.
Abul Qasim Kh., 125
Abdur Rehman Kh., 165.
Acche Sahib, 162
Achukhel, 226
Adam Kh. Wajuhani, 213
Adil Shah, see Ali Quli Kh.
Adina Begh Kh. plays double role,
42; secret correspondence with
Ahmad Shah, 43; is sent to Pir
Sabir and reports to Shah Nawaz
Kh., 45, 47; ordered by Shah Nawaz
to help Ismatullah Kh., stands aloof
and retreats into city, 49-50, 61;
wounded at Manupur 66; accompa¬
nies Muinu-Mulk, 75, 93, 103, 108;
jealous of Kaura Mai, 110-14; in¬
structs Bayazid Kh. to shoot Kaura
Mai, 114-15; flies to city, 115, 116;
confined, property confiscated, 120;
appointed Naib-faudjar of Jullun-
dur by Intizam-ud-Daula, 138, 140;
aspires for governorship, 141; rea¬
ches Lahore, 145-46; Wazir bestows
the Panjab on him, 147-48; despat¬
ches his valuables to Lakhi Jungle,
150, 151; slips to Hansi and Hissar,
152, 154; appointed governor of Jul-
lundur by Mughlani Begum, 186,
190, 191, 193; Jahan Kh. demands his
presence at Lahore, flight to Nala-
garh, 194-95; negotiates with Sidiq
Beg and Raja Bhup Singh, 196; res¬
cues Jullundur by paying tribute to
Sikhs, 197; returns to headquarters,
197, 198; invites Raghunath Rao, 199,
200; plays double role, 201-02; cros¬
ses Beas with Paygude, arrives near
Lahore, 204, 237, 246; Raghunath
AHMAD SHAH DURBAN!
:es over Pan jab to him, perse-
“cutes Sikhs, 217; dies, 217, 218, 219,
Adina ^Nagar 152, 191
Afrasiyab Beg Kh. 103; deputy in
Kashmir in 1748, defeats Ismat-ud-
Din Kh, in 1751, poisoned to death,
124, 138
Agha Raza, 326
Agra, 139, 176, 179-80, 232, 235, 245
.Ahmad Ali Kh,, governor of Kash¬
mir, 124.
Ahmadganj, 264
Ahmad Kh., 127
Ahmad Kh. Balidi, killed, 299
Ahmad Kh. Bangash, 109; invited by
Shah, 1G9; petitions to Shah for
Oudh, 174-75, 184; meets the Shah,
238, 239, 240, 256, 340, 369, 382.
Ahmad Shah Durrani, throughout
Ahmad Shah, Emperor, as prince Ah¬
mad 56; at Sonepat, 56, 57; at Bha-
roli, 59; moves towards Sirhind, at
Manupur, 60-70; letter of recall,
69; appoints Mir Mannu as gover¬
nor of Panjab, 72; is crowned,
73, 76; advises Muin to conclude
treaty with Shah and appoints Nasir
Kh. as manager of Four Mahal, 78,
109, 117, 118, 121; Afghan envoy at
Delhi, 122-24; 130, 133; advised to
move to Lahore, 131-33, bestows
governorship of Lahore and Multan
on his son, "Prince Mahmud Shah,
ai)points Muhammad Amin Kh. as
deputy to Prince and vests power
in Mir Momin Khan of Kasur, 138;
appoints Prince Taleh Saeed as
governor of Kashmir with Itzad-
ud-Daula as his deputy,; 138-39,
142, 185, 417
Ahmad Yar Kh., 210, 214
Ahmad Zaman Kh., 61
Aimak, 341-
Ajaib Singh, 311
Ajmer, 121-22, 133, 219, 329
Ajnala, 116
Ajodhia, 443
Akbar, 180, 250, 286, 338
Akbarabad, see Agra.
Akcheh, 99
Akhimd Muhammad Hayat, 213
Ala Singh of Patiala, 60; attacks Tai-
mur at Sirhind and carries away
treasury, 187, 200, 201; supplies
Marathas with provisions, 252; is re¬
cognized ruler of Patiala by Ahmad
Shah, 265, 316, 318; appears before
Shah, is detained, released, etc., 280,
<§L
291, 292, 293, 302, 304; dies (on
Aug. 7, 1765), 309, 371
Alamgir II, 142, 148-49; invites Shah,
150, 154, 157, 158, 159; vacates .royal
chambers 161; meets Shah at Wazi-
rabad, 162-63; returns to Delhi, re¬
ceives Shah at Fatehpuri mosque,
164; signs agreement with Shah, 169,
173, 181, 183-85, complains against
Ghazi-udDin, 225, is murdered by
Ghazi-ud-Din, 228, 231,; 248, 261,
263, 283, 344„
Alaptgm, 337
Alexander, 183, 337
Ahgarh, 236-38, 240
Ali Gauhar, see Shah Alam
Ali Kh. Hazarah, Darvesh, 86, 92, 311,
356
Alikozeis, 1, 17-8, 270
Ali Mardan Kh., 97
Ali Muhammad, 56
Ali Muhammad Kh. Khakwani, .126
Ali Muhammad Kh. Ruhila, 56, 58, 69,
78, 109, 118
Ali, Mullah, 127
Ali Murad Kh., 96
All Quli Kh., 20, 23, 82
Ali Quli Kh., six-fingered, 133, 160,
169, 204
Ali Raza Kh., 348
Alizeis, 18
Allahabad, 377, 382
Aflahyar Khan, 11, 12, 13, 16, 111
Allawardi Kh., 321
Altazei, 207
Altaz Kh., see Muhammad Kh. Haji.
Amanullah Kh., Ill, 149-50
Ainar Das, Guru, 390
Amar Singh, Raja, succeeds Ala Singh,
309, 314, 316; gets governorship of
Sirhind, strikes coins in the name
of Shah, adds ‘Bamezi* to his name
for seal, 317, 318, 413, 418
Ambala, 146, 153, 200, 264, 315
Ambar, 172
Amin Khan, Mir, 51
Amir Beg Kh. f 54, 256
Amir Kh., 227
Amir Khan Arab, 82, 83, 84, 86
Amir Kh., Brahui, 212
Amir Kh. Hotak, Haji, see Mir Wais
Amir Kh. Qarayi, 134, 135
Amir Singh Bakhshi, 297, 308
Amritsar, 73, 103, 152, 188-89, 191-92,
196, 205, 232, 265-66, 275, 282, 286-87,
289, 299, 300, 308, 312, 317, 390
Amu Darya, 99, 319, 353.
Anandpur, 391
Anandpur Keso, 201,
Anand Ram, 235, 340
MIN/STyjy
INDEX
/99, 319.
Anga&r"Guru, 390
Antaji Manakeshwar, 133, 155, 158,
161, 170; opposes Durranis, is at¬
tacked by Ruhilas, defeats Sarwar
Kh., is finally crushed by Jahan
Kh., 171, 176, 218, 257
Anup Shahr, 235, 240, 241, 249
Anwala, see Aonla.
Anwarullah Kh., 263
Anzala Kh., 304
Aonla, 56, 366, 368
Appaji Jadav Rao, 247
Aqil Das of Jandiala, 275-76
Ardashir, 337
Argand, Arghandab, 16, 17, 271
Arjun, Guru, 188, 390; tortured to
death, 391
Armenian Christians, 340
Arsala Kh., conspires to murder Tai-
mur, 388.
Assadullah Kh. defeats Persian army,
is killed, 840
Asfandyar, 148
Ashraf Kh., 139
Ashraf Kh. Ghalzei, 356-
Ashur Ali Kh., 205-
Asilmas Kh., 208.
Aslam Kh. Sayyed, 392
Asmat-ud-Din Kh., 124
Asmatullah Kh., Khwaja, 46-50
Assadullah or Saddo, 1
Asoka, 381-
Astrabad, 89
Atai Kh., Haji, 192, 210, 253
Atak, see Attock.
Atal Saddozei, 4, 6
Atar Kh., 210-11, 213
Atiqullah, 174
Attock, 44, 74, 102, 133, 152, 219, 220,
224, 365, 368
Aurangabad, 77, 101, 189, 227, 266, 310
Aurangzeb, 2, 36, 166, 185, 232, 391-92
Awan, 137
Azad Kh. Afghan, 96, 97, 98, 128-130
Azarbaijan, 96, 128
Azim, Sheikh, 204
A#iz Beg, 115
Azmat Kh. Durrani, 265-66 1
Babozei, 39
Babu Pandit, 154
Babur, 250, 260, 338, 344
Babu Ram Khatri, 158
Babu Rao, 220
Badakhshan, 99, 319-20, 338, 354
Badanzeis, 226
Badarpur, 155, 174
Badli, 59, 159, 160, 246-47
Badshah Bibi, see Hazrat Begum
Baggy Kh. Bamezei, see Shah
Kh.
Baghbanpura, 308
Baghel Singh Karorsinghia, 317
Baghpat, 249, 253, 268
Bahadurgarh, 234
Bahadur Kh. Baluch, 153, 159
Bahadur Sasuli, 299
Bahadur Shah I, 392
Bahawalpur, 126, 127, 210, 288, 292,
388
Bahbud Kh., 83, 85, 86
Bahmnni, 279
Bahroz Kh., 66.
Bahti, 52
Bail Rao I, 245
Bakharz, 10, 97
Bakht Singh, Raja, 59
Bakhtiaris, 16
Bakhtiar Kh., 3
Bakhtiar Kh., Hafiz, 133
Baku a, 8
Bala Hisar, 37, 340
Bala Nath Jogi, 46
Balaji Rao Peshwa, 199, 235, 245; re-
ceives letters of bereavement from
the Shah and Shah Walt Kh., 262;
dies, 282
Balbhadra of Tiloi, 253
Balkh, 99, 160, 319, 337
Balkhee, see Sarai Balkhian
Ballabhgarh, 169, 173-79-
Ballam Singh, 310
Baluchistan, 80, 87, 135, 207, 208, 212,
305, 353, 356
Balwant Ganesh Mahendale, 245
Balwant Rao Mahandale, 286
Bamian, 99
Banda Singh, 136; establishes govern¬
ment in Panjab, 136, 141-42, 199,
309; captures Sirhind, 392; arrested
and torn to pieces at Delhi, 392-93
Bandar Abbas, 208.
Bapuji Mahadeva Hingne, 262, 263;
invited to Lahore by Shah, 282
Bapu Rao Pandit, 220
Baqi Beg Kh., 149
Baqir Shah, 27
Barakzei, 1, 18, 270, 436
Barari Ghat, 230-32, 234, 246-47
Barars, 276, 440
Bareilly, 236, 366, 368
Barker, Col. Sir Robert, 382.
Barkhurdar Kh. Arzbegi, 29, 111, 120,
165, 212, 256-57, 311
Barnala, 280, 393
Basant Kh. 165, 174
Batala, 151-52, 198, 300, 329-33
Bay ana, 244.
Bayazid Kh., 114
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Shah Nawaz, 300
Kh., see Shah Wali Kh.
Begi, 3.
Begu, 226
Begu Khel, 226
Behara Mai Bundela, Raja, 111, 113
Bhakkar, 365, 368
Bharatpur, 154, 170, 171, 181, 232, 233,
236, 243 , 263, 300, 344, 378
Bharoli, 57, 59
Bhasin, 137
Bhatinda, 393
Bhawanigarh, 280
Bhera, 222, 273
Bhikhan Kb., of Malerkotla, 277-78,
280; killed by Sikhs, 291
Bhikari Kh., 110-116; goes to Shah,
117, 120, 138; appointed Deputy to
Intizam-ud~Daullah, 138-44; tortur¬
ed to death by Mughlani Begam,
144
Bhim Singh Rathor, 277.
Bhoite, 229,
Bhup Singh, Raja, 196,
Bibi Maryam, 207, 208,
Bibi Sahiba (Nadirs widow), 22.
Bi jay Singh of Mar war, 225, 233
Bijnor, 371,.
Bilawal Kh. Frozani, 127
Biram Dhillon, 201.
Bishambar Das, 290
Bokhara, 319, 339, 388
Bolan Pass, 235.
Bostan, Shah Rood, 98
Brahui, 207, 208
Brars, 276, 440
Brij Raj Dev, 284
Brindaban, 178-81, 242
British, 308, 346, 392
Bu Ali QalandaiV Sheikh, 26Q, 329
Buddha Singh, Bhai, 278, 293
Bughra Kh. Popalzei, 43-44
Bukhara, 319, 339, 388
Budlada, 292
Buland Kh., 187, 196, 197, 207
Buriya, 230, 293
Bust, 17
Carnac, Major, 375
Ceylon, 443
Chahar Bagh, 135.
Chahar Mahal, 77 .
Chain Singh, 292
Chaj Doab, 222, 295
Chak Gum, see Amritsar.
Chak Sana, 222, 273
Chamba, 313
Chambal, 245
Chamkanni, 28, 74, 329
Changez Kh., 338.
Charhat Singh Suldcarchalcki^-4ili
rasses the Shah, 70, 189, 206; occu¬
pies Bari and Rachna Doabs, 221,
273; beseiged by Ubedullah Kh., de¬
feats Ubed, 274, 279, 286, 290, 292,
294; captures Rohtas, 295, 296, 299,
304, 312
Chhachh Hazara, 38, 354
Chilaila, 309
Chimnaji Appa, 245
Chinaran, 321
Chinese, 337
Chira Odar, 285
Civil Administration, 347-56
Choki, 255.
Christians, Armenian, 340
Clive, Col, 261, 374, 377-79
Coins, Mints, 365-73
Dadan Kh., 312, 318
Dadu Rao Pandit, 220
Dagistan, 16, 17
Dalhak, 16
Damaji Gaekwar, 257
Damghan, 13, 17
Dandian, 106
Daoodpotras, 126-27, 210
Darab Kh., 117
Dardana Begam, 41
Dargah Shah Balawal, 48
Darius, 337
Darwesh Ali Kh. Hazarah, 86-92
Daska, 310
Dattaji Shinde, 228, 229; after defeat
at Taraori moves to Delhi, 230;
checks Ruhila advance, is killed by
a bullet, 231, 236, 247
Daudpotra, see Daodpotras
Daulatabad, 135
Daulat Kh. Saddozei, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9
Dawar Bakhsh, 185
Dawar Kh., 355
Daval Singh Brar, 314
Delhi, 19, 36, 39-43, 54-56, 63, 65, 69,
70, 72-3, 75, 77-9, 102, 105, 109, 110,
116-24, 130-33, 137-76, 181, 183-86,
.199, 217-20, 225-34, 236, 241, 243-54,
260-66, 269-287, 301-02, 315-16, 328,
344-46, 365 368, 376-80, 382-83, 391-
93
Deras, 78, 79, 81, 126, 296, 307, 369,
Dera Fateh Kh., 365-66, 369
Dera Ismail Kh., 80, 288, 346, 354, 365-
68, 369
Dera Ghazi Kh., 78-80, 126, 354, 365-63,
369
Desu, 285
Dewan Bishambar Das, 290
Dhanaji Jadav, 446
Phankot, 234
INDEX
V
Dilaram, 9, 16
Dilawar Kh,, 61
Dilawar Kh. Ishaozei, 268-69, 368
Dila Ram, 191, 193, 198
Diler Kh. Ruhila, 252
Dina Nagar, see Adina Nagar
Doaba Bist Jullundur, 138. 141, 150,
168, 186-87, 190, 198, 207, 217, 220,
221, 226, 267
Donde Kh., 230, 256
Doshakh, 8
Duleep Singh, Maharaja, 394
Dundi Kh. t Nawab, 324, 382
Durian Sal, 236
Durr-i-Dnrran, 31
East India Company, 345, 374-84
Elich Kh., 149
Eminabad, 77, 104, 105, 140, 141, 142,
151, 205, 227, 274 297
English, 40, 310, 315, 324, 374-84
Etawa, 253
Faizabad, 320, 382
Faiz Talab Kh., 313
Faizullah Kh., 56, 69, 118, 230, 382
Faizullah Kh., Mullah, 349
Fakhr-ud-Din, see Mir Fakhr-ud-Din
Faqir (slave), 5
Faqirji Kharade, 235
Farash Kh., 62
Farid-ud-Din Kh., 113, 115
Fariduri Kh., 135
Far rah, 8, 9, 11, 17, 29, 338, 353
Farrukhabad, 174-75, 345, 366, 369,
382
Fateh All Kh., 89
Fateh Kaur, Rani, 316
Fateh Ali Kh., 251
Fateh Kh. (Chief of Mandar), 39
Fateh Kh. (Khan-i-Saman), 230
Fateh Kh. Talpur, 388
Fatehpur, 127
Fatto, Rani, 316
Fatuhi Darogha, 299
Faulad. Kh. Kotwal, 161, 163, 167, 174
Fazilabad, 311
Firdaus, see Toon
French, 40
Gadai Khan, 34
Gahal, 313 ,. *
Gahram Kh. Magasi, 299
Gaikwars, 447.
Gakhar, 218, 222
Ganda Singh Bhangi, 292, 296, 371
Gangadhar Chandrachud, 262
Gangadhar Yashwant Tatya, 235-36,
244. 263
Gangetic Doab, 234, 392
Gauhar Afroz Bano Begam, married
to Taimur, 169-185
Gauhar Shad, 322.
Gbaziabad, 253
Ghalzeis, 4-8, 11-14, 16-7, 24, 36, 83,
128
Ghandab, 270
Ghani Kh. Alikozei, 13
Gharaunda. 187
Ghazi Begh Kh. Bakhshi, 142
Ghazi Kh. Baluch, 55.
Ghazipur, 106
Ghazi-ud-Din, Wazir, 125, 124, 142,
143, 145, 146; Umda Begam and her
mother join his camp, 147, 147-160,
163, 165; pleads for Khani-i-ICha-
nan, 165-66; marries Umda Begam,
divorces Gunna Begam, 169, 170,
172; leads expedition, against Jats,
173-74, 176-77, 183, 184; appointed
Prime Minister by Shah, 185, 218,
219, 225; murders Alamgir II and
strangles Intizam-ud-Daullah to
death., 228-29, 231-32, 237, 243-48,
261, 263, 265, 282-83
Ghazni, 36-37. 71, 288, 330, 337, 353
Ghilzeis, see Ghalzeis
Ghotauli, 248, 261
Ghulam Hussain Bangalzei, 299
Ghulam Muhammad, 105
Ghulam Muhammad, Pir, 47, 48
Ghulam Shah, 156
Ghulam Shah Kh., 335
Ghumand Chand, Raja of Kangra, 152,
267, 274, 288
Gidu Mai, Dewan, 210
Giian, 96, 129
Girishk, 9, 16, 17, 268-69
Gobind Singh, Guru, 200, 291-92, 308.
390, 438, 439, 440
Goindwal, 228, 264
Gokul, 179
Golkanda, 446
Gomal Pass, 288
Gopal Pandit, 220
Gopal Ganesh Barve, 253
Gorakh Nath, Tilla, 46
Gosain, 273
Govind Ballal, 226, 229, 252-53
Greeks, 381
Gujjar Singh, 206, 265, 274, 290, 294,
296, 304, 308, 311, 313
Gujjarwal, 276
Gujranwala, 70, 189, 273-74, 290
Gujrat, 46, 77, 101, 104, 151, 218, 222,
227. 232, 295, 310, 320
Gulab Singh, 304
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
<SL
Gplbahar, 99
ul Muhainmad Kh,, 265
Gunjaba, 210
Gunabad, 322
Gunna Regam, 160; divorced by Ghazi-
ud-Din, 169
Gurbakhsh Singh Shahid, Rhai, 300
Gurdaspur, 286, 333-
Gurgin Kh., 4-8
Gwalior, 244, 261
Habibullah Kh, Amin, 320
Hadi Kh., 144-45
Haji Beg, 159
Ha;ji Jamal Khan, 25,26-
Halmad, 386
Hansi, 152
Haran Munara, 233
Hardwar, 225
Hargobind, Guru, 188, 390-91
Haripur, 113
Hari Singh Bliangi, 206, 265, 274, 304,
309, 358, 371.
Har Kishan, Guru, 390
Har Lai, 199
Harnaulgarh, 285
Harprasad, Rai, 238
Har Sahai, Raja, 277
Harun Kh., 101-02, 104 >
Hasan Kh., 153, 155
Hasan Abdal, see Panja Sahib
Hasan Kh., Bayat, 89
Hasan Kh. Kajar, 89
Hashmatullah Kh., 48, 50
Hasht Nagar, 38, 150, 187, 247
Hayat Kh., 7
Hay at Sultan, 3, 9
Hayatullah Kh. (Shah Nawaz Kh.),
39-41; confirmed governor of
Lahore, embraces the Shia religion,
etc., 42-51, 54, 73, 79, 92, 103.
Hazara, 37, 39, 99, 120
Hazrat Begam, 181; marries the Shah,
185
Hazarat Ishan, 48, 50, 108, 139
Hemu Bania, 250
Herat, 7, 8, 11-15, 17, 29, 36, 72, 82-87,
91-92, 95, 272, 289, 319, 321, 326, 338,
353, 356, 365, 367, 369
Heratis, 97
Heri-rood, 91
Hidayat Kh. Gillani, 96
Hingne, see Bapuji Mahadev Hingne
Himmat Singh, Raja, 59
Himmat Singh, Kanwar, 292, 314
Hindukush, 99
Hindus, 65, 154, 175, 177-78, 240, 242,
254, 330, 339-40, 390
Hinjarwal, 106
Hira Nath, 167 j
Hira Singh Nakai, 296, 311-13
Hissar, 152
Holkar, 122, 199
Holwell, John Z., 374
Hoshiarpur, 153, .188, 196, 202, 301,
391
Hotak, 5
Hoti, 39
Hsuan Tsang, 337
Huns, 337
Husain, Sultan, 4, 8, 11, 12
Husain Muhammad Kh., 263
Husen, Sultan, 4
Hyderabad (Deccan), 324
Hyderabad (Sindh), 335.
Ibadullah Kh. Attar, 146-47
Ibadullah Kh. Kashmiri, 159, 170
Ibrahim Kh., 11, 13, 82
Ibrahim Kh. Gardi, 251, 255, 257,
260-61 *
Idris, Qazi, 254, 297
Iffat-un-Nisa Begam. 185.
Imad-ul-Mulk, see Ghazi-ud-Din
Imam Ali Riza, 97, 98, 135, 306
Inayat Kh. of Kunjpura, 186
Intizam-ud-Daulah, see Mir Nizam-
ud-Din
Irak, 128
Iran, 35, 182, 328, 352
Irtiza Kh., 139
Isa, 1
Isa Kh. Kurd, 90
Isakzeis, 387
Isfahan, 8, 20, 129
Isfaraz, 12.
Ishan, Hazrat , 48, 50, 108, 139-
Ishaq Kh., Khawaja, 78, 79.
Singh, Raja, 55, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65,
Ismailabad, 315-16
Ismail Kh., 106
Ismail Kh., Alizei, Haji, 15, 17
Ismail Khan Hot, 55
Itawa, 170
Itmad-ud-Daula, 63
Itzad-ud-Daula, 138
Iwaz Kh., Sayyed, 74, 75, 104
Izzat Saddozei, 4
Jafar Kh., 89-90
Jafar Kh., Babu, 165,
Jafar Kh. Kurd, 83
Jafar Quli Kh. Astajlu, 8, 9
Jagan Nath, 297, 308.
Jagat Seth, 180
Jahangir, Emperor, 47, 125, 391
Jahan Kh., 29, 38-9, 75-6, 87, 95, 102-
27, 131, 134, 138-39, 143, 148, 151-59,
162-65, 171, 177-80, 186-89, 191-96,
misTfy
INDEX
198, 201-06, 209, 216, 223-29, 234-35,
278, 288, 290, 292, 296-97, 301, 304,
311-14, 318, 322, 336, 373
Jaijon, 196.
Jaipur, 55, 61, 131, 170, 225, 233, 238,
242, 379
Jaisalmer, 210
Jai Singh Kanhaiya, 265, 274, 304
Jalalabad, 38, 146, 152, 202-04, 253,
312
Jalai-ud-Daula, 154
Jalhe Kahn, 48, 53, 70
Jamal Kh. Haji, 25, 26, 329
Jamal Kh. Zargarani, 268
Jamal-ud-Din Kh., Sayyed, 51
Jamil-ud-Din Kh., 108, 111, 113, 114,
115, 145-47, 150, 152
Jamke, 310
Jammu, 52, 55, 78, 113, 14.6, 148, 152-
53, 168, 186„ 189, 237, 273, 291
Jamuna Gauge tic Doab, 133, 218
Jandiala, 275-77, 312
Jangbaz Kh., 149; takes Lahore, 150,
175, 184, 209
Jan Khan, see Jahan Khan
Jani Kh. 66, 291
Jankoji Shinde, 218-19, 228, 231, 234,
237; 243, 245, 255-59
Jan Nisar, Nawab, 117, 126
Jasrota, 113
Jassa Singh Ahluwalia, 57, 196, 251;
releases women and children from
Afghans, 264, 302; proclaimed king
of Lahore, 274-75, 279, 286, 290-92,
304, 309, 313
Jassa Singh Ramgarhia, 206, 275, 304
Jaswant Rao Pawar, 257
Jatgal, 207
Jats, 151, 155, 161, 169-77, 181, 232-36,1
242-43, 263-64, 298, 301-02, 315, 344-
45, 376-81.
Jawahar Singh, 172-77, 298-300, 309,
378-80
Jawan Rakht, see Mirza Jawan
Bakht
Jawid Kh., Nawab, 123, 130
Jhang, 307
Jhanda Singh Bhangi, 206, 290, 292,
296, 304, 313, 325, 371
Jhang, 307
Jhangi, 310
Jhanjhana, 158.
Jind, 413,
Jodhpur, 170, 172, 242, 379
John Z. Holwell, 374
Jugal Kishore, 179, 181
Juilundur, 73, 188, 197-98, 207, 226,
265, 287
Jumla Kh., 48
JummeKh., 91
Jwalapur, 225.
Kabul, 7, 28, 29, 30, 32, 36-8, 42,
44/ 54, 63, 71, 72, 78, 79, 92, 95,
99, 101, 131, 139, 143, 149, 189, 271,
302, 320, 329, 333-40, 344, 353, 358,
365, 370, 387
Kabuli Mall, 288, 290, 292, 294, 297,
307-08, 340
Kadu Kh., 30, 81
Kafiristan, 353
Kairana, 158,
Kaithal, 278-
Khaf, 97
Kakhk, 96
Kalab Ali, Shah, 49
Kalah, Rai, 60
Kalanaur, 198, 286, 288, 294.
Kalat, 20, 80, 87, 95, 207, 208, 210-14
296, 307, 321, 373
Kamaun, 58
Kam Bakhsh, 232
Kamgar Kh., 132
Kandhla, 158
Kandhoji Kadam, 220
Kangra, 113, 120, 152
Kanishha, 337
Kapur Singh, Nawab, 75
Karam (river), 362
Karimdad Kh., Haji, 227, 253, 265,
350,
Karim Kh. Ruhila, 253
Karim Kh. Zand, 97, 128, 321
Karam Singh, 197
Karki, see Qarshi.
Karnal, 56, 153, 156, 187, 230, 286
Kartarpur, 188, 196-97, 222, 390
Kashmir, 44, 78, 101-03, 125-26, 157,
195, 198, 283, 288, 295, 334, 340, 350,
354, 356, 365, 366, 370, 373, 388
Kash Rud, 9
Kasur, 47, 48, 70, 110, 114, 138, 265,
289, 318, 392
Katehr, 56, 58
Katra Mahaldar Kh., 154
Kaura Mall, Diwan, 45, 49, 79, 93,
101-03, 105-17; battle of Mahmud
Buti, 115; killed, 115, 117, 126
Kazwin, 129
Kedarji Shinde, 283
Kesho Rao Raja, 218, 235
Khabushan, 20, 26
Khairpur, 127
Khalaf Muhammad Kh., 113
Khan-i-Khanan, see Mir Nizam-tid-
Din Intizam-ud-Daulah
Khanjar Kh., Ill 113
Khan Zaman Zakakhel, 226
Khataks, 38, 74, 222
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
a, 127.,
Sufi, 77
Khiaban-i-Bala (Mashhad), 23
Khisht, 129
Khizarabad, 161, 173, 228, 234
Khizar Kh., Khwaja, 1, 2, 26, 34
Khizar-Khel, 2
Khudadad Kh., 2, 3
Khudakei, 2
Khuda Yar Kh. Abbasi, 55
Khulm, 379
Khuram, 99
Khurasan, 13, 16, 17, 51, 83-100, 128,
130, 135, 208, 319-23, 341, 345, 353,
387
Khushab, 222
Khushat Kh. Khtak, 223
Khushal Singh, 313
Khushmir Kh., 76, 120
Khusrau Khan, 8.
Khwaja Hussain, 126
Khwaja Mirza, 114
Khwarizm, 338
Kiafifar Kaleh, 91.
Kichak, Khwaja, 283.
Kichk Nookhood, 27
Kirman (Kerman), 6, 7, 9, 16, 20, 97,
353
Koh-i-Noor, 22, 23, 30, 260,
Kol, see Aligarh
Kora, 380
Kota, 379
Kotal-i-Kamraj, 129
Kotla Sayyadan, 104, 105
Kotli Shah, 108.
Kot Putli, 234
Krishnanand, 253
Kuchan, 321
Kulraj, 262, 340
Kumhir, 172, 181, 232
Kunjah, 320
Kimjpura, 186, 228, 230, 247, 249
251, 252, 268, 301
Kup, 278
Kurds, 20, 83, 321
Kurukshetra, 200, 250
Kushans, 337
Kussan, 91
Lacchmi Narayan, Diwan, 277, 279-
80, 285
Lachin Beg, 48, 49
Ladha Mai, 200
Lahore, 27, 41-49, 52-54, 55-58, 62,
67-76, 78, 92-93, 101-02, 112-14,
116-18, 121-23, 126, 130-32, 135-37,
139-55, 158, 162, 167-68, 186-88,
190-98, 201-05, 216-21, 222-26, 252,
264-67, 274 288, 291-92, 295-300,
306, 308, 311-13, 318, 329-31, 345-46,
353-54,356, 358, 365-66, 370, 373
93
Lakhi Jungle, 55, 150, 276, 287, 298.
Lakhi, mullah, 52, 53, 55
Lakhpat Rid, Diwan, 43, 51, 53, 57,
70, 74, .158, 280
Lalpur, 38
Lalsohanra, 127
Lang, 309
Langar, 321.
Lasara, 290
Lehna Singh Bhangi, 206, 265, 274,
304, 308, 311-13
Leih, 354
Lopoki, 116
Lucknow, 240, 351, 382-
Ludhiana, 56, 58, 69, 203
Lughman, 353
Luni, 158, 230-31
Luqman Kh., 70-72, 208, 215
Machhiwara, 56, 57, 147, 219, 317
Madhav Rao Peshwa, 282-
Madho Singh, Swai, 131, 225, 227, 233,
236. 237, 242, 246, 277
Maghdud Kh., 2, 3
Mahaban, 179, 180
Mahadji Sindhia, 250
Mahdi All Kh., 85, 87, 103, 108, 111,
113, 114
Mahdi Quli Kh., 63, 70, 75, 103
Mahilpur, 196, 207
Mahmood, 386
Mahmud, 337
Mahmud Buti, 54, 106, 107, 113, 311-12
Mahmud Shah, Prince, 138
Mahrab Kh., 76, 335
Mahram Kh., 68
Maimina, 99, 319, 338, 353
Mairi, 188
Maj d-ud-Daulah, 185
Majha, 107, 287
Majlis Rai, 263.
Makaran, 208.
Malerkotla, 187, 277-79, 280, 291, 345,
367
Malhar Rao Holkar, 199, 2.18-19, 234-
36, 243-45, 255-57, 2o9, 262, 263
Malika Sahiba-az-Zamani, 132, 150,
181
Malikpur, 48, 136, 139
Malik Saleh, 1
Mainazei, see Abdus Samad Kh., Mu-
hammadzei
Mamish Kh., 89
Mamu Khel, 226
Manaji Paygude, 204
Manakeshwar Antaji, see Antaji
Manakeshwar
Mandar, 39.
Index
Badalpura, 164
tiera, 292
Mani Kh, 291
Mansur All Kh., 55
Manupur, 54-70, 78, 119, 241-42
Maqsudabad, 185
Maqsud Shah, 81
Marathas 109, 122, 123, 130-32. 133,
153-55, 158, 161, 170 45, 198-262,
268, 282-83, 302, 315, 324, 340, 345,
360, 365, 368, 377-9
Mari Kambo, 103, 107
Marot, 12?
Marv, 270
Marwar, 219, 225, 233
Marwat, 225, 362
Mashhad, 11-13, 15, 17, 19-23, 82-100,
135, 320-22, 329. 356-
Mastung, 207-08, 210-11
Mati Tal, 79
Mathura, 154-55, 177-81, 184-85, 242,
263, 276
Maura, 312
Haver Kot, see Malerkotla.
Mazhar Muhammad, 299
Mazinan, 90
Mazindran, 17-18, 89, 90, 96, 129
Mecca, 298, 335
Meerut, 317
Meharban, 139
Mian Arjmand, 142
Mian Ghulam Shah, 210, 213
Miani, 310
Mian Khush Faham, 142
Mian Muhabat, 142
Mian Muhammad Shafi, 308
Mian Naqi Muhammad, 266'
Mian Qutab Shah, 231, 247, ,249
Mian Shah Din, 308
Military Administration, 357-64
Mints and Coins, 365-73
Mir Abdul Aziz, see Mir Abdullah
Mir Abdulla, 7
Mir Abdullah Kh. Brahui, 207
Mir Ahmadi Kh., 117
Mir Alam Kh., 83, 87, 88, 94
Mir Amanullah Kh., Ill
Mir Amin Khan, 51
Mir Baqi, 41
Mir Fakhar-ud-Din Kh., 61, 66
Mir Ghulam Husain Kh., 324
Mir Hazar Kh., 204-05
Mir Husain, 13, 16, 17
Mir Husain Kh. Afshar, 135
Mir Jaffar AH of Bengal, 374
Mir Khush Faham, rebels, 215
Mir Mahmud, 7
Mir Mangah, 299
Mir Mannu, see Mir Muin-ud-Din.
Mir Masurn Kh., 88
G. 57
Mir.Momin Kh., 51-53, 57, 110, 113,
138-42, 147, 265
Mir Muhammad Kh., 265
Mir Muin-ud-Din Kh., 61, 62-68, 72-
79; surrenders to Shah, 87, 90, 92,
102; prepares to meet the Shah in
battle, mee,ts Shah 103-24, 130-32;
fights against the Sikhs, dies, 136-
41, 144, 148, 160, 392
Mir Muqim Kanth, 125
Mir Najam-ud-Din Kh., 61
Mil’ Nathu Shall, 302
Mir Niamat Kh., 51, 113, 114, 192
Mir Nizam-ud.-Din (Khan-i-Kha-
nan), 138 60; Shah sends him
Sanad of Wazirship, 162-63; beaten
by the orders of Jahan .Kh. for
non-payment of money, 165-67,
172-73; 186; strangled to death by
Ghazi-ud-Din, 228, 232
Mir Qasim of Bengal, 310, 315, 324;
appointed Nawab Nazim of Bengal,
deposed by the English, 376-77,
381-82
Mir Sadar-ud-Din, 61
Mir Shahr Yar, 265
Mir Wais 4, 6.
Mir Yahya Kh., 163, 167, 173
Mirza Ahmad Kh., 221
Mirza Baba, 184
Mirzada Ghulam Husain, 194
Mirza Hadi Kh., 350
Mirza Jan, Khawaja, 106, 156; seduc¬
ed by Begam and made Faujdar of
Eminabad, 140-42, 144-46; accom¬
panies Shah on expeditions, ap¬
pointed governor of Lahore, 150, 172,
190, 194-96; defeats Mir Hazar Kh.,
205; appointed governor of Pan jab,
217; defeats Gakhars and, Afghans,
218-20; imprisoned by the Mara¬
thas, 221; defeats Nur-ud-Din and
takes position against the Sikhs,
222-23; is defeated and killed by
Sikhs, 273
Mirza Jawan Bqkht, Pjinoe, 248",
260-6.1, 263, 265, 377
Mirza Khwajah, .,114
Mirza Mahmud, 334
Mirza Mahmud-ul-Mussannai, 334
Mirza Muhammad Mehdi, 334
Mirza Nadir, see Nadir Mirza \
Mirza Nasarullah, see Nasarullaji
Mirza
Mirza Qalandar Kh., 284
Mirza Saifullah, 180
Mirza Sayyad Muhammad, dethrones
Shah Rukh, takes title of Suleiman
Shah 82
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Shall Rukh, see Shall Rukh
Mirza Suleman, 269
Mirza Taqi, 265
Mohinand, 387
Mojgarh, 127
Moman Kh. of Kasur, see Mir Moman
Khan
Mongols, 338
Mongolian Turks, 337
Morinda, 291
Mubarak Kh., Daoodpotra, 126;
defeats Jahan Khan at Malarkotla,
127; concludes peace with Shah,
127
Mughal di Sarai, 200
Mughlani Begam, 104, 137, 139-40;
seduces Mirza Jan and crushes op¬
position of Bhikari Kh., becomes
regent of her son, imprisons Qasim
Kh-, 141; becomes notorious for
loose morals, 142; Mirza Jan con¬
fines her, 143; Mullah Aman Kh.
instals her as Subedar, tortures
Bhikari Kh. to death, sends Umda
Begam to Ghazi-ud-Din, 145-46,
155-57, 160, 165-66, 168-69, 186-87,
190-94; her property confiscated by
Jahan Kh. and is arrested, 195, 202;
released, 204-05, 233, 368
Muhabbat, eunuch, 1.17
Muhabbat Kh. 34, 207-08
Muhabbat Kh. Popalzei, 34, 81
Muhammad, 26
Muhammad (Prophet), 1, 319
Muhammad Ali Kh. Matin, 284
Md. Amin Kh., 138, 139-42, 144, 166,
284
Md. Fateh Kh., 210
Md. Ghazi-ud-Din, 59
Md. Hasani tribe, 212
Md. Hashim Afridi, Malik, 54
Md. Hidayat Baksh, 184
Md. Husain (father of Allawardi
Kh.), 321
Md. Husain Afridi, 31
Md. Husain Kh. Kajar, 89, 90, 96, 129
Md. Husain Kh. Zafranlu, 321
Md. Ishaq Kh., 59
Md. Kh. (s/o Abdullah Kh.), 10, 15
Md. Kh., Ill
Md. Kh., Haji, 207-08
Md. Kh. (King of Khwarizm), 338
Md. Kh. Qajar, 21
Md. Maruf, 127
Md. Mubarak, Amir, 210
Md. Murad Ali, 208
Md. Naeem Kh., 42, 43
Md. Quli Kh., 21, beheads Nadir, 22
Md. Raza Kh., 321
<SL
Md. Sabir Shah, Darvesh, 25, 26, 28,
42-46, 51, 328-29
Md. Saeed, 29
Md. Saeed Kh., Khwaja, 142
Md. Saeed Kh. Orakzei, 111
Md. Saeed Lahori, Haji, 52, 53
Md. Saidal Kh., 12, 13, 17
Md. Saleh, Sayyad, see Sher Andaz
Kh.
Md. Shah, Emperor, 18, 38, 41, 54-
58, 58, 59, 69, 73, 78, 155, 161, 181,
183, 185, 241
Md, Shah Qajar, Agha, 23
Md. Taqi Kh., U7
Md. Taqi Shirazi, 29, 30,61-62, 64,68
Md. Taufiq, 284
Md. Yar Kh., 45, 46
Muhy-ud-Din Ali Kh., 122
Muhy-ul-Millat, 232
Muhy-us-Sunnat, 232
Mullah Ali, 127
Mullah Aman Kh., 139, 143-44
Mullah Sardar, 382
Mullah Sardar Kh. Bakhshi, 230
Multan, 3, 7, 10, 13, 41-44, 55, 73,
78-79, 92, 102-03, 120-21, 128, 125-
m, 127, 130, 135-38, .157, 187, 195,
218, 220-21, 226, 267, 288, 294, 298,
307, 339, 346, 356, 365-67, 371, 388
Munir-ud-Daulah, 261, 287, 377-82
Muqarrab Khan, Sultan, 46
Muradabad, 56, 236, 366, 371
Murad Beg (Ruler of Bokhara), 319
Murad Begam, see Mughlani Begam
Murad Kh., Khwajah, 117, 288'
Murad Kh. (Kalhora), 210
Murad Kh. (of Multan), 196-98
Murghab, 319
Murshidabad, 310
Murtaza Kh. Baraich, 277-78, 291
Musa Beg Kh. Afshar, 21
Musa Kh., 356
Musazeis, 1
Mustafa Kh., Sardar, 119
Muzaffar Kh. of Multan, 3
Muzang, 308
Nadirabad, 27, 28, 31, 270
Nadir Kh. Afshar, See Nadir Shah
Nadir Mirza, goes to Karim Kh. Zand
and organizes opposition to Shah,
321; flies to Sultanabad and
Mashhad, 322
Nadir Shah, ends Ghalzei rule in
Persia, conquers Afghan dominions
of Qandahar and Kabul, 7; cap¬
tures Mashhad 11-12; occupies
Herat, 13; exiles Abdalis from
Afghanistan, 14, 15; concludes truce
with Turkey, crushes Bakhtiaris
Ml msrtr
INDEX
<§L
sets out against Ghalzeis, rea¬
ches Girishk and sends Mir Hussain
and his family to Mazandran, 17;
sets Zulfiqar Khan and Ahmad Kh.
at liberty, grants govt, of Mazand¬
ran, appoints Abdul Ghana Kh. Ali-
kozei governor of Qandahar, exiles
Ghalzeis to Khurasan, permits
Abdalis to return to Qandahar, gives
Arghandab to Alikozei tribe,
Zamindawar to Alizeis, and the re¬
maining territories of Ghalzeis to
Barakzeis, gives Herat to Abdalis
and places Ahmad Khan on his
personal staff, 17-18; invades India,
occupies Delhi (March 9, 1739), 18-
19; leaves Isfahan for Yazd and
Kirman, slaughters people, leaves
for Mashhad, Ali Quli Kh. and
Kurds of Khabushan revolt against
him, arrives at Fatehabad, 20-21;
orders arrest of his guards, is kill¬
ed, 22; head sent to Ali Quli Kh.,
interred in Mausoleum at Mashhad,
etc., 23, 24, 26, 28, 29, 32-41, 43,
54, 59, 61-63, 68, 77, 81, 82, 89, 97-
99, 128, 131, 185, 208, 246, 321, 328,
329, 331, 334, 338, 340, 356, 359, 365-
67, 387
Nagar Mall, Raja, suggests to Ghazi-
ud-din the occupation of Lahore,
etc., 147, 167, 170, 172, 233; envoy
of Suraj Mai Jat presented to the
Shah by Na.jib, 263
Nagpur, 443, 447
Najabat Kh., Chief of Kunjpura, dies
of wounds, 247
Najam-ud-Din, 61
Najibabad, 316, 366, 371
Najib Khan, See Najib-ud-Daula
Najib-ud-Daulah Ruhila, 150-51; invi¬
tes the Shah to India, 151; demands
wages of troops from Ghazi-ud-Din,
plunders shops of the Wazir’s camp,
153, 155; demands two crores of
rupees from Ghazi-ud-Din, secret
negotiations with Jahan Kh., goes
for consultations, returns to exe¬
cute his designs, 159, 160; goes to
Shah, makes his formal obedience,
capital entrusted to him, 160-161,
170-71, 177-78, 180, 185; appointed
agent of Shah in India, 186; Raghu-
nath Rao drives him out of Delhi
and Saharanpur, 199; appeals to
Shah for help, 223; writes to Swai
Maclho Singh, 228; comes to the
Shah near Saharanpur and guides
him to Delhi, 230; crosses Jamuna
along with Ruhilas, 230-31, sends
the head of Dattaji to the Shah,
231, 232-34, .236-37; wins over Shu-
jah to the Shah's side, 241-44, 251-55;
put under command of Shah Pasand
Kh., 256; delivers an assault on
Marathas, 259, 261; presents envoys
of Suraj Mai Jat to the Shah, 233;
appointed Commander-in-Chief by
the Shah but becomes Regent in
Delhi, 265; mediates between Shah
aiid Ala Singh, 281; returns to
Delhi, 282; arrives at Lahore by the
order of the Shah and undertakes
to pay tribute to the Shah on be¬
half of Emperor, 287; harassed by
Jawahar Singh, 300-01, 309; waits
upon the Shall at Ismailabad,
315; requests Shah not to move
towards Delhi, pays the stipulated
amount to the Shah, 316; leaves for
his home, appeals to Shah for help
against the Sikhs, 317, 345, 368, 371,
377, 380-84
Nalagarh, 195
Nanak, Guru, 137, 153, 366, 389-91
Nana Purandare, deputed by Sada-
shiv Rao to depose Shah Jahan II,
247
Nanauta, 317
Nander, 392
Nankana Sahib, 389
Naqad Ali Kh., 321
Narain Rao, 220
Narbada, 154, 170, 443
Narela, 56, 158, 171, 260
Narnaul, 234
Naro Shankar Pandit, 220; appointed
governor of Delhi by Sadashiv
Bhau, 246, 253; makes over money
to Parashar Dadaji, 253-54; escapes
with the help of Zinat Mahal, 260,
262
Narsoji Pandit, 216; marches to
Lahore, 218; crosses Indus and
penetrates to Peshawar, returns at
the call of Mirza Jan, 219
Naseer Kh. of Kalat, 237; to Mashhad,
87, 95; at Toon and Tabbas, 96; at
Ahmad Shah's election 208; gover¬
nor of Kalat in 1749, accompanies
the Shah on His campaigns, 209;
declares his independence, 240; cap¬
tures Atar Kh., etc., forces Shah
Wali Kh. to retire, 210; defeated by
the Shall, 211; sends Akhund
Muhammad Hay at Kh. to Shah
Wali, 212-13; concludes a treaty,
213-14, 221, 296; joins the Shah at
Emnabad, 297; fighting with the
Sikhs 298-305; the Shah thanks
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
muA leaves for his country, 307, 311,
M; defeated by the Sikhs, etc., 314,
322, 356, 372 .
Nasim Kh., eunuch of Ghazi-ud-Dm,
146
Nash Ali Kb. of Jullundur, 188, 197.
Nasir Kh., Nawab of Kabul, 23, 29,
30, 32; leaves for Peshawar 36; pre-
pares to oppose Ahmad Shah, his
wife falls into Shah’s hands, decides
to attack Abdus Samad Kh. at
night, 38; sacks the fortress of Hasht
Nagar, puts Abdus Samad Khans
relatives to sword, returns to
Peshawar, evacuates it, crosses
Indus and seeks shelter in Chhachh
Hazara, 38; flies to Panjab, reaches
Lahore and proceeds to Delhi, is
received by the Emperor, 39, 54, 55,
61, 63, 65, 67; reappointed governor
of Kabul, 72, 73; appointed to Four
Mahal, 77; allies himself with ene¬
mies of Mir Mannu, squanders re¬
venue in military preparations, 92,
Nasir Kh Muhammad Aman (father
of Nasir Kh. of Kabul), 89
Nasir Mirza (s/o Shah Rukh), 89
Nasrulla (s/o Nadir), 185
Nasrullah Mirza (s/o Shah Rukh),
89, 135; determines to take Mashhad,
etc., visits court of Karim Kh.
Zand for help, moves towards the
country of Kurds, Jaffar Khan wel¬
comes him, Muhammad Husam
Zafranlu, etc., join his service,
orders Alahwardi Khan to be placed
in pillory, sets him at liberty, hur¬
ries back to Mashhad, establishes
friendly relations with the Shah,
320-21; presents a ho(rse to the
Shah, 322 . .
Naurang (father of Pir Muhammad),
310
Nawabganj, 253
Nawab Khan, Haji, 284 n -
Nawab Wazir, see Shuja-ud-Daulah
Nazar Khan, 5
Nazoh Khan, 39
Niaz Beg, 106
Niaz Khan, Sayyad, 163
Nihangs, 107
Nishapur, 13, 17, 82, 87-100, 135, 342,
358
Nisar Md. Kh., 147
Nizam, 245, 324
Nizam-ud-Din Aulya, Sheikh, 233,
329
Nizam-ud-Din Ishrat, 76, 77, 333
&
Nizam-ul-Mulk Chin Qalich
Asafjah, 18, 19, 163, 173, 328
Nun, 88
Nur Mahal, 152, 314
Nur Md., 134
Nur Md. Kalhora, 210
Nur Md. Khan, 3, 8, 34, 98, 356
Nur Md. Kh. Alizei 18, 24; plots
against Shah, put to death, 81
Nur Md. Kh. Ghalzei, exiled by
Nadir, 13, 21
Nur Md. Kh, Marufani, 127
Nurpur, 120
Nur-ud-Din, 29
Nur-ud-Din Kh. Bamezei, invades
the Panjab, 221-22; Mirza Jan Kh.
and the Sikhs stop his progress, de¬
feats governor of Lahore, 223; re¬
turns to his country and leads an¬
other expedition to the Pan jab,
sacks Bhera, etc., fights with
Charhat Singh, flies for shelter into
Sialkot fort, is surrounded by the
Sikhs, flies to Jammu, 273, 283;
leads expedition to Kashmir, 233-
84; puts out Sukh Jiwan’s eyes,
sends him to Shah, and is confirm¬
ed in the Govt, of Kashmir, 285, 288
Nuruddin Kot, 313
Nur-ul-ASn. Waqif, 332-33
Oman, 353
Orakzei, 111
Osman Kh. Topchibaslii, 81
Oudh, 55, 109, 122, 175, 183-84, 240,
345, 376, 378-79, 382-83
Oxus, See Amu Darya
Paijgarh, 197
Pakistan, 340, 389-90
Pakpattan, 311, 317
Pandai, 124
Panipat, 56, 153-58, 2 28, 230, 243, 247,
249-67, 283, 286, 315, 329, 344-45
Panja Sahib, 139, 151, 223
Panjnad, 126
Pant Pardhan, 133
Parashar Dadaji, 254
Parshotam Mahadev Hingne, informs
Sadashiv Bhau about interview and
agreement between Hafiz Rahmat
Kh. and Gangadhar Yashwant
Tatya, 244; invited to Lahore by the
Shah for negotiations, 282-83
Parshotam Pandit, 220
Parthians, 337
Parvez, 386-87
Parvezabad, 48
Pashto, 341.
Fasrur, 77, 101, 227, 266, 310
INDEX
<SL
^^fargarh, 316
Patiala, 60, 187, 200, 252, 265, 278,
280, 292, 302, 309, 316-17, 367, 371-
70 QQ9
Patna, 374, 382
Patti, 141
Patwardhan, 447
Persia, 7, 8, 29, 33, 43, 82, 96, 98-99,
128-30, 202, 208, 341, 345
Peshawar, 27, 38, 44, 54, 72, 74, 79,
102, 125, 143, 151, 189, 216, 219-20,
224, 269, 288, 320, 329, 354, 365, 368,
372, 388
Peshwa, 122, 216, 219, 237, 258, 261,
262, 282-83
philauri Kh., see Hayatullah Kh.
Phillcmr, 57
Phulkian, 318
Phulra, 127
Pir Md. (s/o Naurang), 310
Pir Md. Sultan, 13
Poona, 217, 263, 282-83
Popalzeis, 1, 126, 270
Pran Puri Urdhbahu, Swami, 330
Pringowadli, see Pringuez
Pringuez, 211
Pul-i-Shah Daula, 105
Qadir Bakhsh, Hafiz, 266
Qaf, 305
Qairn Ali Kh., 114
Qalandar Beg Kh., 121; departs for
Qandahar with a letter from Em¬
peror ratifying treaty, 122; at
Lahore, 123, 130; is sent to Delhi
as envoy, received by Emperor
Alamgir II, 149, 153, 181, 235
Qalat, 356
Qamar-ud-Din Kh. Wazir-ul-Mulk,
41, 42, 44, 47; appointed Comman-
der-in-Chief, moves northwards, 56-
61, gets wounded, 62, 63; dies, 64-
69, 72, 73, 78, 166, 170
Qandahar, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 10, 17, 24, 25,
28-32, 37, 69-71, 74, 80, 81, 83, 92-95,
102, 117, 125, 134, 139, 143, 146,
148. 150, 168, 183, 189, 208, 213-14,
268-70, 273, 288, 319-20, 323, 326-27,
332-35, 338-39, 349, 353, 356, 358,
360, 363, 365, 367, 387
(Qandahar Ahmad Shahi, 270-71, 334,
367-372
Qarayis, 134
Qarshi, 319
Qasim Khan, 140; honoured with
faujdari of Patti by Mughlani Be¬
gum; enters into friendly relations
with Sikhs, soldiers revolt against
him, hand him over to Mughlani
Begum who throws him into pri¬
son, 141; Mirza Jan sets him free,
143, 192; attacks the Sikhs, 277;
flies towards Malerkotla, 278
Qasim Kh. Brahui, killed by Bar-
khurdar Khan, 212
Qasim Kh. Marhal, 277, 292
Qis, embraces Islam, renamed Abdur
Rashid, 1
Qoja Beg Gunduzulu, 21
Quetta, 307
Quit Kh., 23
Qutaybah ibn Muslim, 337
Qutba, 279-80
Qutb Minar, 234
Qutb-Din-Bakhtiar Kaki, 184
Rachna Doab, 221-22, 288-90
Radkan, 20
Raghunafh Rao (brother of Bal'aji
Rao Peshwa), arrives in Delhi,
drives out Najib, is invited to Pan¬
jab by Adina Beg, 199; marches
towards Sirhind, 200, 201; at Lahore,
216; makes over Panjab to Adina
Beg, 217; details Jankoji Shinde
towards Indus and Ramji to Multan,
218; returns to Deccan, 219, 245,
378-79
Rahila, 202
Rahman (s/o Abdullah) Kh., 10
Rahmat Kh., 104
Rahmat Kh. Hafiz, 184, 230, 233, 236,
244, 256, 382
Rahmat Kh. Ruhila, appointed de¬
puty to Dadan Kh. 312; returns to
his country 318
Rahmatullah Beg, 312
Rahon, 292
Rai Harparsad, 238
Rai Kalha of Raikot 60
Rai Kot, 60
Raipur, 277
Rajpura, 200
Rajputana, 21
Rajputs, 61, 64, , €5, 122, 154,, 170,
232, 241-43, 264, 339, 379
Ram Das, 304
Ram Das, Sikh Guru, 390
Ramji, 218, 220
Ramra Ghat, 228
Ram Raoni, 73
Ranghars, 279, 291
Rangarh-Vaniyeki, 308
Ranjit Dev, Raja, 152, 187, 189, 227;
agrees to accompany Shah Wall
Khan’s son to Lahore, 284; is re¬
warded by Shah, 285, 290
Ranjit Singh, Maharaja, 3, 189, 358
Rao Megh Raj, 316
Rasul Kh. Qaular Aqashi, 322
MIN tSTfiy.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
Rawalpindi, 46
ftaza Kin, Agha, 154, 157 159, 168
Raza Quli Kb., 82
Raza Shah, 27
Rehman, 10
Rehman Kh. Rarakzei, 360
Rewari, 230, 234
Rohri, 368
Rohtak, 186, 292
Kohtas, 31, 46, 102, 104, 220, 226, 275,
295, 307, 310
Ropar, 228 304
Roz Afzun Kh., 162
Rud-i-Marv, see Murghab
Ftuhilkhand, 119, 368
Rustam Kh. Saddozei, 5, 7, 9
Rustam Sultan of Kisht, 129
Saadat Kh., 267, 274; appointed
Governor of Jullundur Doab, 281,
288, 290; flies in terror of the Sikhs,
294
Saadat Kh. Afridi, 197-98
Saadat Kh., Bakhshi, 42
Saadat Kh. Saddozei, 311, 350
Saadat-yar Kh., Deputy Governor at
Lahore, 147, 265, 313
Saadat Kh., Zulfiqar Jang, 64, 65
Saad-Din Khan, 59, 167
Sabaji Patil, 216; goes to Lahore, en¬
trusts affairs to Naro Shankar,
joins Tukoji Holkar, 219-223;
defeats Jahan Khan, 223; vacates
Attock, Rohtas, flies towards Delhi,
226; overpowered by Afghans, 230;
pushes back to Brari side, 231
Sabir Shah, see Muhammad Sabir
Shah Darvesh
Sabitgarh, 236
Sabit Kh., 236
Sabzawar, 15, 95, 98
Sadashir Rao Bhau, 237; marches to
Delhi, 243; at Gwalior and Dholpur,
joined by Malhar Holkar, marches
to Agra, 245, 246; orders the silver
ceiling of Dewan-i-Khas to be re¬
moved, appoints Naro Shankar Pan¬
dit Governor of Delhi, 248; captures
Kunjpura and deputes Nana Puran-
dare to depose Shah Jahan II, 249;
proclaims Shah Alam II as Empe-
• ror, 248; moves to Shahdara and
Kurukshetra, 249,-50; arrives at
Panipat, 251-53; sends a detachment
to Delhi for money, 253; appeals
to Shuj a-ud-Daulah for peace with
■
Shah, 254; decides to attack the
Afghans, 255; battle of Panipat,
256-57; killed in battle, 258, 262, 283
Saddo, 1, 2, 34
Saddozeis, 1, 2, 5-9, 11, 15, 18, 34, 79.
83, 125-26, 215, 387-88
Sadiq Beg Kh., 146, 199
Sadiq Kh. Afridi, 267, 274
Sadullah Kh. Ruhila, 109, 230, 233,
281
Saeed Kh., Khwaja, 220; produced
before Sabaji Patil, 221
Safavi Court, 3
Safi Quli Kh., 9
Safdar Jang, see Abul Mansur Kh,
Saharanpur, 154, 230, 293
Sahib Mahal, 181, 185
Sahibzadi (d/o Mughlani Begum),
204-05
Said Kh.. 312
Saidal Kh., see Muhammad Saidal
Kh
Said-ud~Din Kh., Haji, 89
Saif-ud-Din Muhammad Kh., Kash¬
miri, 161
Sakkhar, 368
Sakkur, see Sakkhar
Salabat Kh., 61
Saleh Kh., 3, 221
Sfllph TVfalilr "1
Salih Kh., cuts off Nadir’s hand, 21-
22
Samaldas, 180
Samand Kh. Mamanzei, see Abdus
Samad Kh
Samarqand, 338-39
Samsam-ud-Daulah, 163, 167
Sanawar, 188
Sangat Singh, Sardar, 103; killed at
Lahore, 115
Sangin Beg Kh., 62, 65
Sangu Singh, 278
Sankhatra, 189
Sarahan, 1
Sarfraz Kh., Governor of Jullundur
Doab, 187, 190, 196, 199, 205
Sarai Badli, 59
Sarai Balkhian, 104, 105, 106
Sarai Basant Kh., 184
Sarai Hakim, 102, 191
Sarai Khan-i-Khanan, 57, 192
Sarai Mihr-Parwar, 158-59
Sarai Nur Din, 57
Sarai Samhalka, 250
Sarai Suhail, 184
Sarai Vanjara, 200
Sarbuland Kh., appointed Governor
of Panjab, nominates Saadat Kh.
as deputy at Lahore, 265; sends
Ubaidullah Kh, as his Vakil, is
MiNisr^
INDEX
transferred to Multan, 266; cap¬
tures Gujrat, taken prisoner by
Charhat Singh, made to pay tribute,
295-96
Sarmast Kh., 3
Sar-i-Ful, 99
Sarota, 244
Sarwar Kh., defeated by Antaji, 171
Sasanian, 337
Satvoji Jadav, 257
Saurian, 116
Sekhu Singh Hambalwala, 278
Shahab-ud-din, 66, 110
Shafqat Kh., 52
Shahabad, 200
Shah Abbas, see Abbas
Shah Alam II, 184; corresponds with
Shah, 232; murder of his lather, pro¬
claims himself Emperor, 247-48;
sends Munir-ud-Daulah to Shah,
261-62; confirmed Emperor by Shah,
273, 287, 301, 315, 374-84
Shah Balwal, 48, 49, 106
Shahdara, 46-7, 55, 75, 106, 171, 249,
253
Shah Fana, 152, 155
Shah Ghulam Husain Pirzada, 266
Shah Ghulam Faruqi, 112, 116
Shah Husain, 3, 7
Shah Husain Dargah, 49
Shah Husain Kh. Saddozei, 78
Shah Husain Mirza, s/o Maghdud Kh.,
3, 4, 7
Shah Ishaq Khatlani, 335
Shah Jahan, 246
Shahjahanabad, see Delhi
Shah Jahan II, 247-48
Shah Kalab Ali Darvesh , 49
Shah Murad of Bokhara, 435
Shah Nawaz Kh., See Gurgin Khan.
Shah Nawaz Kh., see Nur Muhammad
Kh
Shah Nawaz Kh., Nawah, 92, 126, 128,
Shah Nazir, 358
Shah Pasand Kh., 29, 62, 89, 96, 117,
229, 235; battle of Panipat, 250, 252,
256; attacks Marathas, 259; sent by
Shah against Abdul Khaliq Kb.,
takes Qandahar, 268-69, 313
Shalir Safa, 5
Shah Rukh Mirza, 19; comes to throne,
dethroned and blinded by Mirza
Sayyad Muhammad, throne restored
to him by Shah, 82, 83, 84-100,
128, 129; appoints Faridun Kh. as
his Naib, 134-35, 320-21; gives
daughter to Taimur, etc., 322-23, 356,
387
Shah Shujah, 386, 388
Shah Wali Kh. Bamezei (also called
Begi Kh.), 29; Afghan Prime Minis¬
ter, 94; consolidates captured terri¬
tories, 99, 111, 116, 117; in India as
Durrani Minister, 155-59; receives
Ghazi-ud-Din, 159-60, 163, 171, 174,
181, 186, 198, 209; leads army against
Naseer Kh., 211, 212, 224, 227, 237,
238; receives Shujah, 241, 243; sur¬
prised by Sindhia, 251, 254, 256, 258,
262-63, 266, 276 278; recommends
release of Ala Singh to Shah, 281;
induces Shah to recognize Madhav
Rao as head of Maratha State, 282-
84, 304, 310-14, 316, 319-20; turns
against Shah Taimur, 326, 330, 349,
358, 367, 375**76, 381, 383; killed by
Taimur, 387
Shah Zaman proclaims himself King
of Afghanistan, is blinded by Mah-
mood, 386, 388
Shakir Kh., 126
Shal, see Quetta
Shalamar Garden, 48, 106, 113
Shamali Shahr, 81
Shamji, 218, 220
Shamli, 158, 317
Shamlu, see Abbas Quli Khan
Shamsher Bahadur, 176, 257
Shams-ud-Din, 103
Sharaf-ud-Din, 1
Sher Andaz Kh., 174, 184
Shergarh, 181, 233
Sher Kh. Saddozei, 2, 3, 78
Sher Md. Kh., 284
Sher Kh., 345
Shetaji Kharade, 235'
Shias, 42-3, 128, 240-41, 340-41
Shibarghan, 99, 319
Shikarpur, 210, 271, 354
Shiraz, 129
Shir Surkh, 27, 28, 31
Shivaliks, 190, 391
Shiv Nath, Diwan, 295
Sholapuri Begam, 104, 166
Shukrullah, Sufi, 105
Shujah Kh. Abdali, 356
Shu j a- ud - Daul ah, 153, 160, 175, 184,
228, 236; wazirship of Delhi offered’
273; Shah promises himj wazirship of
India, 240; wazirship conferred by
Marathas, 248-49, 254; informs Shah
of Bhau’s preparations, 255-57 261,
263, 282, 315, 345, 375-83
Shyam Singh, 197
*gfiS-g- 103 - 104 > l89 - i91 ’
Sidhwan, 152
Sidiq Beg, 196
Sikandar (s/o Ahmad Shah), 386, 388.
AHMAD SHAH DURRANI
P«r wrpkandatabad, 234, 244
"Sikhs, 57, 70, 73, 103, 106-07, 115, 135-
37, 141, 153, 137-95, 202, 205, 207,
216-17, 219-21, 224, 226-28, 265-66,
273-82, 285-87, 289-318, 320, 324, 340-
41, 344-46, 353, 361, 370-71, 373,
376-77, 380, 384, 388-94
Sinand, see Sirhind
Sindh, 40, 55, 209-11, 213, 335, 354,
356, 365-66, 373, 337
Sindhia, 122, 447
Sind Sagar Doab, 221, 288
Sirhind, 56-60, 68-71, 135, 145-50, 152,
155-57, 168-69, 187-90, 199-202, 226,
228, 254, 265, 276-78, 281
Sistan, 16, 83, 388
Sitpur, 79, 354
Siwi, 354
Sobha Singh Kanhaiya, 274, 308, 311
Sohdara, 46, 75, 104
Somnath, 337
Sonipat, 56, 156, 159, 185-86, 230, 250
Srinagar, 124, 125, 370, 373
Sufi Shukrullah, 105
Sukha Singh, of Mari Kambo, 103,
107
Sukh Jiwan, 92, 93, 101, 103,195; ousts
Khwaja Kichak from Kashmir,
secures the government of Kashmir
from Alamgir II, 283; prepares to
meet Afghan army, 284; put to
death, 285, 340
Sulaiman, 4
Suleman Hills, 326, 369
Suleman alias Zirak, 1
Suleman Mirza, Prince, 325-27, 336,
356; proclaimed King in Kandahar,
386-87
Suleman Shah, see Mirza Sayyad
Muhammad
Sultanabad, 322
Sultan Ali Kh. Durrani, 105
Sultan Husen, 4
Sultan Kh. 151, 251
Sultan Khudakei, see Khuda Dad
Kh.
Sultan Muqarrab Kh., 46
Sultan Qaim Kh., 213
Sumner, 378
Sunam, 200-01
Sunnis, 243, 340-41
Suraiya Begam, see Mughlani Be-
gam.
Suraj Mai of Bharatpur, 154, 161;
negotiations with Ghazi-ud-Din,
170; refuses to hand over Nagar
Mall to Shah, 172; his bold letter
to Shah, 181-83, 232, 233, 236;
refuses to -ally with Shah, offers
shelter to Malhar Rao Holkar, etc.,
§L
243-245, 263-64, 282, 293, 298, 300,
344, 378
Surat Singh, Diwan, 51, 227, 302.
Sutlej, 56, 69, 70, 127, 152, 155, 196,
202-03, 219, 226, 262, 274-76, 287,
290, 292-93, 301, 304, 314, 317, 344,
346, 377, 383, 392
Swai Madho Singh, see Madho Singh.
Tabbas, 96, 321-22.
Tahmas Kh., 156-57, 191-92, 197, 202,
204-05 ; 278
Tahmasp, Shah, 1, 11
Taib, Mullah, 127
Taimur, Prince, 19, 88; appointed
governor of Herat, etc., 92, 124, 145;
Shah sends him to crush Adina
Beg Kh., 151, 168; marries Gauhar
Afroz Bano Begam, 169, 184-86;
appointed viceroy at Lahore, 187-
88; installed as viceroy of Pan jab,
189-94, 198, 201-04, 216, 221, 226,—
227, 238, 269; marries Gauhar Shad,
322; proclaimed viceroy and suc¬
cessor to Shah, 325-27, 334, 345,
355-56, 366, 368-70, 425; crowned
as King of Afghanistan, 387; dies,
388
Takiya Majnun, 132
Taleh Saeed Shah, Prince, appointed
governor of Kashmir, 138
Tal Kishan Das, see Tilpat
Talapur, 314, 387
Taqi, see Muhammad Taqi Kh. Shi-
razi
Taraori, 186, 229, 230, 250
Tara Singh of Muzang, 308
Tara Singh Ghaiba, 206, ransacks Jul-
lundur Doab, 286
Tarin (father of Abdal), 1
Tarnak, 271.
Tash-qurghan, 335
Taxila, 368
Tegh Bahadur, Guru, 390-91
Tehran, 23, 129
Tek Chand, 294
Teri, 233
Thamm Sahib, Gurdwara at Kartar-
pur, 188. 197
Thanesar, 200, 229
Thatta, 44, 63, 187, 364, 373
Tibat, 353
Tihara, 152
Tilakpur, 136
Tilpat, 170
Tilla Gorakhnath, 46
Tiloi, 253.
Toba Maruf, 326,
Toon, 96c
Topkhana, 271.
.MIMS/*,
INDEX
Tosa Maidan, 285
Tukoji Iiolkar, 2.16, .218; crosses
Indris and penetrates to Peshawar,
219-20, 233
Turan, 18, 182, 328
’ Turanis, 51
Turbat-i-Haidari, 97
Turbat-i-Sheikh Jam, 87, 97, 321
Turkistan, 388
Turkey, 16
Turkman (Turcoman), 339
Ubaid Mirza, see Ubaidulla
Ubaidullah, 77
Ubedullah Kh., Kashmiri, 218
Ubedullah Kh., Khwaja, takes secret
letters of Mughlani Begam to Shah
and returns with Mullah Aman
Kh.., 143-44; replaced by Sayyad
Jamil-ud-D'in, 145-46; honours
Adina Beg, 146-47; goes to Qanda-
har to see Shah, 148-49; re-instat¬
ed as governor of Lahore, 150, 152,
190; defeated by Sikhs, 198, 266, 274,
279; killed, 294
Uch, 126
Umar, 1, 3.
Umar Shaikh, of Chamkanni,, 28, 74,
329
Umarzeis, 83
Umda Begam, 104, 124, 145-46, 148,
160; is married to Ghazi-ud-Din.
169
Urmar Tanda, 290
Usman Kh. Kasuri, 289
Uwais Qarani, 319
Uzbaks, 22, 37, 99, 205, 278, 338
Vairowal, 57, 152, 312
Vansittart, 374-76,
Verelest, 378-83.
Vishwas Kao, 245, 256-57; shot dead,
258, 262
Vithal Sadashiv, 256
Wadbhag Singh, 188, 196-97
Wadehra Jan Md, Kh., 127
Wadehra Md. Maruf, 127
Wais, see Mir Wais
Walidad Kh. 55
Waniyeke, 103
Wazfrabad, 59, 104, 162-63, 205, 223,
Wazir Kh. of Sirhind, 345, 392
Yadavindra Singh, Maharaja, 372
Yahiya Kh., 41; captured by Shah
Nawaz Kh. and interned, 42; releas¬
ed by Kasur chiefs, arrives at
Delhi,, 47, 51
Yamini, 382
Yaqub AH Kh., 155, 159, 184; as
governor of Delhi, 232, forced by
Marathas to evacuate Delhi, 245;
ordered by Shah to conclude peace
treaty with Peshwa, 262-63, 282,
287, 314, 316
Yaqub Kh., 266
Yaqut Kh. Khwaja-sara, 114; killed
in battle, 115
Yazd, 20, 97
Yazdan Bakhsh, 323
Yuechi, 337
Yunus Kh. Ghalzei, 17
Yusaf Ali, General, regent of Shah
Kukh, 82-87
Yusaf All Kh., 321, 351
Yusuf Kh., 202
Yusafzeis, 38, 44, 83
Zabardast Kh. (Ali Mardan Kh.), 38,
50
Zabita Kh., governor of Sirhind, 316-
.17
Zafarwal, 189
Zafran Kh., 164, 198.
Zahid Kh. Saddozei, 55, 78. 79, 126
Zainab, 17
Zain Kh. 227, 276-79; governor of
Sirhind, 281; defeated" by Sikhs,
285, 288, 291; killed in battle, 292-
93, 442
Zakriya Kh. Nawab, 29, 41, 52, 62,
73, 78, 139, 143, 162, 167, 280
Zal Begh Kh. Popalzei, 268-69, 325,
336
Zaman Kh. see Shah Zaman.
Zaman Kh. Koortchee-bashi, 9
Zaman Kh. Saddozei, 5, 9-10, 15
Zamindawar, 17
Zand, 97
Zarghuna Alikozei, gives birth to
Ahmad Shah Durrani at Multan,
15
Zia-ud-Daulah, 154-55
Zilla Kh., 48
Zinat Mahal. 260, 261, 263, 264, 377
Zirak alias Suleman, 1
Zuhra Begam, see Gauhar Afroz
Bano Begam
Zulfiqar Jang (Saadat Kh.), 63, 65
Zulfiqar Kh. Saddozei, 10-17, 71.
miSTffy
<si.
A LIST OF BOOKS AND PAPERS
BY DR. GANDA SINGH
(V)
A^^ud--T>in. A note saying that Faqir Nur-ud-Din, brother of Faqir
Aziz~ud~Din, was also a State Physician and Head of the Depart¬
ment of Medical Services (Unani System) in addition to other
duties. The Tribune, February 25, 1958.
Swami Keshwananda, (September 1, 1955). Sivami Keshwananda Abhi~
nandan Grantha 9 March, 1958.
PANJABI
BOOKS
Sikhi Prachar (Spread of Sikhism). Published by the author (Abadan,
Persian Gulf), August, 1928.
Sikh Itihds (History of the Sikhs). Khalsa Tract Society, Amritsar,
April-May, 1932 [Tract No. 857-59],
Kujh Ku Purdtan Sikh Itihdsik Patre. Pub. Author, Amritsar, 1937.
Contains translations of portions dealing with the Sikhs from the
original Persian of:
Dahistan-i-Mazahib by Mohsin Fani
Tuzk-i-Jehdngiri by Jahangir
Siyar-ul-Mutakherin by Ghulan Hussain Khan
Jameh-ut-Tawarikh by Qazi Faqir Muhammad
Khuldsa- tur'Fawdrlkh by Sujan Rai Bhandari.
Early Records of British India by J. T. Wheeler (English).
Baintan Sher Singh Kian by NihaL Singh, edited and annotated.
Amritsar, February, 1938; also the Phulwari, Lahore.
Mahdnvjd Kaum Mall Bahadur . Khalsa College, Amritsar, 1942.
Sarddr Sham Singh AtariuxUd. Pub. Author, Amritsar, 1942; Master
Karam Singh Gangawala, Amritsar, 1948.
Kukidn di Vithid (A History of the Kukas or Namdharis). Pub. Author,
Amritsar, 1944, 1946.
Sikh Ithas Bare. Pub. Author, Amritsar, 1942, 1946. Contains histori¬
cal papers on:
Guru Arjan’s Martyr dom
A Hukam Namah of Guru Gobind Singh
Hie Last days of Guru Gobind Singh
The real name of Baba Banda
Nadir Shah’s invasion of India
The First Holocaust ( Ghalughdm) of 1746
An Act of Bravery by Ran jit Singh
The Lion of the Panjab: Maharaja Ranjit Singh
The Meeting of Ropar between Maharaja Ranjit Singh and Lord
William Bentinck
The deaths' of Maharaja Kharak Singh and Kanwar Nau-Nihal
Singh
Some New Light on the Treaty of Bharowal
Maharani Jind Kaur
Three Letters of Maharaja Duleep Singh
Letters of Guru Gobind Singh and Chhatrayati Shivaji
\\
)}j <vi)
0? ikh mKas Wal The Panj Darya, Lahore, 1946. Contains historical
papers on:
The Land of the Five Rivers
History of the Sikhs
Tiie Martyrs' Week
Ten so-called Successors of Guru Gobind Singh
Banda Singh Bahadur
The Maratha-Sikh Treaty of 1785
Maharaja Ranjit Singh as Seen by Others
The Sons of Maharaja Kanjit Singh
Steel Helmet and the Sikhs
A Pledge of the Sikh Army, 1845
A Bibliography of Sikh History
Pa?ijdb Ditin Waran [Ballads of the Panjab]. Pub. Author, Amritsar,
1546. Contains the following ballads:
Aggra’s Var Haqiqat Rai
Daya Singh’s Jtdteh Ntimd
Ram Dayal's Sang Ntima Sardar Han Singh
Kadar Yar’s Var Sardar Hari Singh
Nihal Singh, Baintdn Sher Singh KMn
Shah Muhammad, Angrezan te Singhtin di Larai
Kahan Singh, Jang Ntima Lahaur
Matak, Jang Singhtin te Farangz&n da,
Sidh Jin and Mir Lagam’s Jattan Dian Varan
Jang Nama Lahaur [Kahan Singh of Banga], edited, annotated. Amrit¬
sar, 1946.
Angrezan te Singhtin di Lami [Shah Muhammad], edited and anno¬
tated. Amritsar, 1946.
Sikh Itihasik Yadgaran. Sikh History Society, Amritsar, 1950.
Var Amritsar ki by Darshan, edited and annotated. Sikh History
Society, Amritsar, 1951.
Amur Nama , translated into Panjabi. Sikh History Society, Amritsar/
Patiala, 1953.
Afghanistan vich Ik Mahina . Sikh History Society, Amritsar/Patiala,
1954.
Panjab utte Angrezan da Qabza. Panjabi Sahit Akademi, Ludhiana,
1955, 1957.
Afghanistan da Safar. Prakash and Coy., New Delhi, 1958.
Mahatma Yisu Masih da Pahari uppar Updesh. Patiala, 1958.
PAPERS
Sanu Khich hai Ik Mahbub-wali [A poem]. The Pritam, Montgomery,
March, 1925.
Sikh Dharmik te Itihasik Sahitya (A Bibliography of Sikh Religion
and History). Sikh Itihas Number of the Phulwari , Amritsar,
December 1929-January 1930.
Maharaja Kharak Singh te Kamuar Nau~Nihal Singh di Maut de Akkhin
Ditthe Hal. The Phulwari , Sikh Itihas Number, December 1929,
January 1930.
MINlSr^
(vii)
tfnsar Sagar da Nirankari Malah; Guru Nanak. The Ran jit Nigara,
Lahore, Nov. 1930; the Gur Sewak, Nov., 1940.
Sikh Itihas di Surt Lavo, The Phulwari, Katik-Maghr, 1987 Bk.,
November, 1930.
Sikh Itihas, Sardar Karam Singh te Sada Farz . The Phulwari, Katik-
Maghar, 1987 Bk., November, 1930.
Jiwan Charitur Sardar Karam Singh Historian. The Phulwari, Magh-
Poh, 1987 Bk., December, 1930.
Maharaja Ranjit Singh Nal Lord William Bentinck di Mulaqat . The
Phulwari, Poh-Magh., 1987 Bk., January, 1931.
Nanak Panthi, from the Dabistan-i~Mazahib. The Phulwari , Phagan-
Chet, 1987 Bk., March, 1931.
1831 di Ropar di Mxdaqat. The Rajit Nigara, Lahore, March, 1931.
Guru Arjan Sahib di Shahidi , translated from the Tuzk-i-Jahangiru
The Phulwari, May, 1931.
Sher~i~Panjab Maharaja Ranjit Singh. The Phulwari, Jeth-Har, 1988
Bk, June, }931.
Maharaja Ranjit Singh di Barsi di Thhik Tarikh. The Phulwari ,
Jeth-Har, 1988 Bk., June, 1931.
Hal Sikh Guruan, Baba Banda te Sikhan da, translated from the Siyar -
uUMutakherin. The Phulwari, Har-Sawan, 1988 Bk., July, 1931.
Nanak-Puj Banda de Qatal da Hal , translated from the Jameh-u~Ta-
warikh. The Phulwari, Sawan-Bhadon, 1988 Bk., August, 1931.
Vele di Gawahi from The Early Records of British India, by J. T.
Wheeler. The Phulwari, Sawan-Bhadon, 1988 Bk., August, 1931.
Khulasa-tu-Tawarikh, translated from the original Persian. Hie Phul¬
wari, Assuj-Katik, 1988 Bk., October, 1931.
Dasmesh Pita di Jiundi Jagdi Yadgar. The Phulwari, Vol. VI, No. 2,
December, 1931.
Swargvasi Bawa Budh Singh ji. Hie Phulwari, Lahore, Maghar-Pph,
1988 Bk., December, 1931.
Pahla Ghalughara. Hie Khalsa Samachar, Amritsar; the Phulwari,
Lahore.
Maharaja Ranjit Singh di Santan sambandhi ghalat bianian di tar did.
Reprinted from the Khalsa Samachar . Amritsar, May 5, 1932.
Suramgati da Ik Saha. The Phidwari, January 1933; the Chandan, Mand-
lay, June 13, 1939; the Amrit, Amritsar, March, 1942.
B hai Bota Singh di Shahidi. The Amrit, March, 1933.
Shahidi Sata. Khalsa Tract Society, Amritsar, Tract No. 883, July, 1933.
Maharaja Ranjit. Singh di Santan. Khalsa Tract Society, Amritsar, Tract
No. 895, January-February, 1934.
Guru Gobind Singh Dakhan Nwi Kion Gaye. Hie Sikh Sewak, Amrit- *
sar, January 11, 1935.
Banda Bahadur da Asli Nam . Banda Singh Si, Gurbaksh Singh Nahin.
The Prabhat, Amritsar, July, 1936; the Akali Patrika, July 12, 1936.
Maharaja Kaura Mall Bahadur. The Likhari, Amritsar, May-September,
1937.
Sikh Itihas. The Phulwari, Lahore, January, 1928; Hie Khalsa te Khalsa
Advocate, Amritsar, January 25, 1938.
Maharaja Gwoharan Singh (alias Ripudaman Singh) di Azadi. The
Desh Darpan, Calcutta, July 9, 1938. *■
Dr. Jag jit Singh ji Tarn Tar an dian Itihasik Bhullan. . February 26,
1939.
Maharaja Dalip Singh dian Do Chitthian » The Panj Darya, Lahore,
November, 1939.
Sikh Itihasah Chitravall. The Khalsa te Khalsa Advocate 3 Amritsar,
November 26, 1939.
Aggre di Var Haqiqat Rai. The Korml Sansar, Amritsar, January and
February, 1940.
Sikh te Lohe de Khod. The Klialsa te Khalsa Advocate, Amritsar, April
20, 1840; the Khalsa Sewak, Amritsar, April 21, 1940; the Gur Sewak,
Amritsar, April, 1940; Sacha Sajjan Amritsar, April 24, May 1, 1940.
Tarike do>, Nishana Ik. Hie Suraj, May, 1940.
Guru Govind Singh da Ik Hukam Nama. The Panj Darya, Lahore, Octo¬
ber, 1940.
Sikh ate Shastar Abhias. The Fateh, Lahore, November 7, 1940.
Guru Nanai c Sahib ji da Parchar-dhang. The Gur Sewak, Amritsar,
November, 1940.
Panj Daryawan da Des. The Panj Darya, Lahore, February, 1941.
Itihas te Itihas di Khoj de Yatan. The Sikh Mission, Hapur, June, 1941.
Guru Govind Singh de Akhri Din. The Pan) Darya, Lahore, Sept., 1942.
Guru Sahiban Dian Farzi Taswiran. The Khalsa Advocate, Amritsar,
August 28, 1943.
Sri Darbar Sahib di Parkarma. The Panj Darya, Lahore, September,
1943.
Guru Govindl Singh de Das Akhauti Ja~nishin. The Panj Darya, Lahore,
August-October, 1943.
Sikh Itihas. The Khalsa Advocate, Amritsar, February 12, 1944.
Kujh Khuni Patre . The Punjabi Duniya, Patiala, March, 1950.
Nanak Shahi te Khalsa Sammat. The Pi'akash, Patiala.
Ik Itihasak Ghatnavali. The Itihasik Pattar , Vol. 1, pt. IV, 1950.
Afghanistan de Hindu Sikh. The Parkash , Patiala* November 1, 1952.
Patiala Union vich Sahit-rachna. The Jiwan Priti, Patiala. May, 1953.
Maharani Jind Kaur dian Tinn Chitthian. The Khalsa Samachar, Amrit¬
sar No. 54/32, June 25, 1953.
Baintan Ranjit Singh kian by Jafar Beg, edited with an Introduction.
The Panjabi Duniya, Patiala, June, 1952.
Sada Qaumi Git. Panjabi translation by Pritam Singh Chahil of the
‘National Anthem of India” The Jiwan Preety, Patiala, October,
1957,
1857 da ghadar ate Sikh. (“Indian Mutiny of 1857 and the Sikhs”,
translated into Panjabi by Bhan Singh). Gurmat Prakash, Amritsar/
Vol. I, No, 7, September, 1957, pp. 61-72; Vol. H, No. 1, February.
1958,
URDU AND PERSIAN
BOOKS
Inkishaj-i~Haqiqat, Sikh Tract Society, Lahore, Tract No. 67 for May,
June and July, 1926.
Tazkirah-i~Baba Banda Singh Shahid , translated from English by Prof.
Mohan Singh. Sikh Youth League, Amritsar, June, 1934.
Mirat~u-Tawankh~i~Sikhan, Fahrist-i-NusakhA-Khatti-o-Matbiuit Farsi -
o-Urdu Mutaliqa Tawarikh-i-Sikhan: A List of Persian and Urdu
Manuscripts and Books on the Sikhs. Khalsa College, Amritsar,
January, 1934.
Diwan~i~Nanak Shah: Persian Translation of the Sukhmani of Guru
Arjun (transcribed from the copy in the Bibliotheque Nationale,
Paris, by Sardar Umrao Singh Sher-Gil Majithia), edited and pub¬
lished. Amritsar, August, 1935.
Makhiz-i~Tawcmkh-i~Sikhan, Vol. 1 (Guru period). Sikh History So¬
ciety, Amritsar, 1949. J
Contains excerpts, dealing with the Sikhs, from
Akbar»Nama by Abul Fazl,
Tuzk~i~Jahangiri <
Dabistan-i-Mazahib by Mohsin Fani
A Patta of the land at Kartarpur (Jullundur)
Khulasa~tu~Tawarikh by Sujan Rax Bhandari
Namah~i~Gu.ru Gobind Singh
Zafarnama-i- Guru Gobind Singh
Ahkam-i-Alamgiri , Inayatullah Ismi
Tarikh-i-Muazzam Shah by Maulavi Abdul Rasul f
Akhbarat~i~Dairbar~i~Muallah
Chahar Gulshan by Chatarman
Sarb Loh Granth
Mukhtisar Naimk Shahi Jantri: A book of Comparative Chronological
Tables of the Nanak Shahi, the Khalsa, the Bikrami, the Chrisb'an,
the Hijri, the Shaka and the Fasli eras from 1469 to 1949 A.D.
Sikh History Society, Amritsar, 1949.
Aiuraq-i-Prishan-i-Tawarikh-i-Panjab, edited and annotated. Sikh His¬
tory Society, Amritsar, January, 1949.
Contains:
(i) Battle of Multan, the Conquest of Peshawar and Kashmir and
the Annexation of Mankera by Maharaja Ranjit Singh;
(ii) Account of the Panjab from after the murder of Dhian Singh
up to the Hazara Affair.
Shah Namah-i-Ranjit Singh by Maulavi Ahmad Yar, edited. Sikh His¬
tory Society, Amritsar, 1951.
PAPERS
Guru Gobind Singh ka Dakkan fca Safar, 1937.
Sikh aur Fauladi Khod. The Ajit, Amritsar, April 27, 1940; the Sacha
Sajjan, Amritsar, May 1, 1940.
Miw/sr^
(*)
vr 't,ae-khori ka Sawal: Sikh Rahit men koi Tabdili nahin ki ja sakti. The
A jit, Amritsar, August 29, 1943.
Guru Gobind Singh ke Akhri Ay yam. The A jit, Amritsar, Decern-
ber 28, 1943.
Banda Singh Bahadur ke Mutalliq* Chand El c Aham Eaten, The Sher-i-
Panjab, Lahore, January 30, 1944.
Sikkhon ki Guzashta ChaUs-sala T&rtkh . The Sher-i-Panjab, Lahore,
March 25, 1945.
Akhhar-i~Darbar4-Mualla men Sikhon ka Zikar . The ' Sher-i-Panjab,
Lahore, April 13, 1945.
Maharaja Dalip Singh ka Khandan . The Ajit, Lahore, September 7, f.
1948,
Panjab ka Ghahighara . The Sher-i~Bhamt., .Amritsar, 1948.
Aurangzeb ke Nam Gum Gobind Singh ji ka ek Tarikhl Khat The ||
Sher~i-Bharat, Amritsar, January 4, 1948. -i
Foreword to Ram Prasad BismaFs translation of S ukhmani Sahib . m
September, 1953.
HINDI
BOOKS
Baisakhi ka Khalsa Sandesh . Khalsa Pracharak Jatha, Delhi, April, 1930.
Guru Gobind Singh ke Sahibzadon ke Jiwan Brittant. Khalsa Pracharak
Jatha, Delhi, December 1930.
MIXED
A Bibliography of Sikh History .
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