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Jerome KL:Example/infobox

Comparison of projected maize yield with actual yields^[1]

Year	WB projection in tonnes 1977 ^[A]	Actual production in tonnes	WB projected yield per ha (kg) ^[B]	Actual yield per ha (kg)
1979	810	0	0	0
1980	2,890	0	0	0
1981	5,900	560	2,000	2,800 ^[C]
1982	7,700	1,736	2,300	3,100
1983	8,300	1,840	2,300 ^[D]	2,300
1984	8,410	1,870	2,500	1,700
1985	8,550	2,040	2,850	1,700
1986	8,480	850	3,400	1,700
1987	8,150	1,700	3,600	1,700
1988	7,780	no figures	3,700	no figures
1989	7,620	1,942	3,700	1,500
1990 ^[E]	7620	0	3,700	0
1991 ^[F]	7,620	216	3,700	1,080
1992^[F]	7,620	216	3,700	1,080
1993 ^[G]	7,620	0	3,700	0
1994-2005 ^[H]	7,620	0	3,700	0

^A All projections are derived from the World Bank appraisal report 1977.

^B Maize was supposed to be intercropped with cowpeas, and this would increase the value of the 'maize' harvest with 50%. The planting of cowpeas never materialized. It was also planned that the tenants would grow groundnuts, a high value crop, but this turned out not to be possible. This implies that the projected maize figures should be 50% higher to make them fully comparable with the actual yields.

^C Contrary to the cotton records, the maize production figures are considered to be unreliable. This applies certainly to the 1982 and 1983 statistics, but even the figures for the years after 1983 are considered to be inflated. Vainio-Matilla estimates the yields per ha of most farmers below 600 kgs ha ^[2]

^D Tenants were to harvest 2,000 kgs in their first year, 2,500 in their second, 2,800 in their third, 3,100 in their fourth, 3,400 in their fifth and in their sixth and after 3,700. Many new settlers arrived in this period and they grew their first maize crop in this year and started thus with a yield of 2,000kgs. This resulted in the same average projection as the previous year.

^E In 1989 the cropping pattern at Bura was in disarray and in order to reorganize planting, one maize crop was skipped.

^F In this maize season there was a serious water problem.

^G All government funds were frozen.

^H The project had collapsed (see below) and no maize was grown.

Conflicts between the Tana Orma and other ethnical groups

Especially since the collapse of the Somali state in the nineties, regularly there were conflicts between the Orma, Wardey and Somali in Tana River County. In 2012-13 serious conflicts broke out between the Pokomo and Orma resulting in almost 200 dead people. ^[3] The cause of the conflicts were Orma people encroaching on the Pokomo agricultural area. Two factors have contributed to the transformation of the previous fairly harmonious relationship of the two into very antagonistic conflicts. ^[4] First the population increase has caused pressure on the limited resources. Secondly the Orma have been pushed southwards by Wardey and Somali people. Since these groups are often better armed, the Orma did not have an alternative but to move southwards, which brought them into conflict with the Pokomo. ^[5]

Wardey

Bura Irrigation and Settlement Project
Bura Irrigation and Settlement Project
Commercial?	No
Type of project	Irrigation Project (6,700 ha)
Products	Mainly cotton and maize
Location	Tana River County
Founder	National Irrigation Board
Country	Kenya
Budget	766 million Kshs (development cost in 1977)
Status	Operational under National Irrigation Board

The Wardey are a Somali speaking community whom settled in Tana River District after the Independence of Kenya and especially after 1971. The majority of them are pastoralists and almost all are muslims. In 2019 they numbered 74,146.

Background

In the early 19th century the Oromo (Orma) people, apart from large areas in Ethiopia, inhabitated almost all of Jubaland, Northern and Eastern Kenya and Western Somalia. These people were then known as the Warra Daya.^[6] After bloody conflicts in the nineteenth century they were dislodged from power by the Somali, particularly the Ogaden.^[7] A small number of the Orma escaped the slaughter, crossed the Tana River and settled in Tana River District and are nowadays known as the Tana Orma. Huge numbers of the Orma, however, died through the sword and many were captured and sold as slaves or were ‘clientized’ by the Somali. ^[8] In fact these clientized Orma were serfs and became known as the Wardey. They could not leave their Somali masters without their consent. Often the clientized Orma were allowed to live in their own manyattas as long as they adhered to paying tribute and accepted symbolic submission, which included that an Orma women should always have their first sexual intercourse with a Somali. Many Orma women became concubines of the Somali. Some were even married. As a result of this both the Wardey and Somali in this area are often a mixture of Orma and Somali blood. ^[9] Officially the British were opposed to slavery and thus serfdom, but in practice it had taken few steps to force the Somali to abolish it in the 19th century. ^[10] When Kenya became a protectorate the discussion on slavery resurfaced. With some pressure of the Britisch the Somali agreed to the Somali-Galla agreement, which stated that the clientized Orma could return to their brothers on the West bank of the Tana, provided they left half of their livestock with the Somali. ^[11] A good number of the enslaved Orma joined their Orma fellows, but since the British had limited power they could not guarantee the return of all the Wardey and many remained in Jubaland and away from the Tana river the interior of Northern Eastern Province. In 1939 the Somali refuted the Somali – Galla agreement and no clientized Orma crossed the river till after Independence. In the early seventies they were officially invited by Kenyatta and large numbers entered into Tana River. ^[12] Initially all these back-migrants were called Wardey to distinguish them from the original Orma. After independence the back-migrants of the twenties and thirties of the 20th century were also called Orma and only the once who returned after independence are called Wardey. Whereas the early back-migrants still spoke the Orma language, the back-migrants after independence seldomly spoke the Orma language and being Somali speaking people became one of their main characteristics.

Wardey livelihood and culture

In 2019, for the first time the Wardey were counted as a sub-group of the Orma in the Kenyan census. Their total count was established at 74,146. Although the Wardey are historically pastoralists, many of them engaged initially into cultivating and were, compared with the Orma, relatively poor as far as animals were concerned. ^[13] However, the animals of many Orma got decimated during the droughts of 1974-5 ^[14] and 1983-84. <Bennett, 1991: 76. </ref> Insecurity in Tana River District after the fall of the Barre government caused a further decrease of their animals. Since then the differences are marked less. All Wardey are muslims. Generally speaking their culture is a mixture of Orma and Somali customs.^[15]

Relationship with other ethnical groups

The relationship between the Orma and Wardey is complicated. Many Orma are of the opinion that a number of Wardey are in fact Somali who disguise themselves as Wardey so that they could enter into Tana river County. Sometimes the Orma have accused the Wardey of entering into their grazing area and pushing them southwards into Tana River and so bringing them into conflict with the Pokomo.^[16] This has resulted in violent clashes between the two groups. At the same time it is claimed that in the 1990s Orma politicians invited foreign pastoralists in order to win elections.^[17] As is the case with Orma, the Wardey have had many conflicts with the Pokomo in Tana River County.^[18] In the political arena regularly the Orma and Wardey have formed alliances to defeat Pokomo political candidates.^[19]

References

^ Ibid.
^ Dewar, annex I; 10 and Vainio-Mattila: 28.
^ Kirchner, 2013: i and 3)
^ Townsend, 1978).
^ Kirchner, 2013: 76 and 94-5.
^ Turnton, 1970:60. In the colonial literature the Warra Daya are called Galla.
^ Other parties were involved and also small pox played a part. The Somali, however, were the dominant force in these conflicts. See Turnton, 1970 and Schlee, 1992.
^ Schlee, 1992: 7-8. Schlee estimates 8000 Orma women and children were captured.
^ Schlee 1989: 43.
^ Turnton, 1970: 146-7, 160 and 221.
^ Turnton, 1970: 501-502 Controleer deze voetnoot.
^ Kelly, 1992:359 Kelly observed that the Orma increased in the period 1969-79 with 95% whereas other ethnical groups in Tana River District had in the same period a population growth of only 12 %.
^ Kirchner.
^ Ensminger, 1984: 103-105.
^ Kirchner,2013: 26.
^ Goldsmith, 2012.
^ Kirchner,1 en 26.
^ Kirchner describes this extensively.
^ Beja,2015. See also Daily Nation, 2013.

Bibliography

Beja, Patrick (2015), State in slumber as drums of war sound in Tana. The Standard of 16 August, 2015.
Bennett, M., Hamilton, P. and Harrison, M.(1991) Mid-term review of the Bura fuelwood project, phase II. A final report for FINNIDA
Daily Nation (2013) Report reveals Tana strife causes. Daily Nation, 18 July 2013.
Darroch, Mahomey, Sharpe, et al (1928), Political Record Book Garissa and Tana River District. Nairobi: KNA.
Goldsmith, P. (2012),Tana Delta clashes do not fit the farmer-herder competition for resources narrative. The East African, 15 September, 2012.
Ensminger, J. (1984) Political Economy Among the Pastoral Galole Orma: The Effects of Market Integration. Dissertation: Evanston, Illinois.
Kenya National Bureau of Statistics (2019), 2019 Kenya Population and Housing Census.
Kelly, H. (1992), The Pastoral Orma of Kenya. PhD University of California (Los Angeles).
Kelly, H. (1990), Commercialization, sedentarization, economic diversification and changing property relations among Orma pastoralists of Kenya: some possible target issues for future research. In 'Property, poverty and people: changing rights in property and problems of pastoral development' by Baxter, P.W.T. and Hogg, R.
Kirchner, K (2012), Conflicts and Politics in the Tana Delta, Kenya. Leiden: Africa Study Centre.
Lewis, I.M. (1965), A Modern History of Somaliland; from Nation to State. London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson.
Rowlands, J.S.S. (1955), An Outline of Tana River History. Mimeo.
Schlee, Günther (1989), Identities on the move; clanship and pastoralism in Northern Kenya. Machester: Manchester University Press.
Schlee, Günther (1992), Who are the Tana Orma? The problem of their identification in a wider Oromo framework (1992). Universität of Bielefeld, Working Paper 170.
Townsend, N. (1978), Biased symbiosis on Tana River, in W. Weisleder (ed.), The Nomadic Alternative. The Hague: 289-295.
Turton, E.R. (1970), The Pastoral Tribes of Northern Kenya 1800 – 1916. Thesis University of London.
Turton, E.R. (1975), Bantu, Galla and Somali Migrations in the Horn of Africa: a reassessment of the Juba/Tana area. Journal of Africa History, 519-535.
Unknown (1932), Telemugger Annual Report.
Unknown (1933), Telemugger Annual Report.

External links

[1] Ibid.

[2] Dewar, annex I; 10 and Vainio-Mattila: 28.

[3] Kirchner, 2013: i and 3)

[4] Townsend, 1978).

[5] Kirchner, 2013: 76 and 94-5.

[6] Turnton, 1970:60. In the colonial literature the Warra Daya are called Galla.

[7] Other parties were involved and also small pox played a part. The Somali, however, were the dominant force in these conflicts. See Turnton, 1970 and Schlee, 1992.

[8] Schlee, 1992: 7-8. Schlee estimates 8000 Orma women and children were captured.

[9] Schlee 1989: 43.

[10] Turnton, 1970: 146-7, 160 and 221.

[11] Turnton, 1970: 501-502 Controleer deze voetnoot.

[12] Kelly, 1992:359 Kelly observed that the Orma increased in the period 1969-79 with 95% whereas other ethnical groups in Tana River District had in the same period a population growth of only 12 %.

[13] Kirchner.

[14] Ensminger, 1984: 103-105.

[15] Kirchner,2013: 26.

[16] Goldsmith, 2012.

[17] Kirchner,1 en 26.

[18] Kirchner describes this extensively.

[19] Beja,2015. See also Daily Nation, 2013.

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 ==Background==
-In the early 19th century the Oromo (Orma) people, apart from large areas in Ethiopia,  inhabitated almost all of Jubaland, Northern and Eastern Kenya and Western Somalia. These people were then known as the Warra Daya.<ref> Turnton, 1970:60.  In the colonial literature the Warra Daya are called Galla. </ref> After  bloody conflicts in the nineteenth century they were dislodged from power by the Somali, particularly the Ogaden.<ref> Other parties were involved and also small pox played a part. The Somali, however, were the dominant force in these conflicts. See Turnton, 1970 and Schlee, 1992. </ref> A  small number of the Orma escaped the slaughter, crossed the Tana River and settled in Tana River District and are nowadays known as the [[Tana Orma]]. Huge numbers of the Orma, however, died through the sword and many were captured and sold as slaves or were ‘clientized’ by the Somali. <ref>Schlee, 1992: 7-8. Schlee estimates 8000 Orma women and children were captured.</ref> In fact these clientized Orma were serfs and became known as the Wardey. They could not leave their Somali masters without their consent. Often the clientized Orma were allowed to live in their own manyattas as long as they adhered to paying tribute and accepted symbolic submission, which included that an Orma women should always have their first sexual intercourse with a Somali. Many Orma women became concubines of the Somali. Some were even married. As a result of this both the Wardey and Somali in this area are often a mixture of Orma and Somali blood. <ref>Schlee 1989: 43. </ref>
+In the early 19th century the Oromo (Orma) people, apart from large areas in Ethiopia,  inhabitated almost all of Jubaland, Northern and Eastern Kenya and Western Somalia. These people were then known as the Warra Daya.<ref> Turnton, 1970:60.  In the colonial literature the Warra Daya are called Galla. </ref> After  bloody conflicts in the nineteenth century they were dislodged from power by the Somali, particularly the Ogaden.<ref> Other parties were involved and also small pox played a part. The Somali, however, were the dominant force in these conflicts. See Turnton, 1970 and Schlee, 1992. </ref> A  small number of the Orma escaped the slaughter, crossed the Tana River and settled in Tana River District and are nowadays known as the [[Tana Orma people|Tana Orma]]. Huge numbers of the Orma, however, died through the sword and many were captured and sold as slaves or were ‘clientized’ by the Somali. <ref>Schlee, 1992: 7-8. Schlee estimates 8000 Orma women and children were captured.</ref> In fact these clientized Orma were serfs and became known as the Wardey. They could not leave their Somali masters without their consent. Often the clientized Orma were allowed to live in their own manyattas as long as they adhered to paying tribute and accepted symbolic submission, which included that an Orma women should always have their first sexual intercourse with a Somali. Many Orma women became concubines of the Somali. Some were even married. As a result of this both the Wardey and Somali in this area are often a mixture of Orma and Somali blood. <ref>Schlee 1989: 43. </ref>
 Officially the British were opposed to slavery and thus serfdom, but in practice it had taken few steps to force the Somali to abolish it in the 19th century. <ref>Turnton, 1970: 146-7, 160 and 221. </ref> When Kenya became a protectorate the discussion on slavery resurfaced. With some pressure of the Britisch the Somali agreed to the Somali-Galla agreement, which stated that the clientized Orma could return to their brothers on the West bank of the Tana, provided they left half of their livestock with the Somali. <ref>Turnton, 1970: 501-502 Controleer deze voetnoot.</ref> A good number of the enslaved Orma joined their Orma fellows, but since the British had limited power they could not guarantee the return of all the Wardey and many remained in Jubaland and away from the Tana river the interior of Northern Eastern Province. In 1939 the Somali refuted the Somali – Galla agreement and no clientized Orma crossed the river till after Independence. In the early seventies they were officially invited by Kenyatta and large numbers entered into Tana River. <ref> Kelly, 1992:359 Kelly observed that the Orma increased in the period 1969-79 with 95% whereas other ethnical groups in Tana River District had in the same period a population growth of only 12 %. </ref>  Initially all these back-migrants were called Wardey to distinguish them from the original Orma. After independence the back-migrants of the twenties and thirties of the 20th century were also called Orma and only the once who returned after independence are called Wardey. Whereas the early back-migrants still spoke the Orma language, the back-migrants after independence seldomly spoke the Orma language and being Somali speaking people became one of their main characteristics.